The main objective of this study is to analyze how public diplomacy implemented in peacekeeping operations by the Lithuanian army representatives influences country's image. The subject gives a rise to a problem which needs a deeper analysis: it is vital to find out if attention drawn to public diplomacy by the state officials is sufficient, to consider the benefit it brings to the image formation process. In pursuance of purposeful analysis it is necessary to define the limits of the research – this study does not analyze all peacekeeping operations but focuses only on the NATO-led international operations in which Lithuanian soldiers are employed, i.e. the operations of Afghanistan, Iraq and Kosovo. The Kosovo operation is already finished for us as the last squad was sent on 2009, but the participation in this mission still has an influence to Lithuania's image. This study presents the conception of public diplomacy, characterizes its main dimensions and instruments, analyzes the influence of public diplomacy on shaping an external and internal country image and reveals how the participation of Lithuanian army representatives in international peacekeeping operations contributes to the image of the state. The survey data comparisons and analysis of the results showed a public confidence in Lithuanian Armed Forces and support to country's membership in NATO. Although citizens witness the negative aspects of partaking in peacekeeping operations, i.e. an increase in spending of the state budget, threats to the employed relatives, psychological inconvenience emerging because of the separation of families for a half year etc., but all in all Lithuania's participation in NATO operations are supported and welcomed by the citizens. The results confirmed the hypothesis that Lithuanian peacekeepers are shaping a positive attitude to the country in the society, promote pride in their own state and contribute to national image building. The boom of public diplomacy was stimulated by innovations in communication technologies, political revolutions that induced many autocratic countries become democratic, and revolution in the arena of international relations, which showed that national image and reputation has become as important as military power or economic opportunities. An analysis of the benefits of public diplomacy in national image formation should encourage discussions about the use of this communication tool for the best effect in Lithuania's image building.
Die vorliegende Dissertation analysiert die Rolle der Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission - TRC) (tätig von 2002-2004), die in Sierra Leone nach Ende des mehrjährigen Bürgerkriegs auch speziell auf jugendliche Täter und Opfer fokussierte. Kriegsfolgen reflektieren häufig Kriegsursachen – die Rolle sozialer Disparitäten in Sierra Leone insbesondere die so wahrgenommene sozio-ökonomische Marginalisierung jüngerer Bevölkerungsgruppen in Verbindung mit schwacher Governance, Korruption und Nepotismus sowie neo-patrimonialer Tendenzen, ethnisch-perzipierte Trennlinien und daraus resultierende Spannungen und die Rolle internationaler wirtschaftlicher Rohstoff-Interessen in Sierra Leone erfordern eine spezifisch angepaßte Kompromißlösung, sowie Addressierung der hauptsächlichen Vorkriegs-Konfliktursachen. Die Dissertation identifiziert Ansatzpunkte der TRC in ihrer Beschäftigung mit diesen Gruppen, insbesondere Ex-Kindersoldaten, vor dem Hintergrund mehrdimensionaler gesamtgesellschaftlicher Rahmenbedingungen, und bewertet dabei die Erreichung der TRC-Zielsetzungen (öffentliche Auseinandersetzung mit vergangener Gewalt, Abbau von Trauma-Folgen und innergesellschaftlichen Spannungen, Reformanstoß/ Gewaltprävention) und ihres möglichen Beitrags zu Friedensstabilisierung. Die vorliegende Arbeit stützt ihre Ergebnisse hauptsächlich auf die Auswertung von mehr als 30 semi-strukturierten Gesprächen mit unterschiedlichen Repräsentanten gesellschaftlicher Gruppen, um insbesondere die Perzeptionen der in den Konflikt- und die Aufarbeitung gewaltsamer Vergangenheit Involvierten widerzuspiegeln und daraufhin die Effektivität der TRC in ihrer Arbeit mit Tätern und Opfern von Gewalt hinsichtlich Friedenskonsolidierung zu bemessen. Aus der Interview-basierten Überprüfung der acht Sub-Hypothesen mit Vertretern drei unterschiedlicher gesellschaftlicher Repräsentanten (Täter/Opfer; Strategische und Konfliktfähige Gruppen (SKOG); (ehemalige) Mitarbeiter der TRC und des SC) führt die Analyse zu einer gemischten Bilanz, und die Autorin unterstreicht, daß die TRC eine notwendige, allerdings nicht hinreichende Bedingung ist, um langfristige Friedensstabilisierung mit jugendlichen Tätern und Opfern zu initiieren. Empfehlungen für die Verbesserung bei der Einrichtung zukünftiger TRCs, insbesondere die verstärkte Verbindung mit bildungs-unterstützenden und sozio-ökonomischen Maßnahmen und Integration mit lokalen und kulturell-eigenständigen Aufarbeitungs- und Versöhnungsmechanismen und/ oder die Kooperation mit institutionalisierten DDR-Prozessen wird am Ende angemahnt und weitere Forschungslücken identifiziert. Die TRC in Sierra Leone ist ein neueres Beispiel für die Vielfältigkeit und Flexibilität dieses TRC-Instruments – T(R)Cs haben in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten erhebliche internationale Aufmerksamkeit als innovative Instrumente zur Aufarbeitung gewaltsamer Vergangenheit (meist innerhalb eines Staatsgefüges) erfahren. Ein komplementärer oder sequentieller Einsatz mit anderen – z.B. strafrechtlichen – Aufarbeitungsinstrumenten wie in Sierra Leone mit dem UN Special Court (SC) - sollte insbesondere dann, wenn strafrechtliche Aufarbeitung aufgrund überproportionaler Täterzahlen, minderjähriger Tätergruppen oder mangelhafter justizieller Kapazitäten oder mangelhaftem politischen Willen der Staatsführung nicht umfassend möglich ist, kontextabhängig und gründlich abgewägt werden, um mögliche Synergie-Effekte in Transitional Justice zu erreichen und nicht zu unterminieren. ; This dissertation analyses the role of the Sierra Leonean Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) (from 2002-2004), that focused on minors - perpetrators and victims - affected by the war in Sierra Leone. Consequences of war often reflect causes of war. The role of social and economic disparities in Sierra Leone combined with weak governance, patrimonial tendencies, corruption and nepotism, as well perpetuated by perceived ethnic differences as well as international interests in mineral resource exploitation in Sierra Leone required a contextualised solution, addressing root causes that fueled the war. The dissertation identifies entry points of the TRC in dealing with those groups, in particular ex-child combatants and other war-affected children considering a multi-dimensional framework and assesses the achievements of the original aims of the TRC (revealing of truth and public documentation and acknowledgment of the past violence, reduction of trauma and its consequences such as social tensions, initiation of reforms and prevention of violence) and the TRC's potential contribution to peacebuilding. The dissertation derives its information from the analysis of more than 30 semi-structured interviews with representatives of different social groups in Sierra Leone to reflect the perceptions of those that had been involved in transitional justice and thus to assess the effectiveness of the TRC in its work with perpetrators and victims aiming at a contribution to peacebuilding. The interviewees comprise representatives of war affected children including ex-child-combatants, Government, civil society, former staff of the TRC and Special Court. The author's conclusion highlights that the TRC is an important but not sufficient factor to initiate longterm peacebuilding through and with its work with youth perpetrators and victims. The final section of the document includes recommendations for future TRCs, to also focus on improved access to youth (vocational) skills' training and education, linking with DDR-processes as well as enhanced integration of local-traditional mechanisms of reconciliation and identifies further research gaps. The TRC and its complementary work with the Special Court in Sierra Leone prove to be crucial mechanisms in transitional justice, while the TRC can play a particular role dealing with special groups - i.e. youth victims and perpetrators, and provide support where an outgoing political regime is not capable or willing to implement comprehensive judicial follow up. Therefore, further analysis on how the TRC and Special Court mechanisms can be optimized in specific contexts to achieve syngergy effects instead of undermining each others impact, will remain a key topic within the theme of transitional justice.
The history of war and peacekeeping has little to say about languages or the people who work with them, yet a closer inspection shows that contacts between different languages and the presence of an interpreter were a routine experience during the peacekeeping and peace-building operations conducted by the UN and NATO in Bosnia-Herzegovina. This paper shows how political, strategic, tactical, and economic pressures affected the working lives of local civilians employed as interpreters/translators/linguists and the soldiers from the multinational force who served as military interpreters. In so doing, it argues that the history of interlingual communication deserves to be included in the history of conflict.
The article analyses how Brazilian state actions and policies regarding peace operations during the Presidency of Lula da Silva relate to the country's positions and attitudes towards United Nations peacekeeping. It argues that the inconsistencies identified on the Brazilian positions reflect the lack of a clear strategic horizon guiding the country's participation in UN peacekeeping, which consequentially hinders the country emergence as a great power. Adapted from the source document.
The new environment for peacebuilding is defined by new approaches to aid, a redefinition of the private sector to include hybrid forms of state and market activity, a new balance of emphasis between corporate social responsibility activities on the part of private-sector actors and the foundational importance of robust legal and regulatory frameworks, a structural boom in demand for natural resources, and the opportunity to have essential small and medium-sized private-sector activity catalysed by macro-finance investment in natural-resources sectors. It presents new risks as well as new opportunities and requires, above all, a new compact between the international donor community and governments in countries experiencing or emerging from conflict that seek to trade their way to sustainable development. (Survival / SWP)
In international peacekeeping operations (PKOs) some individuals are involved in sexual exploitation and abuse of the host country's population, buying of sexual services and trafficking of prostitutes. Far from being a new phenomenon it goes back a long time, and reports on the issue have increased over the years. All too frequently we read about peacekeepers visiting prostitutes, committing rape, or in other ways sexually exploiting host populations. Some peacekeepers are taking advantage of the power their work gives them, and becoming abusers rather than protectors in situations where the host population is powerless and in dire need of protection. Peacekeepers' abuse of their mandate is inflicting severe damage on host societies and often results in a number of unintended consequences such as human rights violations, rapid spread of HIV, decreased trust in the UN as well as other international aid agencies, and harmful changes to gender patterns. Women and children, both girls and boys, are especially exposed. Having already suffered from war and instability they risk becoming even more physically and mentally wounded. Peacekeeping operations risk doing more harm than good in African war zones, and if they cannot learn from previous mistakes maybe they ought to stay at home. We do not argue for the latter; rather, we point towards the urgent need to change explicit and implicit patterns and habits in international peacekeeping operations in relation to sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) in Africa. In this Policy Note we focus predominantly on military staff, but acknowledge that the civilian staff of PKOs, and international aid workers, are also implicated. On the other hand it should initially be pointed out that most PKO staff are not sexual exploiters and abusers.
At the heart of this study is the nexus between intercultural dialogue and religious peacebuilding in the policy-making of the European Union (EU). The paper attempts to analyse the possible benefits for political agencies of the EU from extending their cooperation with religious actors to the prevention and reconciliation of violent conflicts. Not only since 9/11 has a new emphasis been placed upon the relation of religion to political extremism and/or sectarian strife; in the context of increasingly heterogeneous societies, these questions are relevant for both domestic and foreign affairs. Concepts of intercultural and/or interreligious dialogue have partly been promoted in reaction to these concerns, though hitherto too often in lack of consistency. Following some general considerations on the role of religious actors in the changing patterns of religion, ethics and politics, this study thus investigates the EU's commitment to the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue. Special emphasis is placed on the role of the European People's Party in shaping the political agenda and on the proclamation of 2008 as European Year for Intercultural Dialogue. The concrete potential of interreligious dialogue for building peaceful societies is probed in the study of two post-conflict situations that include a dimension of religious identity. In the two cases of Lebanon and Bosnia-Herzegovina, the EU has played a particular role in the peace and stabilisation process. However, the expertise and potential of religious actors have not fully been tapped. On the basis of observations made on the ground, the authors suggest to develop a "religious-sensitive approach" to conflict prevention and peacebuilding, particularly in situations of sectarian strife with a religious dimension.
The peacebuilding operations (PBO) are all actions to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict. While peacebuilding actions occur before 1992, the existence of the peacebuilding operations had established and named by for-mer UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali in An Agenda for Peace. Thereafter, the various studies and practice identified the actors, objectives and needs of a PBO. Thus the peacebuilding includes not only security issues - which can be a police mission - but also issues of restoration of democracy, socio-economic development and trials. Even if the Security Council plays an important role in the peacebuilding, it is neither the only nor the main responsible. On the contrary, many United Nations bodies and international agencies involved in the differ-ent stages of the peacebuilding. To provide an adequate answer to the need for coordination and cooperation between these actors, the Peacebuilding Commission was established in 2005. It is the first UN body co-subsidiary: it depends on both the General Assembly and Security Council, which is not without difficult. It is not the main actor in the peacebuilding since the primary responsibility rests with each state in question. Despite the large number of conflicts around the world, the Commission currently has four countries on its agenda: Burundi, Sier-ra Leone, Guinea-Bissau and the Central African Republic. It may hope however that a growing number of States registers quickly near the new Commission to prevent a recurrence of conflict. ; Les opérations de consolidation de la paix (OCP) sont l'ensemble des actions menées en vue de définir et d'étayer les structures propres à raffermir la paix afin d'éviter une reprise des hostilités. Bien que des actions de consolidation se rencontrent avant 1992, l'existence des opérations de consolidation de la paix fut consta-tée et dénommée par l'ancien Secrétaire général des Nations unies Boutros Boutros-Ghali dans ...
China's attitude towards UNPKOs has experienced two shifts since the 1980s. One is about changing from non-financial-support, non-voting, and non-participation concerning peacekeeping to financial-support, voting, and participation in 1981. The other shift concerns China's gradual change in its attitude toward non-traditional peacekeeping over the 1990s. This paper provides a norm perspective on the issue. Specifically the author argues that China's attitude toward UNPKOs changed as a result of the change in international norm from prioritizing sovereignty to prioritizing human rights, and the diffusion of the norm of human rights into China through a variety of agents such as foreign policy elites and two special groups of PLA officers. (J Contemp China/GIGA)
In international peacekeeping operations (PKOs) some individuals are involved in sexual exploitation and abuse of the host country's population, buying of sexual services and trafficking of prostitutes. Far from being a new phenomenon it goes back a long time, and reports on the issue have increased over the years. All too frequently we read about peacekeepers visiting prostitutes, committing rape, or in other ways sexually exploiting host populations. Some peacekeepers are taking advantage of the power their work gives them, and becoming abusers rather than protectors in situations where the host population is powerless and in dire need of protection. Peacekeepers' abuse of their mandate is inflicting severe damage on host societies and often results in a number of unintended consequences such as human rights violations, rapid spread of HIV, decreased trust in the UN as well as other international aid agencies, and harmful changes to gender patterns. Women and children, both girls and boys, are especially exposed. Having already suffered from war and instability they risk becoming even more physically and mentally wounded. Peacekeeping operations risk doing more harm than good in African war zones, and if they cannot learn from previous mistakes maybe they ought to stay at home. We do not argue for the latter; rather, we point towards the urgent need to change explicit and implicit patterns and habits in international peacekeeping operations in relation to sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) in Africa. In this Policy Note we focus predominantly on military staff, but acknowledge that the civilian staff of PKOs, and international aid workers, are also implicated. On the other hand it should initially be pointed out that most PKO staff are not sexual exploiters and abusers.
This article looks at the evolution of sixty years of U.N. peacekeeping activity & the qualitative & quantitative changes to U.N. peacekeeping that have strained the organizations ability to maintain & administer missions. During the Cold War U.N. peacekeeping missions were designed to reduce tensions between member states. In the wake of the Cold War U.N. peacekeeping deployments have primarily been to interstate or regional conflicts. C. Goger
This paper explores the role of the international community in promoting liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. It identifies two key challenges to the sustainability of peacebuilding: insufficient opportunities for the social reintegration of ex-combatants and the escalation in social tensions as a result of the exploitative nature of international mining ventures operating through patrimonial networks. Despite the success of the UN peacekeeping mission to Sierra Leone, the institutionalisation of peacebuilding initiatives by the international community has not addressed the root causes of the conflict. Sierra Leone still lacks basic material capabilities to sustain peace and support development. This paper is based on UN documents, policy reports, relevant literature and field work interviews. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents alternative estimates for the demand for UN and non-UN peacekeeping. Generally, three-way fixed-effects models, which account for the country, year, and conflict region, provide the best estimates. The demand for UN peacekeeping is primarily influenced by the contributions of other nations (i.e., spillins), with spillin elasticity not significantly different from 1. For non-UN peacekeeping, both spillins and country-specific interests in the conflict region influence contributions. These peacekeepers' interests include trade and FDI concerns, along with proximity to the conflict. Peacekeeping missions appear partitioned: UN missions for global public benefits and non-UN missions for peacekeeper-specific benefits.
