Once Again on the Principles of Manning the Armed Forces
In: World Economy and International Relations, Issue 8, p. 113-119
ISSN: 2782-4330
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In: World Economy and International Relations, Issue 8, p. 113-119
ISSN: 2782-4330
In: Journal of political & military sociology, Volume 17, Issue 1, p. 65
ISSN: 0047-2697
In: Southeast Asian affairs, Volume 9, p. 149
ISSN: 0377-5437
In: The army quarterly and defence journal, Volume 109, p. 275-279
ISSN: 0004-2552
In: Foreign affairs, Volume 24, Issue 1, p. 262
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Whitehall papers 96
In: Military Affairs, Volume 20, Issue 2, p. 108
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Volume 36, Issue 4, p. 539-567
ISSN: 2161-7953
There are at present armed forces of the United States in England, Northern Ireland, Egypt, Australia, New Zealand, New Guinea, China, India, Iceland, in British possessions in the Western Hemisphere from Newfoundland to British Guiana, and in other friendly countries. There are troops of Great Britain or her dominions in Egypt, Iraq, Iran, and a few of them in the United States. English forces were a few months ago in Greece, and ours in the Dutch East Indies and Burma. There are troops of various exiled governments in England. The armed forces of Germany are in Italy, Libya, Hungary, and Rumania; and those of Japan in French Indo-China and Thailand. In every case mentioned, the visiting forces are in the foreign country by invitation, or at least with the consent, of its sovereign or government.
In: Official history of the Indian Armed Forces in the Second World War, 1939-45
In: [General war administration and organisation] [2]
In: Public administration review: PAR, Volume 15, Issue 3, p. 173
ISSN: 1540-6210
In: The Washington quarterly, Volume 9, p. 55-69
ISSN: 0163-660X, 0147-1465
Decline in the growth of defense spending, 1977-82; impact of political-military relations.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Volume 5, Issue 1
ISSN: 2387-4562
The ongoing Russian military activities on the Crimean peninsula are in violation of the general prohibition on the use of force under international law and none of the well-agreed upon exceptions to that prohibition would seem to apply. Instead, the Russian activities constitute an armed attack on Ukraine.Keywords: Use of military force, invitation, occupation, minorities, Ukraine, RussiaCitation: Arctic Review on Law and Politics, vol. 5, 1/2014 pp. 146–149. ISSN 1891-6252
In: Policy options: Options politiques, Volume 25, Issue 4, p. 31-37
ISSN: 0226-5893
In: Foreign affairs, Volume 24, p. 262-276
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Armed forces & society, Volume 41, Issue 4, p. 639-658
ISSN: 1556-0848
The theoretical discourse in civil–military relations tends to perpetuate the notion that efficiency of military organizations is often negatively affected by the influence of domestic ideological factors. Societal norms are frequently portrayed as antithetical to the functional imperatives of the military. This article questions this notion and argues that an effective form of military organization can be produced by incorporating ethical norms of domestic society into its defense organization. To understand the role of societal ethical imperatives in defense policy, the Kantian model of societal–military relations is introduced here. This model emphasizes the normative character of military missions and suggests that its effective fulfillment requires an institutional culture consistent with such a mission. This is demonstrated in the case studies of West German rearmament and the post–Cold War transformation of the Bundeswehr. These empirical cases demonstrate that the societal ethical norms should be considered integral to military functional requirements.