Suchergebnisse

The member states of the European Union have given up sovereignty in quite a number of policy areas and subjected themselves to joint decisionmaking at the European level. Policy instruments are no longer available nationally in many policy areas, including monetary policy, trade policy, the more important part of competition policy, subsidy control, and a large number of the regulations in the product market, the environmental arena, and the capital market. The maneuvering space for national economic policy-makers has been reduced considerably. In quite a few areas in which decisions are taken with a qualified majority, the member countries can be outvoted and have to accept the decisions taken by others. This paper surveys the new decision space of economic policy of a member state including the latest constitutional arrangement.

Dieser Band versammelt Beiträge aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München und der Renmin University of China zum Thema "Paradigms of Internet Regulation in the European Union and China". Auf der Grundlage fundierter Analysen bestimmter Regulierungsinstrumente in ihrem verfassungsrechtlichen und politischen Kontext zielt der Band darauf ab, das gesamte Spektrum der rechtlichen Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten des Internets zu entfalten. Zu diesem Zweck wird die Internetregulierung in der EU und in China aus verschiedenen Blickwinkeln betrachtet. Einige Beiträge bieten vergleichende Fallstudien zu Themen wie Meinungsfreiheit im Internet oder Regulierung von Internetdiensten; andere beschreiben rechtliche Errungenschaften und Entwicklungen, beispielsweise den Entwurf einer Charta der Digitalen Grundrechte der Europäischen Union. Eine dritte Kategorie von Beiträgen zielt darauf, die Entwicklung der Internetregulierung aus einer globaleren Perspektive zu analysieren und mögliche Forschungsparadigmen vorzuschlagen.Mit Beiträgen vonProf. Dr. Chen Xuan; Prof. Dr. Ding Xiaodong, LL.M. (Yale); AkadR a.Z. Dr. Christoph Krönke; Michael W. Müller, LL.M. (Cambridge); Dr. Walther Michl, LL.M. (King's College); Dr. Laura Münkler; Tian Wei; Daniel Wolff; Prof. Dr. Xiong Bingwan, LL.M. (Harvard); Assoc. Prof. Dr. Yu Wenguang.

The objective of this paper is to examine the relationship between international trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) empirically. It analyses whether the reduction of trade barriers over time has increased FDI for the particular case of the European Union (EU) during the period from 1995 to 2009. To analyze this issue the authors estimate in first place the European Border Effect by means of a gravity equation. Once the border effect is obtained we test whether there is a positive (complementary) or negative (substitution) relationship between this border effect and the FDI within the European countries. A gravity model for trade and FDI is estimated using the Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood. The results suggest that there is a positive and decreasing border effect up to 2007 while it turns upward for 2008 and 2009, offsetting the previous decline. For the particular case of the EU, commercial integration and FDI reinforce each other, thus being complements rather than substitutes. In addition to trade integration measures, this paper also analyzes the potential role of other traditional determinants of FDI, as the market size of the host country and the cost differential among home-host economies. Cost differentials are not as relevant as the possibility of gaining market share which leads us to conclude that in the EU the FDI pattern follows a market-seeking strategy rather than a cost-efficient model.

Tras estudiar la situación de la población en riesgo de pobreza o en exclusión social en los países de la Unión Europea, se indagan las variables que pueden tener influencia sobre dicha situación, revisando las políticas adoptadas por las autoridades europeas, con el propósito de analizar su coherencia con las variables explicativas detectadas. ; After studying the situation of population at risk of poverty or social exclusion in the countries of the European Union, the variables that can influence this situation are investigated, reviewing the policies adopted by the European authorities, with the aim of analyzing their coherence with the explanatory variables identified.

Tras estudiar la situación de la población en riesgo de pobreza o en exclusión social en los países de la Unión Europea, se indagan las variables que pueden tener influencia sobre dicha situación, revisando las políticas adoptadas por las autoridades europeas, con el propósito de analizar su coherencia con las variables explicativas detectadas ; After studying the situation of population at risk of poverty or social exclusion in the countries of the European Union, the variables that can influence this situation are investigated, reviewing the policies adopted by the European authorities, with the aim of analyzing their coherence with the explanatory variables identified

Since the Second World War there has been a constantly expanding growth in political and economic relations among states. The internationalisation of politics and the economy is to some extent global in its proportions, giving rise to formations of a world-wide dimension, while in other cases it focuses on major regions, as in the case of the European Union. A corollary of this increase in transnational interdependence is the creation and development of multinational organisations and their attendant bureaucratic apparatuses. Rather little is known about the working conditions and participation rights of the employees and about trade union representation in these transnational bodies. This contribution, based on a study (Hassel and Jacobi) commissioned by the Hans Böckler Foundation of the DGB in 1995, collates the most important information about industrial relations in the EU bodies and supplements this information with recommendations for the improvement of trade union representation. The article was written during a period spent as a guest at the University of Aalborg. I should like to thank my Danish colleagues for their critical remarks and stimulating discussions from which this article has benefitted.

Compares & contrasts regulatory legitimacy in the US & EU, especially given the growing interrelatedness within the latter polity of domestic & supranational policies based on cooperation & networking instead of on the traditional vertical distribution of obligations. The origins & development of regulatory federalism in the EU & of regulatory legitimacy in the US are discussed, followed by consideration of the US Federal Administrative Procedure Act (APA), which is assessed in light of a possible European APA. The following section discusses subsidiarity, focusing on the structure of government agencies. The conclusion argues for the similarity of normative discourse in terms of assessment standards, & endorses an emphasis on coordination rather than verticality for the EU's regulatory future. 24 References. K. Coddon

The ongoing upheaval in North Africa has presented many challenges to Europe, which previously had been comfortable with the status quo of authoritarian leadership in much of the region. Now in its ninth year, the turmoil has forced European leaders to rethink their approaches to the region, based on the now-obvious reality that the brief hopes of early 2011 for the spread of democracy and economic progress will not be fulfilled anytime soon. In this book, experts from Europe, the United States, and the Middle East discuss what has happened since the so-called "Arab Spring" emerged and how those often-bewildering events have affected both North Africa and the European states across the Mediterranean. The book is based on papers presented at a March 2018 conference sponsored by the South Mediterranean Regional Program of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. Chapters focus on events in Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia - and offer ideas for how the European Union can adopt fresh approaches to the region, moving beyond its frequently uncertain and shifting responses of recent years.

Does Germany dominate Europe and the smaller European states? Why does it not? Questions like these have stimulated Peter J. Katzenstein to draw up a balance sheet of united Germany's relations with its European neighbours. By emphasizing the concept of `semi-sovereignty' at the domestic level and `associated sovereignty' at the international one, Katzenstein's book draws attention to institutional aspects which affect German policy. Soft and indirect power, rather than direct influence, have been a predominant feature in Germany's policies towards Europe. The present review essay presents the major findings of this important book and makes three critical comments (all from an institutional perspective). It suggests, first, that the concept of semi-sovereignty is biased towards the constraining effects of institutions rather than towards their constitutive importance; second, that the concept of institutional embeddedness underestimates the importance of institutionalization; and finally, that the book leaves the issue of small-state behaviour underexplored. In conclusion, this review essay looks ahead and hints at the increasing divide between the smaller and the larger states in the EU. Germany's dilemma in this respect is to make multilateralism effective, yet to avoid the impression that its reform proposals are an effort to institutionalize German hegemony.