Suchergebnisse

President Reagan's nomination of Judge Robert Bork to the Supreme Court was expected by most people to lead to confirmation. It did not. This article examines the special importance of the vacancy created by Justice Lewis Powell's retirement, the philosophical debate which the nomination generated, the political and strategic calculations of the actors involved (especially the unprecedented level and nature of interest group involvement) and the performance of Judge Bork himself during the congressional hearings. It posits a multi-causal explanation. The importance of the episode, however, lies less in what it tells us about the Supreme Court appointment process and more in what it tells us about the current unsatisfactory condition of executive–legislative relations in a political system predicated on the separation of powers.

President Reagan's nomination of Judge Robert Bork to the Supreme Court was expected by most people to lead to confirmation. Examines the special importance of the vacancy and the philosophical debate which the nomination generated. Considers what it tells us about the Supreme Court appointment process and about the current unsatisfactory condition of executive--legislative relations in a political system predicated on the separation of powers. (Abstract amended)

650Aliens — Refugee status — Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951 — Article 1F(a) — Exclusion from protection — Alleged complicity in genocide — Migrants granted leave to remain in United Kingdom — Whether grant of indefinite leave to remain appropriate — Public interestWar and armed conflict — International crimes — Genocide — Complicity in genocide — Whether person allegedly involved in genocide should be granted indefinite leave to remain in United KingdomRelationship of international law and municipal law — International crimes — Whether a person's lawful behaviour since alleged involvement in international crimes to outweigh public interest of denying settlement in United Kingdom — United Kingdom duties to the international community — The law of England

The FSA is the central authority in the field of food safety in the United Kingdom. It is an independent non-ministerial Government Department, governed by an independent Chair and nonexecutive Board responsible for overall strategic direction of the Agency and for ensuring it meets its legal obligations. It is accountable to the British Parliament, the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly of Wales through Health Ministers. Besides questions about standards for food safety, the FSA is also responsible for meat inspection duties in fresh meat premises in England, Scotland and Wales (which is the responsibility of the DARD in Northern Ireland). FSA responsibilities also include monitoring of local enforcement authorities. The FSA is a UK wide body with its headquarters in London and offices in York (England), Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales to ensure its priorities are delivered in a country-specific context. ; GB; en; efsa.focalpoint1@foodstandards.gsi.gov.uk

Just as Werner Sombart's book, Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906) analyzed the potential for a labor movement in the US, Karl Kautsky, a leading Marxist theoretician, also provided a comparative analysis of the unique aspects of capitalist development in Russia, the UK, & the US. His article, "The American Worker" (Die Neue Zeit, 1906) was part of a series of articles arguing that the Russian Revolution would lead to the dictatorship of the socialist society. In his book, The Road to Power (1909), Kautsky argued that the purchasing power of US wages had stagnated, & its nominal rise had been counteracted by the rise in prices fostered by the growth of trusts & employers organizations as well as the increase in labor activity. This led angry exchanges between Kautsky & the organs of the trade-union right wing. While Kautsky's work during the revolutionary period is still valued, his later support for democracy rather than proletarian despotism led to a final break with other Marxist scholars. 159 References. L. A. Hoffman

Brexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union. While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rd June 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures. The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken.

On April 4, 1949 the North Atlantic security alliance treaty was signed in Washington by representatives of Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States. When ratified by Belgium, Canada, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States, the treaty would come into force.

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1947 (hereafter referred to as the GATT) emerged in the aftermath of World War II and, despite the initial intention that it would serve as a mere interim arrangement while the administrative framework of the International Trade Organisation was finalised, the GATT would proceed to guide the course of multilateral trade throughout the twentieth century. What is often overlooked in mainstream analyses of the key principles underpinning the liberal international economic order is the significance of the negotiating history of the GATT which was dominated by two main participants, the United States and the United Kingdom. These parties experienced very different growth trajectories following World War II and so sought to advance different national interests within the negotiating forum. Briefly, while the United States was benefitting from an unprecedented increase in its economic and political power and wanted to see greater market access for its domestic industries, the United Kingdom was undergoing a difficult period of recovery and wanted to consolidate its system of imperial preferences. Nevertheless, because neither could unilaterally dominate the international policy space and because both recognised the value in promoting free trade for international political stability, they would ultimately reach a negotiated compromise resulting in the final codification of the GATT. In adopting a historical and textual methodology, this dissertation will argue that, in order to gain a more nuanced understanding of the principles underlying the GATT, one ought to examine the complexities of the negotiations leading up to its final codification, including the domestic interests advanced by the negotiating parties as well as contemporary hegemonic power dynamics.

In April 1977 the United States and four other major Western governments embarked on a unique diplomatic exercise in the hope of negotiating an agreement for the independence of the territory of Namibia, or South West Africa. The "Contact Group" as it became known (or Western Five), consisting of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Canada, and the Federal Republic of Germany, functioned actively from April 1977 until mid-1982 as an ad hoc multilateral mediating and facilitating team in close proximity to but not directly linked with the United Nations. The five countries secured basic agreement in 1978 on a plan calling for UN supervised elections for a constituent assembly in the territory leading to early independence and the appointment of a UN special representative to ensure the necessary conditions for such elections.

221Sovereign immunity — Immunity from attachment — Property of central bank — Whether Central Bank of Nigeria entitled to immunity from suit or attachment — Mareva injunction — Whether available to restrain central bank from removing funds from the jurisdiction — United Kingdom State Immunity Act 1978 — Whether retroactive — Whether combined effect of United Kingdom legislation and United States Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act 1976 has changed international lawInternational law in general — Sources — State practice — Legislation — Effect of legislation by United Kingdom and United States on content of customary international law — Relationship of international law and municipal law — Duty of court to apply current rules of international law — The law of England