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After taking a summary look at the links that exist between anthropology and sociology, the author introduces what would seem at first glance to be a new discipline, that of socio‐anthropology. Advances made in this new field of research stem from the implications behind the definition given to the object of study, and from the methods used. An economic sector controlled by French‐speaking Quebecers serves as an illustration. Its examination draws on the hypothesis that family relationships are constituent of relationships in production, that is, of the economic structure. The author then posits that an interdisciplinary approach is essential in socio‐anthropology.Après un rapide survol des liens entre l'anthropologie et la sociologie, cet article présente ce qui semble être, au premier abord, une nouvelle discipline: la socio‐anthropologie. Les progrès de cette dernière résident notamment dans la teneur de la définition de l'objet et dans les méthodes adoptées pour l'étudier. L'examen de l'économie des francophones au Québec sert ici d'illustration. Il se réclame de l'hypothèse voulant que les rapports de parenté soient constitutifs des rapports de production, c'est‐á‐dire de la structure économique. La socio‐anthropologie relève, au dire de l'auteur, d'une approche interdisciplinaire.

There has been a large effort among scholars who study small group decision-making to find the means to ameliorate the negative aspects of group interaction. It is our contention that the specific content of the offered prescription is a logical outgrowth of the underlying assumptions that the author makes regarding the nature of group interaction. Thus, understanding whether the author sees the group as characterized by member consensus or dissensus and whether the group is perceived to be internally focused on group maintenance or externally focused on problem-solving is central to understanding the basis of the offered prescription. Based on this typology, we examine the prescriptions to group dysfunctions offered from three sets of literature, foreign policy analysis, social psychology, and business decision-making. The prescriptions offered are then classified as to the underlying view of group interaction which drives the proposed remedy. In doing so, we seek to understand the bases and implications of prescriptions already existing in the literature. Ironically, the effort to solve one set of decision-making troubles may lead the group to exhibit the problems associated with an alternative form of group interaction.

ABSTRACTInformation systems researchers have often turned to a variant of the Delphi survey technique to support their research of key issues in their field. Two particular weaknesses of past studies using this approach have been a lack of a definitive method for conducting the research and a lack of statistical support for the conclusions drawn by the researchers. In this paper, the author presents a method, based on nonparametric statistical techniques, to conduct ranking‐type Delphi surveys, perform analysis, and report results. The author takes this one step further by illustrating an actual analysis of a Delphi survey. The analysis is compared to results that were presented without the benefit of the author's approach. This paper shows that use of the advocated approach can streamline and strengthen studies, improve the validity of results, and thus better serve the consumers of the research findings. Since the ranking‐type Delphi is so popular among information systems researchers, a consistent method is needed to apply to their data collection, analysis, and reporting of results. This paper provides such a method in concise form and illustrates the use of the method in a manner affording comparison between it and previous practice.

AbstractThis article explores ways of improving Canada's constitutional reform process by systematically comparing the strengths and weaknesses of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown constitutional rounds during three phases: agenda-setting, elite negotiation and ratification. The objective is to draw lessons from these experiences for future attempts to achieve formal constitutional change. The author argues that both the Meech Lake and Charlottetown processes were seriously flawed, but in rather contrasting ways. The Meech Lake process was too closed, narrowly representative and tightly controlled by government elites. The Charlottetown process was poorly managed. It lacked focus, economy and coherence in agenda-setting and selection of items for negotiation, and integration and unified leadership in its elite bargaining structures and processes. The consultative referendum used in the Charlottetown process operated successfully, but still needed organizational fine-tuning and more effective meshing with established ratification procedures. What is required is a more finely balanced and closely integrated "blended" process of parallel elite and citizen-based consultative and participatory structures operating in all phases of the constitutional process. Within this framework, the author offers a comprehensive list of proposals for addressing and overcoming the shortcomings of earlier constitutional reform efforts.

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new "Rule book of definition of scientific areas". By the "Book", politology is a scientific field in the area of social sciences. The field is divided in three branches: 1. politology, 2. theory and history of politics, 3. political philosophy. The author of this article shows by documents how the "political science" is quite differently structured by IPSA and APSA, and describes 120 years of dominantly American development of "political science" and of professions of political scientists which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines and areas of expertise which are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: 1. political institutions, 2. political behaviour, 3. comparative politics, 4. internationa relations, 5. political theory, 6. public policy and public administration/management, 7. political economy, 8. political methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on development of science, research organisation, renewal of teaching staff on University, and on academic education of political scientists, as well as on internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts, and Croatian democratic political thought and political culture in general. (SOI : PM: S. 240)

The author analyses works by Russian Revolutionary Democrats and concludes that in their philosophical reflections, ethical anthropocentrism is indissolubly tied up with the consideration of the problem of meeting the individual`s requirements. Their reflections on the nature of the moral expectations that are deep-rooted in the human disposition, on the correlation of the material and moral, 'natural' and 'false' requirements, on the limits of the requirements, on the dominant expectations and passions, on the diversity of requirements and their contradictoriness are original. They are by no means obsolete. They are topical as usual. ; The author analyses works by Russian Revolutionary Democrats and concludes that in their philosophical reflections, ethical anthropocentrism is indissolubly tied up with the consideration of the problem of meeting the individual`s requirements. Their reflections on the nature of the moral expectations that are deep-rooted in the human disposition, on the correlation of the material and moral, 'natural' and 'false' requirements, on the limits of the requirements, on the dominant expectations and passions, on the diversity of requirements and their contradictoriness are original. They are by no means obsolete. They are topical as usual.

This article discusses the politics of administrative reform. Though politicians and bureaucrats may agree on a reform blueprint, both tend to view administrative reform as means towards achieving different ends. To demonstrate the 'political tool' function of administrative reform, I will review the reform experience of the Thai Office of the Secretariat of the Prime Minister (OSPM) during the Chuan government (1992–95). Despite several proposals to reform the OSPM, at the end of its tenure the Chuan government had made only minor changes to the OSPM. This article argues that while failing to achieve significant reform, the process does demonstrate the politician‐bureaucrat relationship.The article is divided into two parts. The first outlines the conceptual framework which captures the politics of reform. The second presents four case studies representing efforts to introduce reform to the OSPM during the period of the Chuan government.During the Chuan government, the author served as the Head of the Secretariat of the Administrative Reform Commission (ARC), ad hoc office in the OSPM established by the Prime Minister, charged with reviewing proposals to reform the OSPM. The author was also appointed to committees which were assigned to advise the PM about ways to reform the OSPM.

The personality of Petrus Hispanus Portugalensis (13th century) is quite polifacetic: philosopher, physician, scientist, politician and pope. This gave reason for confounding Petrus Hispanus with other people. The author of this article studies some aspects related with the life, writings and personality of Petrus Hispanus in order to distinguish him from the people he has been confounded with. The author concludes that there are three differents persons: I) Petrus Hispanus, 0. P.; 2) Petrus Hispanus Portugalensis; 3) Petrus Hispanus, physician, whom some historians confounded with Petrus Julianus, who became a pope with the name of John' XXI. ; En la Historia de Ia filosofía figura Pedro Hispano Portugalense como filósofo, médico, científico, político y papa. Pero, ¿se trata de una o de varias personas? El autor de este articulo estudia algunos aspectos relacionados con la vida, la obra y la personalidad de Pedro Hispano, para distinguirlo de las personas con las que ha sido confundido. El autor distingue entre: I) Pedro Hispano, 0. P.; 2) Pedro Hispano Portugalense; 3) Pedro Hispano, medico, al que algunos confunden con Pedro Juliano, que fue papa, con el nombre de Juan XXI.

[ES] Este artículo analiza los resultados de los comicios presidenciales de 1994, en los que Joaquín Balaguer obtuvo el triunfo por un estrecho margen. Previamente se identifican los principales rasgos específicos del sistema político dominicano y se describe el denso entramado de pactos preelectorales, así como las características de la campaña electoral, marcada también por la crisis política haitiana. Seguidamente se describe la situación política derivada del apretado resultado electoral, que culminó con la reforma constitucional aprobada el 14 de agosto de 1994. Por último, la autora analiza la evolución de las fuerzas políticas ante las elecciones presidenciales de agosto de 1996. ; [EN] This article analyzes the results of the Presidential Elections of 1994, in which Joaquín Balaguer got the Presidency for a narrow gap. Previously, the author identify the main specific features of Dominican political system and describe the dense framework of preelectoral pacts and the characteristics of electoral campaign marked also by the Haitian political crisis. Later she describes the political situation which finished with the constitutional reform approved 14 August 1994. Finally, the author studies the evolution of political forces before the Presidential Elections of August 96.

The personality of Petrus Hispanus Portugalensis (13th century) is quite polifacetic: philosopher, physician, scientist, politician and pope. This gave reason for confounding Petrus Hispanus with other people. The author of this article studies some aspects related with the life, writings and personality of Petrus Hispanus in order to distinguish him from the people he has been confounded with. The author concludes that there are three differents persons: I) Petrus Hispanus, 0. P.; 2) Petrus Hispanus Portugalensis; 3) Petrus Hispanus, physician, whom some historians confounded with Petrus Julianus, who became a pope with the name of John' XXI. ; En la Historia de la filosofía figura Pedro Hispano Portugalense como filósofo, médico, científico, político y papa. Pero, ¿se trata de una o de varias personas? El autor de este artículo estudia algunos aspectos relacionados con la vida, la obra y la personalidad de Pedro Hispano, para distinguirlo de las personas con las que ha sido confundido. El autor distingue entre: I) Pedro Hispano, O. P.; 2) Pedro Hispano Portugalense; 3) Pedro Hispano, médico, al que algunos confunden con Pedro Juliano, que fue papa, con el nombre de Juan XXI.

The author's thesis on opposition is based on the theoretical & practical experience of modern political regimes, particularly Croatia's postcommunist experience. The author shows how the belated political constitution of the nation has occurred at the expense of political emancipation, pluralization, & democratization. Small nations, which did not take part in the creation of modern state & the establishment of the contemporary political & legal culture, suffer from a double setback: they do not have a state of their own & are regarded as small, "unhistorical" peoples. The fascination & obsession with the state & the identification of the nation with the state is especially visible in those postcommunist societies that have not gone through the process of political emancipation, ie, the emancipation of the state. The author points out that the fascination with the state has had serious consequences for the development of democracy, since any oppositional opinion & activity or criticism of the government is disqualified as an attack on the state. This fascination & the identification of the nation & the state is a barrier to state building since it stands in the way of its emancipation & integrational processes. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

International pressure prevented Croatia from ending the occupation of eastern Slavonia by military means. The author claims that the policy of peaceful integration & the UNTAES mandate are rife with risks that might jeopardize eventual Croatian control of that region. He points out a set of contentious issues related to the occupied territory: incomplete demilitarization, dual government (parallel UNTAES & Serbian authorities), no return for non-Serbian refugees, staying-in-place of Serbs from other parts of Croatia, Bosnia, & Serbia. Particularly risky for Croatia are the efforts of local Serbs to retain absolute ethnic majority as the grounds for establishing territorial autonomy, which would enable the militant acolytes of Greater Serbian politics to remain in the region & push for secession & annexation by Serbia -- efforts that would in all probability be given military support by Serbia, this time under circumstances that would be much more unfavorable for Croatia than in 1995. The author concludes that for Croatia, the only acceptable solution is the total integration of eastern Slavonia & the establishment of full Croatian sovereignty; the creation of a Serbian autonomous province in that region must on no account be permitted. Adapted from the source document.

ONE SET OF ISSUES IMPORTANT IN ANY DEMOCRACY IS INTEREST GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR. TRADITIONALLY, A PLURALIST FRAMEWORK HAS BEEN USED TO DESCRIBE AND EXPLAIN INTEREST GROUP ACTIVITY. BUT PLURALISM IS NEITHER THE ONLY FORM OF INTEREST INTERMEDIATION NOR THE MOST APPROPRIATE ONE FOR THE STUDY OF POST-COMMUNIST SOCIETIES, WHICH HAVE YET TO OVERCOME ALL VESTIGES OF THE OLD PARTY-STATE SYSTEM. IN THIS ESSAY, THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT CORPORATISM SHOULD BE USED TO CONCEPTUALIZE THE ACTIVITIES OF INTEREST GROUPS IN POST-COMMUNIST SOCIETIES. IN CONTRAST TO PLURALISM, THE CORPORATIST APPROACH EMPHASIZES STATE EFFORTS TO PENETRATE, CONTROL, OR CO-OPT INTEREST GROUPS IN ORDER TO LIMIT AND CONTAIN GROUP COMPETITION, WHICH IS DEEMED UNNECESSARY OR EVEN DANGEROUS. CORPORATIST NOTIONS FIND STRONG APPEAL AMONG POST-COMMUNIST ELITES AND PUBLICS BECAUSE OF THEIR IMPLIED PROMISE TO RECONCILE THE OFTEN CONFLICTING DEMANDS OF CHANGE AND CONTROL. IN THIS ESSAY, THE AUTHOR FOCUSES ON TRADE UNIONS AND EMERGING BUSINESS CONFEDERATIONS IN POST-SOVIET UKRAINE AND RUSSIA. IN BOTH COUNTRIES, THESE GROUPS ARE TIED IN SIGNIFICANT WAYS TO THE "ANCIEN REGIME" AND PROVIDE A SAFE HAVEN OF SORTS FOR MEMBERS OF THE OLD "NOMENKLATURA" TRYING TO PRESERVE POSITIONS OF INFLUENCE IN THE POST-COMMUNIST ENVIRONMENT.