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Abstract
The article is dedicated to the loving memory of !A|'xuni.The Ju|'hoansi of east central Namibia sometimes refer to the state as a whiteman and to the whiteman as a /'hun (steenbok). In this article, I contextualize these naming practices by tracing the history of colonial encounters on the fringes of the Western Kalahari through a small‐scale animist perspective. I then discuss what this means for the concept of 'recognition', which I treat as a two‐way intersubjective process of making oneself un/knowable to others. I argue that the Ju|'hoansi have engaged in parallel processes of mis/recognition vis‐à‐vis their colonial Others. By failing to enter into reciprocal relations with the Ju|'hoansi, the whiteman and the state have remained outside of the Ju|'hoansi's social universe and have thus compromised their own personhood.

THIS ARTICLE TACKLES THE FOLLOWING PUZZLE. WHY IS IT THAT PEOPLE CANNOT OBSERVE MUCH EUROPEANIZATION OF "ANGLO-SAXON EXCEPTIONALISM" OVER THE PAST FIFTY YEARS WHILE "GERMANNESS" HAS SPELT EUROPEAN SINCE THE END OF THE 1950S AND "FRENCH EXCEPTIONALISM," AT LEAST RECENTLY, ALSO COMES IN EUROPEAN COLORS. IT ARGUES THAT A COMBINATION OF THREE FACTORS ACCOUNTS FOR THIS VARIATION IN THE EXTENT TO WHICH NATIONAL STATE IDENTITIES HAVE BECOME EUROPEAN. THE FACTORS ARE EACH IDENTIFIED AND DETAILED.

Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 J.publ.e. 27 s

Discussion and debate about adoption and foster care by gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) parents occurs frequently among child welfare policymakers, social service agencies, and social workers. They all need better information about GLB adoptive and foster parents and their children as they make individual and policy-level decisions about placement of children with GLB parents. This report provides new information on GLB adoption and foster care from the U.S. Census 2000, the National Survey of Family Growth (2002), and the Adoption and Foster Care Analysis and Reporting System (2004). Currently half a million children live in foster care in the United States and more than 100,000 foster children await adoption. States must recruit parents who are interested and able to foster and adopt children. Three states currently restrict GLB individuals or couples from adopting. Several states have or are considering policies that would restrict GLB people from fostering. Recent government surveys demonstrate that many lesbians and gay men are already raising children, and many more GLB people would like to have children at some point. We estimate that two million GLB people have considered adoption. Since prior research shows that less than one-fifth of adoption agencies attempt to recruit adoptive parents from the GLB community, our findings suggest that GLB people are an underutilized pool of potential adoptive parents. The report provides estimates of the number of adopted and fostered children of lesbians and gay men and describes the demographic characteristics of parents and children. We compare gay and lesbian parents and their adopted and fostered children to parents and children in other family arrangements, including married and unmarried different-sex couples and single parents (who might be heterosexual or GLB). While GLB parents are similar in many ways to other kinds of parents, we identify several differences in the key findings below. The report concludes with an assessment of how proposed bans on allowing GLB individuals and couples to foster might affect foster care systems and fostered children. We estimate the possible financial cost to states if they were to limit or deny GLB people the ability to foster, which could displace 9,000 to 14,000 children if pursued nationally. And while we cannot measure costs to children directly, we explore prior research suggesting that displacing children from their current foster homes may have harmful effects on the children's development and well-being. The report closes with implications of this research for policymakers.

In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal "vertical of power" that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of "Chechenisation" there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin's protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the "Chechen Khanate", among other similar expressions. Kadyrov's breadth of power encompasses an independent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as "Putin's foot soldier". Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrangement can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president's inner circles. With regard to Putin's fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. The price that Moscow was willing to accept for Chechnya's "pacification" by Kadyrov and his supporters includes serious human-rights violations. Since 2017 these have increasingly moved back into the focus of international politics and reporting. (author's abstract)

Tables. ; Original issued in series: Preliminary economic studies of the war / edited by David Kinley ; no. 13. ; At head of title: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Division of Economics and History. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

"Markenbildung und -führung gehören zu den zentralen Aufgaben einer Destinationsmanagementorganisation. Die Vielzahl der Akteure im Destinationsmarketing mit ihren unterschiedlichen wirtschaftlichen und politischen Interessen stellt dabei ein potenzielles Hindernis für die klare Profilierung von Destinationsmarken dar. Vor diesem Hintergrund bewertet der Beitrag die Aussagen des 'Tourismuspolitischen Konzepts der Bayerischen Staatsregierung' zur Destinationsmarke Bayern anhand allgemeingültiger Kriterien, die für den Erfolg von Marken entscheidend sind. Das Tourismuspolitische Konzept stellt eine der zentralen, öffentlich zugänglichen Quellen zur Destinationsmarke Bayern und zum dahinterstehenden Markenverständnis dar. Insofern bietet es sich als Evaluationsgrundlage an. Auf Basis der skizzierten Evaluation werden entsprechende Handlungsempfehlungen gegeben." (Autorenreferat)

'Im Rahmen einer Reflexion über die Mitverantwortung 'des Westens' für den Nahost-Konflikt gibt der Autor einen historischen und systematischen Überblick über das Verhältnis der USA zum Zionismus und zu Israel. Dabei werden durchaus widersprüchliche Tendenzen gegenüber dem zionistischen Kolonialprojekt und dem Staat Israel deutlich. Die Hauptverantwortung für die Ursprünge des Nahost-Konflikts liegt keineswegs bei den USA, sondern in Europa, und Israel ist kein Produkt des amerikanischen Imperialismus. Gleichwohl macht der Autor drei Defizite in der Außenpolitik der USA gegenüber dem Konflikt aus. Das erste besteht in der Hierarchisierung des Rechts auf Demokratie nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg und in der Traditionslinie der Kreuzzüge, in die das zionistische Siedlungsprojekt bis weit in die dreißiger Jahre gestellt wurde. Das zweite besteht in der Delegation der Flüchtlingsfrage in den dreißiger und vierziger Jahren - bei restriktiver Einwanderungspolitik in den USA selbst - an den Nahen Osten. Das dritte Defizit besteht darin, dass die USA es auch in ihrer Rolle als Makler im Friedensprozess nicht geschafft haben, mit dem gleichen Nachdruck wie für das Existenzrecht Israels auch für das Recht der palästinensischen Araber auf Selbstbestimmung einzutreten. Insbesondere haben die USA ihre Möglichkeiten nicht ausgeschöpft, eine wirksame Begrenzung des Siedlungsprozesses in den besetzten Gebieten durchzusetzen.' (Autorenreferat)

Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit den Familienpolitiken in den Ländern Europas und deren Bedeutung für den Wandel der Familie. Angenommen wird, dass familienpolitische Maßnahmen keine direkte Wirkung auf die Muster des partnerschaftlichen und familialen Zusammenlebens haben. Auch das Geburtenniveau kann von der Politik nicht unmittelbar beeinflusst werden. Gleichwohl hat Familienpolitik durchaus ihre eigene Bedeutung. Sie determiniert kein Verhalten, setzt aber Rahmenbedingungen für individuelle Handlungsentscheidungen. Sie nimmt Einfluss auf die Konsequenzen, die mit verschiedenen Handlungsoptionen verbunden sind und macht so deren Realisierung jeweils wahrscheinlicher oder unwahrscheinlicher. Um etwas über die Relevanz familienpolitischer Rahmenbedingungen aussagen zu können, sind zunächst ihre wesentlichen Züge herauszuarbeiten und ihre vielfältigen Ausformungen zu klassifizieren. Dazu wurden in jüngerer Zeit verschiedene Typologien vorgeschlagen. Hier vorgestellt und diskutiert werden die Ansätze von Fux, Gauthier und Strohmeier, die unterschiedliche Kriterien zur Herausbildung familienpolitischer Regime verwenden und eine unterschiedliche Zuordnung einzelner Länder vornehmen. Empirische Befunde zur Wirksamkeit familienpolitischer Rahmenbedingungen bzw. zur Erklärungskraft solcher Typologien liegen bislang kaum vor. Auf der Makroebene lässt sich zwar ein Zusammenhang zwischen dem Politikprofil eines Landes und der dort vorfindbaren Struktur privater Lebensformen nachweisen. Ob ein solcher Zusammenhang aber tatsächlich eine kausale Beziehung impliziert, ist bislang nicht hinreichend belegt. Hier gilt es, eine Forschungslücke zu schließen, die nicht zuletzt aus einem Mangel an geeigneten, d.h. international vergleichbaren Individualdaten resultiert.

This paper analyzes the link between the 1992 United States presidential election outcome and a collection of American economic sectors. Based on data from the 1992 Iowa Political Stock Market and campaign‐period stock portfolio behavior, we identify 15 economic sectors, of 74 examined, whose profits varied in a statistically significant manner with movements in Iowa Market‐based measures of presidential candidate standing. And, in light of 1992 campaign rhetoric pertaining to defense policy and environmental issues, we build on this finding with an analysis of selected defense firms and firms known to be toxic waste emitters.

Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Taub copy: "Nathan W. Shock Gerontology Collection".

BACKGROUND: Understanding how policies lead to changes in health systems and in practice helps policymakers and researchers to intervene more successfully. Yet identifying all the possible changes that occur as a result of a new policy is challenging not only methodologically and logistically, as limited resources are available to conduct indefinite evaluations, but also theoretically, as a complete mapping and attribution of post-hoc changes requires a full understanding of the mechanisms underpinning all change. One option is to identify possible changes across a number of policy impact domains. METHODS: Using a Policy Impact Framework, we brought together data from media, documents and interviews to identify changes to midwifery policy, practice and provision, following the launch of a new global policy initiative, the State of the World's Midwifery (SoWMy 2014) report published in 2014. We used these identified impacts to develop a map of the mechanisms underpinning these changes. RESULTS: SoWMy 2014 contributed to a number of changes at national levels, including increased status of midwifery within national governments, improved curricula and training opportunities for midwives, and improved provision of and access to midwifery-led care. These contributions were attributed to SoWMy 2014 via mechanisms such as stakeholder interaction and acquisition of government support, holding national and international dissemination and training events, and a perceived global momentum around supporting midwifery provision. Policy initiatives of this kind can lead to changes in national and international policy dialogue and practice. We identify factors and mechanisms that are likely to increase the scope and scale of these changes, at contextual, national and global levels. CONCLUSIONS: Identifying changes following a policy using a policy impact framework can help researchers and policymakers understand why policies have the effect they do. This is important information for those wishing to increase the effectiveness of future policies and interventions.