Der Band enthält Vorträge, die beim International Colloquium on Communication, Berlin 2002 gehalten wurden. Das Konferenzthema "Communication and Political Change" bot die Gelegenheit, die Beziehung zwischen Kommunikation und politischem Wandel unter Einbeziehung historischer, kultureller und sozialer Kontexte zu analysieren. Der englischsprachige Band wendet sich damit an Fachleute aus den Gebieten Anthropologie und Philosophie, Ethno- und Politikwissenschaft, Pädagogik, Psychologie und Soziologie, Kommunikationstheorie, Medienpädagogik und Sprechwissenschaft
In the aftermath of the devastation of the last World War, a new political will surged through the world community as a first step in the collective enforcement of a lasting peace for mankind, to safeguard the individual from the scourge of oppression. A renewed attempt was made to set standards of behavior, to which all people and nations should aspire, in the Charter of the United Nations, signed by the member states in 1945. Signature was a clear manifestation of the reaffirmation of their faith in fundamental human rights and freedoms, disregard of which had resulted in barbarous acts that had outraged the conscience of mankind. A historic document adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on the 10th December, 1948, was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which, in its Preamble, states that the "Recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all the members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world". Therefore, in laying down standards to be observed by all nations, the Universal Declaration proclaimed that all individuals were born free and equal in dignity "regardless of race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status". Such were the ideals that all leaders and people had to strive for to recreate a society based on peace and stability. This goal led to the foundation in May, 1949, of the Council of Europe as the first European political institution. Its aims were, besides that of achieving a greater unity, that all members were to safeguard and realise the ideals and principals of common heritage, that of working for the "maintanence and further realisation of human rights and fundamental freedoms''. ; peer-reviewed
Nancy Peluso pioneered political ecology research in Southeast Asia with her book on Rich Forest, Poor People (1992) that untangles peasant resistance and state control in Indonesian forest politics. Since then, the professor of political ecology at UC Berkeley, California, has done extensive ethnographic research on the effects of social difference (ethnic identity, class, gender) on resource access and control, dealing with forests, land, mining, and water conflicts in Indonesia and Malaysia. Her recent work investigates the relationships between migration and environmental change. Melanie Pichler spoke with her during the International Conference of the European Network of Political Ecology (ENTITLE) from 20 to 24 March in Stockholm where she delivered a keynote lecture on the unexpected impacts of women's migration on the environment in a forest village in East Java. During the interview, Nancy reflected on current trends in political ecology research, the potential pitfalls of indigenous peoples' rights, the contradictory role of NGOs in socio-ecological conflicts, and the potential of political ecology research beyond academia.
This text examines contemporary issues such as neoliberal policies, democracy and multiculturalism, analyzing them from a gender perspective. It examines how liberal rights and ideas of democracy and justice have been absorbed into the political agendas of women's movements
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Albert Camus' ironic judge-penitent, Jean-Baptiste Clemence, remarks to his compatriot in the seedy bar, Mexico City, in a shadowy district of Amsterdam, the mist rising off the canals, the fog rolling in, cheap gin the only source of warmth, "Somebody has to have the last word. Otherwise, every reason can be answered with another one and there would never be an end to it. Power, on the other hand, settles everything. It took time, but we finally realized that. For instance, you must have noticed that our old Europe at last philosophizes in the right way. We no longer say as in simple times: 'This is the way I think. What are your objections?' We have become lucid. For the dialogue we have substituted the communique: 'This is the truth,' we say. You can discuss it as much as you want; we aren't interested. But in a few years there'll be the police who will show you we are right."Now this is still an imperfect method of control—the enforcers are clearly identified and the coercion is too obvious. Not so in Orwell's1984. As Syme, the chilling destroyer of language proclaims: "It's a beautiful thing, the destruction of words." Speaking to Orwell's protagonist Winston Smith, Syme continues: "Don't you see that the whole aim of Newspeak is to narrow the range of thought. In the end we shall make thoughtcrime literally impossible, because there will be no words in which to express it. Every concept that can ever be needed will be expressed by exactlyoneword, with its meaning rigidly defined and all its subsidiary meanings rubbed out and forgotten…. Every year fewer and fewer words, and the range of consciousness always a little smaller. Even now, of course, there's no reason or excuse for committing thoughtcrime. It's merely a question of self-discipline, reality control. But in the end there won't be any need even for that. The Revolution will be complete when the language is perfect."
Krisen und Konkurse sind Begleiterscheinungen der Wirtschaftsgeschichte - mit zum Teil weitreichenden Konsequenzen für Unternehmer, Mitarbeiter und die Volkswirtschaft. Ursachen und Folgen eines solchen ökonomischen Scheiterns werden hier aus wirtschafts-, sozial- und kulturhistorischer Perspektive in den Blick genommen. Dabei zeigt sich, wie falsche Marktausrichtung, Mängel in der Organisation oder individuelle Fehlleistungen zum Niedergang von Unternehmen, aber auch zum persönlichen Scheitern von Unternehmern führten.
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Seit ihrer Gründung vor etwa zehn Jahren durchläuft die Regierungspartei UMP einen Prozess der Professionalisierung. Der Grad der Institutionalisierung der Partei ist dagegen bis heute gering. Zeugnis hiervon geben der Einfluss vielfältiger Strömungen und Reflexionszirkel in der Partei sowie die häufig freie Auslegung der Parteistatuten. Angesichts des Erstarkens der rechtsextremen Partei Front National (FN) wählt die UMP auf nationaler Ebene die Strategie einer Abgrenzung, während zugleich zentrale Themen des FN - wie die Debatten um nationale Identität oder die Rolle des Islam - in die eigene Agenda übernommen werden. Die Strategie der UMP für eine Schwächung des FN durch eigene Radikalisierung und die Aneignung seiner zentralen Themen birgt die Gefahr einer schleichenden Legitimierung radikaler Positionen, ohne dass die UMP langfristig Wähler hinzugewinnt.
This article deals with the empirical example of how social subjects, in this case women, have appropriated the language of rights in order to demand social inclusion. Since there are many different points of view in feminist theory with regard to how to deal with the idea of women's rights, this article is divided into three sections. In the first section, I focus on how some important normative contents about democracy & rights have already been accepted by many different theorists who speak from critical perspectives. In the second section, I deal with how women's struggles have gained consensus about the importance of defending the idea of rights for their own struggles to overcome their exclusion. In the third & last section, I turn back to the theoretical efforts by leading feminists, in order to show how these struggles from women all over the world can be thematized in our global scenario. 35 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications and Thesis Eleven Co-op Ltd, copyright 2004.]
