В представленной статье рассматриваются проблемные положения пробелов допустимости участия граждан в управлении международными делами; анализируются принципиальные аспекты правоотношений, складывающихся между гражданами и органами государственной власти и управления отдельных государств, и межгосударственных органов; сопоставляются субъективные и объективные факторы развития правоотношений, связанных вообще с возможностью использовать гражданам своё влияние на международные отношения; даётся сущностная характеристика содержания позитивного механизма участия граждан в управлении межгосударственными делами; предлагаются направления обновления правового обеспечения участия граждан в управлении межгосударственными делами; определяются общие характеристики новационным и инновационным тенденциям развития правоотношений, складывающихся в процессе реализации гражданами права на участие в управлении межгосударственными делами исходя из того, что право должно устанавливать и регулировать, а не запрещать объективную, действительно востребованную деятельность, объединяющую звенья гражданского общества и системы демократии, обеспечивая различные интересы социальных и национальных групп, согласовывая их с интересами граждан и государства. ; In presented article problem positions of blanks of an admissibility of participation of citizens in management of the international affairs are considered; basic aspects правоотношений, developing between citizens and state governing bodies of the separate states, and interstate bodies are analyzed; правоотношений, connected in general subjective and objective factors of development are compared with possibility to use to citizens the influence on the international relations; the intrinsic characteristic of the maintenance of the positive mechanism of participation of citizens in management of interstate affairs is given; directions of updating of legal maintenance of participation of citizens in management of interstate affairs are offered; General characteristics to innovative tendencies of development правоотношений are defined, developing in the course of realization by citizens of the right to participation in management of interstate affairs recognizing that the right should establish and regulate, instead of forbid the objective, really demanded activity uniting links of a civil society and system of democracy, providing various interests of social and national groups, co-coordinating them with interests of citizens and the states.
The Global Social Forum has a history. In general, it should be noted that the political meaning of its constitution was to tackle the crisis of the neoliberal model, based on social and political convergence in a series of processes that brought forces together and their various strategies of confrontation. Convergence, on the one hand, of the anti-globalisation movement, which was born in the fight against the WTO and in solidarity with the people of the south; on the other hand, social movements in the south: indigenous people, peasants, women, young people, environmentalists, etc., who had built their own political representation and boosted major efforts to reject governments in favour of international financial groups, which included NGOs and institutional spaces contributing to the existence of the FSM. All these processes, having a common feature, had succeeded in articulating not only national developments but also looking at the global meeting of regional and international networks and organisations, the possibility of influencing change towards another possible world. Hence, resolutions were always based on the deployment of a series of campaigns and self-calls for global mobilisation. ; El Foro Social Mundial tiene una historia De forma general, cabe señalar que el sentido político de su constitución fue el enfrentamiento a la crisis del modelo neoliberal, a partir de la convergencia social y política de una serie de procesos que juntaban sus fuerzas y sus diversas estrategias de enfrentamiento. Convergencia, por un lado, del movimiento antiglobalización, que nació en la lucha contra la OMC y en la solidaridad con los pueblos del sur; por otro lado, movimientos sociales del sur: indígenas, campesinos, mujeres, jóvenes, ecologistas, etc., quienes habían construido una representación política propia e impulsado importantes movilizaciones de rechazo a gobiernos favorables a los grupos financieros internacionales, a la que se integraron, ONGs y espacios institucionales coadyuvando a la existencia del ...
La aplicación del control de convencionalidad, tal como ha sido planteado, ha encontrado algunos obstáculos en los Estados. Por ejemplo, en Colombia es objeto de un trato ambiguo, siempre usando como justificación el ordenamiento jurídico interno. Pese a que en el país su relevancia siempre ha sido ampliamente reconocida por las altas cortes, antes de 2018 los jueces desconocían en sus providencias una de las garantías contempladas en el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos: la doble instancia en los procesos penales adelantados contra los aforados. Esto puede explicarse dada la evolución que ha tenido el principio general de la doble instancia en el caso de los aforados en Colombia. Este derecho no fue previsto en la Constitución Política por la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente de 1991, sino que fue agregado vía reforma constitucional mediante el Acto Legislativo 1 de enero de 2018 que modificó los artículos 186, 234 y 235 de la Carta. En razón a lo anterior, se puede señalar que la aplicación del principio de la doble instancia, dependió durante muchos años de la discrecionalidad de las autoridades judiciales que, con el argumento de la Supremacía Constitucional, se negaron a adoptar la normatividad del Derecho Internacional en la materia. La inaplicación del control de convencionalidad sobre la doble instancia en los procesos adelantados en contra de aforados, punto central del presente trabajo, comprende, no solo al derecho interno y a las autoridades nacionales, sino a todo el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, pues involucra tanto la protección de los derechos de los aforados como la fuerza vinculante del derecho internacional. Dicha inobservancia del ordenamiento jurídico internacional por parte de un Estado que se ha comprometido a respetarlo y a aplicarlo despierta la curiosidad y el estado de alerta entre la comunidad académica y motiva a los estudiosos del derecho a investigar, plantear nuevas preguntas, aportar nuevas consideraciones y nuevas propuestas al respecto. Surgen así algunos interrogantes. ¿El Estado Colombiano ha vulnerado el derecho de los aforados a recurrir el fallo ante un juez o tribunal superior? De haber sido así, ¿conllevaría esto a la nulidad de todos los procesos? O, por el contrario, ¿las decisiones tomadas por las autoridades nacionales tienen verdadero sustento jurídico, no han sido violatorias de derechos protegidos y, por tanto, no deben ser declaradas nulas? Y, aunque la ambigüedad provocada por la diferencia entre el derecho interno y el derecho internacional sobre la doble instancia en los procesos de aforados quedó superada gracias al Acto Legislativo expedido por el Congreso en enero de 2018 (que reguló la situación conforme a las normas internacionales), el tema no ha perdido importancia jurídica ni política ya que la problemática no ha desaparecido de la mente de los juristas ni de aquellos aforados a quienes los jueces negaron la posibilidad de recurrir el fallo. ; The application of conventionality control, as it has been proposed, has encountered some obstacles in the States. For example, in Colombia it is subject to ambiguous treatment, always using the domestic legal system as justification. Despite the fact that its relevance in the country has always been widely recognized by the high courts, before 2018 the judges were unaware of one of the guarantees provided for in international human rights law: the double instance in the criminal proceedings carried out against the persons with jurisdiction. This can be explained given the evolution that the general principle of double instance has had in the case of the persons with jurisdiction in Colombia. This right was not provided for in the Political Constitution by the National Constituent Assembly of 1991, but was added via constitutional reform through the Legislative Act of January 1, 2018 that modified articles 186, 234 and 235 of the Charter. Due to the above, it can be pointed out that the application of the principle of double instance, depended for many years on the discretion of the judicial authorities that, with the argument of the Constitutional Supremacy, refused to adopt the regulations of International Law in The matter. The inapplication of the control of conventionality on the double instance in the advanced processes against the persons with jurisdiction, the central point of this work, includes not only domestic law and national authorities, but the entire Inter-American Human Rights System, since it involves both the protection of graduates' rights as the binding force of international law. Such non-observance of the international legal order by a State that has committed to respect and apply it arouses curiosity and alertness among the academic community and motivates scholars of law to investigate, raise new questions, contribute new and new considerations. proposals in this regard. Thus some questions arise. Has the Colombian State violated the right of the persons with jurisdiction to appeal the ruling to a higher judge or court? If so, would this lead to the nullity of all processes? Or, on the contrary, do the decisions taken by the national authorities have real legal basis, have they not violated protected rights and, therefore, should not be declared invalid? And, although the ambiguity caused by the difference between domestic law and international law regarding the double instance in volumetric proceedings was overcome thanks to the Legislative Act issued by Congress in January 2018 (which regulated the situation in accordance with international standards ), the issue has not lost legal or political importance since the issue has not disappeared from the minds of the jurists or those the persons with jurisdiction who the judges denied the possibility of appealing the ruling. ; Abogado(a) ; Maestría
학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사범대학 체육교육과,글로벌스포츠매니지먼트전공, 2020. 8. 송욱. ; 서울대학교 석사과정을 공부를 하면서 저자가 배운점은 성공한 대부분의 스포츠 종목마다 적어도 한가지의 평가 시스템이 국가 기준이나 리그 기준으로 존재한다는 것이다. 국제 레벨의 국제연맹에서는 랭킹 포인트 제도를 사용하고있다. 국제 테니스 연맹 (ITTF) 에서는 개인전 마지막 포지션을 토대로 "월드랭킹" 포인트가 부여된다. 현재 몽골 탁구연맹과 (MTTA) 다른 연맹에서는 국제연맹 방식과 흡사한 방식을 갖추고있다. 하지만, 각 선수들과 팀은 해당국가에 적합한 평가제도를 적용해야 더 정확한 평가를 할 수 있다. 본 연구에서는 국제연맹에서는 사용되고 있는 세계랭킹 시스템과 국가랭킹 시스템의 차이를 파악하는게 매우 중요하다고 생각한다. 평가제도는 다음과 같이 설명 할 수 있다: "Being competitive is a core element of human nature and a rating system is a great tool for satisfying the need of ranking players for the skills they demonstrate" (Visti, Joelsson, and Smed 2017). 스포츠 평가 시스템은 수학적인 모델을 바탕으로 선수들에게 다른선수들에 비한 자신의 능력을 순위로 제공한다. 평가 차이는 선수나 팀이 상대의 능력치에 따라서 다른점수가 부여되며 대부분의 세계랭킹 점수는 경기결과를 토대로 부여되고 있다. 코치/선수 개발 프로그램, 정책, 시설, 인사, 정책지원과 같이 스포츠 개발 도상협회들이 감당해야 할 중요한 문제들은 인터뷰 결과를 통해서 다시 발견 할 수 있었다. 몽골에 평가 시스템 도입은 언급된 다른 중요한 문제들을 보다 우선순위가 떨어진다는 주장이 나올수도 있지만 현 상황에 비추어 보면 어느 다른 문제보다도 시급하다는 것을 볼 수있다. 적합한 평가 시스템의 도입은 연맹, 리그와 클럽들의 선수 경쟁을 향상시킬 것이다. 단순히 아무 형태나 적용시켜보는게 아닌 그 나라 스포츠 특성에 맞는 적절한 평가 시스템을 컴퓨터 모델을 기반으로 개발하는 것이다. 본 연구의 목적은 몽골 탁구에 이상적인 평가시스템을 코치와 선수들의 인식들을 반영하여 만들기 위한 것이다. 인터뷰 과정을 통하여 국내평가시스템의 도입이 매우 중요하다는 점을 코치와 선수들의 인식을 확인 할 수있었다. 키워드: 스포츠 랭킹; 스포츠 평가; 탁구; 평가 시스템 ; While studying in the Dream Together Master program at SNU, I learned that the most successful sports have at least one rating system at the national, league and club level. For the international level, International Federations use the ranking method based on the ranking point system. For the International Table Tennis Federation (ITTF), "World Ranking" points are generally awarded on the basis of the final positions in knockout singles events. The current ranking method of the Mongolian Table Tennis Association (MTTA) and most other national federations are similar to other international federations. But it is accurate to rate individual players and teams through a proper rating system at the national level. It is important to distinguish these rating systems from the international ranking for the national federations. See the following description of the rating system: "Being competitive is a core element of human nature and a rating system is a great tool for satisfying the need of ranking players for the skills they demonstrate" (Visti, Joelsson, and Smed 2017). Sport rating systems are mathematical models that provide ratings to players that indicate their strength relative to each other. The difference of the rating is the player or team gain different points depending on the weighted strength of competitors and most international ranking points are allocated based on the results of the event. Based on interviewee responses, it is not hard to name important issues facing developing sports federations such as coach/athlete development programs, policy, number of facilities, human resources, government support, etc. It could be argured that having a rating system might come second in priority to a number of the issues above, but when seeing the current issues depending on us, it should be held as the top priority. A proper rating system will help the federation, league or clubs to enhance player competitiveness. Players want to have the rating as a constant measurement that motivates them to continually improve themselves toward the top ranking. This is not about creating a raw framework, but rather it is about developing a proper rating system based on one of the computing models. The primary purpose of this study is to generate the optimal rating system for Mongolian table tennis by exploring the coaches' and player's perception of the national rating system. Through the process, we confirmed that the national rating system an important issue based on coaches' and players' perceptions. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1. Introduction of Mongolian table tennis 1 1.2. Background 4 1.3. Problem Statement 5 1.4. Research Purpose 6 1.5. Research Hypothesis and Research Questions 6 Chapter 2. Literature Review 8 2.1. What are the sport ranking and rating systems 8 2.2. Usage of rating systems in sports 10 2.3. The Elo Model (US National Rating System) 12 2.4. Bayesian Skill Rating System (Rating Central) 20 2.5. Korean Table Tennis Rating System 21 2.6. Comparison of the rating systems 23 2.7. Table tennis rating systems 25 2.8. The rating system in Mongolian sport 29 Chapter 3. Research Method 32 3.1. Research Design 33 3.2. Research Method 34 3.3. Data Collection 37 3.3.1. Participants 37 3.3.2. Interview 38 3.3.3. Procedures 39 3.4. Data Analysis 40 Chapter 4. Findings and Discussion 45 4.1. Findings 45 4.1.1. Lack of attractiveness and motivation 45 4.1.2. No clear indicator 47 4.1.3. The proper time to introducing a rating system 48 4.1.4. Lack of professionalism 49 4.1.5. Importance of introducing a rating system 51 4.1.6. Reduced influence due to a short period of a players' competitiveness 52 4.2. Discussion 53 Chapter 5. Conclusion and Limitations 56 5.1. Conclusion 56 5.2. Limitations 57 5.3. Future Research 58 References 60 Appendix A 65 Appendix B 67 ; Master
The topic of the article will be the discussion of the issue of how gestures accompanying speech may complement a gap in a statement. The considerations will cover particular ways of filling such a gap, both semantically and taking into account the place of the gesture in the syntactic structure of the sentence. The subject of interest will be the analysis of spontaneous statements of interlocutors, which will allow for the isolation of word-gesture wholes; it will likewise describe the relationship between the two modes ahead of recounting the functions of gestures in the structure of the entire utterance. The analysis is based on commentaries from one of the journalistic programs hosting politicians in Poland. ; izabela.krasnicka-wilk@uj.edu.pl ; Izabela Kraśnicka is an Assistant Professor at the Communication Theory Department of the Faculty of Polish Studies at the Jagiellonian University. The author's research interests focus primarily on gestures accompanying speech, their role in creating and transmitting meanings, as well as gestural phraseology as a category illustrating relations that combine two semiotic modes – speech and gesture – into a semantic whole. She is the author of the book Mówiące ciało [the talking body], in which the issue of the cognitive view of the Polish language phraseology is discussed. ; Jagiellonian University ; Antas, J. 2013. Semantyczność ciała. Gesty jako znaki myślenia. Łódź: Primum Verbum. ; Antas, J. & Gembalczyk, S. 2018. Człowiek negujący – multimodalne studium cielesnych wyrazów negacji towarzyszących mowie. In: A. Załazińska & J. Winiarska (eds.), Multimodalność komunikacji, 47-56. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka. ; Bressem, J. & Müller C. 2014. A repertoire of German recurrent gestures with pragmatic functions. In: C. Müller, A. Cienki, E. Fricke et al. (eds.), Body, Language, Communication. 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The semiotics of gestures in Cognitive Linguistics: Contribution and challenges. Voprosy Kognitivnoy Lingvistiki 4: 25-36. ; Jarząbek, K. 2016. Słownik mowy ciała Polaków. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. ; Karpiński, M., Jarmołowicz-Nowikow, E., Malisz, Z., Szczyszek, M. & Juszczyk, K. 2008. Rejestracja, transkrypcja i tagowanie mowy oraz gestów w narracji dzieci i dorosłych. Investigationes Linguisticae 16(December): 83-98. ; Kendon, A. 2004. Gestures: Visible Action as Utterance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ; Kozak, K. 2007. Polska frazeologia gestu: od informacji somatycznej do idiomu. Etnolingwistyka 19: 253-265. ; Kövecses, Z. 2011. Język, umysł, kultura. Praktyczne wprowadzenie. Kraków: Universitas. ; Kraśnicka-Wilk, I. 2018. Między słowem a gestem – frazeologia gestyczna w ujęciu kognitywnym. In: M. Gębka-Wolak, I. Kaproń-Charzyńska & J. Kamper-Werejko (eds.), Języki słowiańskie w kontekstach kultur dawnych i współczesnych, 75-87. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. ; Kraśnicka-Wilk, I. 2018a. Gesty zachowane w języku. Relacje między językowymi i niejęzykowymi sposobami wyrażania znaczeń na przykładzie analizy semantyki frazeologizmu gestycznego podać komuś rękę. In: J. Winiarska & A. Załazińska (eds.), Multimodalność komunikacji, 57-71. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka. ; Krawczyk, A. 1983. Frazeologizmy mimiczne i gestyczne (na materiale gwarowym). Socjolingwistyka 5. ; Ladewig, S. H. 2014. Creating multimodal utterances: The linear integration of gestures into speech. In: C. Müller, A. Cienki, E. Fricke et al. (eds.), Body, Language, Communication. An International Handbook on Multimodality in Human Interaction, vol. 2 (38.2), 1662-1677. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter. ; Leeuwen van Theo, K. G. 2013. Kolor jako system semiotyczny: wstęp do gramatyki koloru. In: A. Duszak & G. Kowalski (eds.), Systemowo-funkcjonalna analiza dyskursu, 229-257. Kraków: Universitas. ; Majewska-Tworek, A. 2014. Niepłynność wypowiedzi w oficjalnej odmianie polszczyzny. Propozycja typologii. Wrocław: Quaestio. ; McNeill, D. 1992. Hand and Mind. What Gestures Reveal about Thought. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. ; McNeill, D. 2013. The co-evolution of gesture and speech, and downstream consequences. In: C. Müller, A. Cienki, E. Fricke et al. (eds.), Body, Language, Communication. An International Handbook on Multimodality in Human Interaction, vol. 1 (38.1), 480-512, Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter. ; McNeill, D. 2016. Why We Gesture? The Surprising Role of Hand Movements in Communication. New York: Cambridge University Press. ; Müller, C. 2014. Gestural modes of representation as techniques of depiction. In: C. Müller, A. Cienki, E. Fricke et al. (eds.), Body, Language, Communication. An International Handbook on Multimodality in Human Interaction, vol. 2 (38.2), 1687-1702. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter. ; Müller, C. 2014a. Gesture as deliberate expressive movement. In: M. Seyfeddinipur & M. Gullberg (eds.), From Gesture in Conversation to Visible Action as Utterance, 127-151. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ; Müller, C., Bressem, J. & Ladewig, S. H. 2013. Towards a grammar of gestures: A form-based view. In: C. Müller, A. Cienki, E. Fricke et al. (eds.), Body, Language, Communication. An International Handbook on Multimodality in Human Interaction, vol. 1 (38.1), 707-733, Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter. ; Poprawa, M. 2009. Telewizyjne debaty polityków jako przykład dyskursu publicznego. Kraków: Universitas. ; Załazińska, A. 2012. Metoda analizy środków niewerbalnych pojawiających się podczas wypowiedzi (na podstawie programu "Kuba Wojewódzki"). In: J. Wasilewski & A. Nita (eds.), Instrukcja obsługi tekstów. Metody retoryki, 253-269. Sopot: Gdańskie Wydawnictwo Psychologiczne. ; 31 (4/2020) ; 7 ; 22
In the world's real state of nature, people are forcefully evicted from their homes every other time either because they are targets of their state's persecutions or their state's failure to protect them from violent conflicts and wars that make people's homes inhabitable. They flee to other states in search of safety and because States, the world over, have collectively claimed the territories in form of physical boundaries, autonomy and sovereignty, these subjects of eviction transform to being refugees. Pushed from their homes, coupled with the fact that States continue to erect high border fences and walls and legislate restrictive migration policies aimed to wade off refugee claims, as they portray refugees as a burden and a problem to be addressed, their protection has been of primary concern to the international community. National asylum systems, however, have been inadequate and their procedures ineffective in addressing the plight of refugees. Structured around the following general research question: What are the policy failures in the motivations, interests and strategies by the Kenya Government, Federal Republic of Somalia, UNHCR and other stakeholders in pushing for repatriation of Somali Refugees spontaneously and prematurely?, the study answers the question by tracing the Kenyan asylum procedures over time with respect to the principles of non-refoulement and the right to asylum. Following a theoretical evaluation of these two key principles, both at the international and domestically in Kenya, and in the framework of the 1951 Refugee Convention, this study endeavored to show that the Kenyan asylum laws are not independent from the international asylum legal framework, and that Kenya must honour its international obligation to protect refugees. Taking account of Kenya's international obligation, the Federal Republic of Somalia's duty to create conditions of just return for its citizens and UNHCR's mandate to protect refugees, the study continues its analysis by qualitatively investigating the role and motivation of those three parties in promoting return of refugees at a time when Somalia is still not safe and the Federal Government of Somalia has admitted to not being able to accommodate large-scale returns of its nationals. The study concludes that the Government of Kenya's security and sovereignty concerns, the Somali Government's push for legitimacy after decades of war, and UNHCR's battle with host State's pressure to return refugees informed the decision to prematurely evict refugees from Kenya. Moreover, the study reveals the inadequacy of the Kenya's asylum space and advocates for hastening of the repeal of the Refugee Act 2006 by parliament so that refugees can adequately access protection. But before that happens, refugees in Kenya continue to suffer from inadequate protection challenges, and the international community and donor States are strongly encouraged to readapt their practices and align them to the refugee challenges of the 21st century. Top of the chart is the need to support Somalia's demographic security challenge whose picture portrays an outright outlier in the demographic sense, besides fixing the physical security situation in Somalia. ; Dünyanın gerçek doğasında, insanlar sürekli olarak devletlerinin zulmünün hedefi oldukları için ya da devletlerinin onları, evlerini yaşanmaz hale getirecek şiddetli çatışmalardan ve savaşlardan koruyamaması nedeniyle evlerinden zorla tahliye edilmektedirler. Güvenlik arayışı içinde diğer devletlere kaçmaktadırlar ve dünya üzerindeki devletlerin ortaklaşa bir biçimde toprak parçalarını fiziksel sınırlar, özerklik ve egemenlik şeklinde talep etmesi nedeniyle, tahliye edilen bu kişiler mülteci haline dönüşmektedirler. Evlerinden atılan ve bununla birlikte devletlerin yüksek sınır çitleri ve duvarları kurmaya devam etmeleri, mültecileri bir yük ve ele alınması gereken bir sorun olarak gösteren, mülteci iddialarını durdurmayı amaçlayan kısıtlayıcı göç politikalarını yasalaştırmaları nedeniyle, mültecilerin korunmaları uluslararası toplum için birincil endişe kaynağını oluşturmaktadır. Bununla birlikte, ulusal sığınma sistemleri yetersiz ve prosedürleri de mültecilerin kötü durumunun ele alınmasında etkisiz kalmaktadır. Bu tez aşağıdaki genel araştırma sorusu etrafında yapılandırılmıştır: Kenya Hükümeti, Federal Somali Cumhuriyeti, Birleşmiş Milletler Mülteciler Yüksek Komiserliği (BMMYK) ve diğer paydaşların motivasyonları, menfaatleri ve stratejileri içerisinde, Somali mültecilerini kendiliğinden ve zamanından önce ülkelerine geri göndermelerini zorlamadaki politika başarısızlıkları nelerdir? Çalışma bu soruya geri göndermeme ve iltica hakkı ilkeleri hususunda, zaman içerisindeki Kenya iltica prosedürlerinin izini sürerek cevap vermektedir. Bu iki temel ilkenin hem uluslaraarası hem de Kenya içerisinde ve 1951 Mülteci Sözleşmesi çerçevesinde yapılan teorik değerlendirmesinin ardından, bu çalışma Kenya iltica yasalarının uluslararası iltica yasal çerçevesinden bağımsız olmadığını ve Kenya'nın mültecileri koruma konusundaki uluslararası yükümlülüğünü yerine getirmesi gerektiğini göstermeye çalışmıştır. Kenya'nın uluslararası yükümlülüğü, Federal Somali Cumhuriyeti'nin vatandaşları için olumlu geri dönüş şartlarını oluşturma görevi ve BMMYK'nın mültecileri koruma yetkisini göz önünde bulunduran bu çalışma, Somali'nin hala güvende olmadığı ve Federal Somali Hükümeti'nin geri dönen vatandaşlarının büyük bir bölümüne barınacak bir yer temin edemediğini itiraf ettiği bir zamanda, bu üç grubun, mültecilerin geri dönüşünü teşvik etmedeki rollerini ve motivasyonlarını niteliksel olarak inceleyerek analizine devam etmektedir. Çalışma, Kenya Hükümeti'nin güvenlik ve egemenlik endişelerinin, Somali Hükümeti'nin yıllarca süren savaşın ardından meşruiyete itilmesi ve BMMYK'nın ev sahibi devletin mültecileri iade etme konusundaki baskısı ile ilgili savaşıyla, mültecilerin zamanından önce Kenya'dan tahliye etmesiyle ilgili bildirilen karar ile sonuçlanmaktadır. Ayrıca, bu çalışma Kenya'daki iltica alanlarının yetersizliğini ortaya koymakta ve mültecilerin korumaya yeterince erişebilmeleri için 2006 tarihli Mülteci Yasası'nın mecliste yürürlükten kaldırılmasını savunmaktadır. Ancak, bu gerçekleşene kadar, Kenya'daki mülteciler yetersiz koruma zorluklarından muzdarip olmaya devam etmektedirler ve uluslararası toplum ve bağışçı devletlerin uygulamalarını yeniden uyarlamaları ve bunları 21. yüzyılın mülteci zorluklarına göre hizaya sokma konusunda şiddetle teşvik edilmektedirler. Bu listenin en üstünde, Somali'deki fiziksel güvenlik durumunu düzeltmenin yanı sıra, demografik açıdan tamamen aykırı bir şekilde tasvir edilen Somali'nin demografik güvenlik sorununu destekleme ihtiyacı bulunmaktadır.
This thesis questions the contemporary European borders and tries to think of them by escaping the fragmentation in events that is specific to media standards and multiple political polemical discourses. First of all, it is a question of contextualizing the current lines and relocating them over the course of history. To that end, the research returns to the formalization of the states in Europe in the modern period, to understand how their territorial limits were defined and modern international relations were invented, before studying diachronically the multiple border reconfigurations on the continent between the 17th and the 21st century. Thus, in a constructivist perspective, this research restores the originality of the process of European construction and approaches synchronically the contemporary European Union through the prism of its borders and neighborhoods. This thesis aims at understanding the challenges of the post-Westphalian evolution of international relations through the European integration and its supranational dimension. At the same time, sovereignist and neo-Westphalian dynamics are approached at the historical moment when the EU is facing a crisis of internal legitimacy, and faces multiple geopolitical crises in its neighborhoods. In a second time, the thesis proposes to dwell on three regional spaces in order to question contemporary European neighborhoods as much from the point of view of neighboring states as from perspective of the border populations living and acting in these border areas. For that purpose, the thesis mobilizes observations and comprehensive interviews from fieldwork conducted in situ on each border area, using the methods and tools of sociology. More precisely, it concerns the Geneva basin, on the border between France and Switzerland, the South-East Balkan Peninsula region, where Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey meet, and finally the interface between Slovakia, Hungary and Ukraine in Central Europe. Beyond the historical singularities and the empirical diversities, the thesis underlines the decisive importance of Europeanization to normalize relations of neighborhoods and integrate territories. Border properties and border-effects between territories are reconfigured, border populations adapt and act by implementing differentiated and diversified mobility strategies. However, local border actors are dependent on the states and the EU who keep control of: properties; border rules and standards; the political and institutional life and the evolution of international relations, all of them key elements that are shaping the present and the future of these spaces for their inhabitants. The thesis is based on an analytical articulation of these different scales, periods and actors. These different axes of approach makes it possible to understand the border principle in a historical and relational way. More generally, this work leads us to understand why the European project is at a political crossroads today. ; Cette thèse questionne les frontières européennes contemporaines et tente de les penser en échappant à la fragmentation liée aux évènements propre aux standards médiatiques et aux multiples discours politiques polémiques. Il s'agit tout d'abord de contextualiser les tracés actuels et de les resituer au fil de l'histoire. Pour cela, la recherche revient sur la formalisation des États en Europe dans la période moderne, pour comprendre comment sont définies leurs limites territoriales et s'inventent les relations internationales modernes, avant d'étudier les multiples reconfigurations frontalières sur le continent entre le 17ième et le 21ième siècle de façon diachronique. Ainsi, dans une perspective constructiviste, la recherche restitue l'originalité du processus de la construction européenne et aborde l'Union Européenne contemporaine par le prisme de ses frontières et voisinages de façon synchronique. Cette thèse permet de comprendre les enjeux de l'évolution post-westphalienne des relations internationales par le biais de l'intégration européenne et de ses dimensions supranationales. Parallèlement, sont abordées les dynamiques souverainistes et néo-westphaliennes à l'œuvre au moment historique où l'UE est confrontée à une crise de légitimité interne, et doit faire face à de multiples crises géopolitiques dans ses voisinages. Dans un second temps, la thèse propose de revenir sur trois espaces régionaux afin d'interroger, plus particulièrement, les voisinages européens contemporains autant du point de vu des Etats voisins que des populations frontalières qui vivent et agissent dans ces espaces frontaliers. Pour cela, la thèse mobilise des observations et des entretiens compréhensifs issus d'un travail de terrain mené in situ sur chaque espace frontalier à partir des méthodes et outils de la sociologie. Plus précisément, il s'agit du bassin genevois, aux frontières entre la France et la Suisse, de la région du Sud-Est de la péninsule balkanique, où se rencontrent la Bulgarie, la Grèce et la Turquie, et enfin de l'interface entre la Slovaquie, la Hongrie et l'Ukraine en Europe centrale. Ces régions sont successivement remises en contexte puis étudiées à partir de leurs interfaces frontalières. Au-delà des singularités historiques et des diversités empiriques, la thèse souligne l'importance décisive de l'européanisation pour normaliser les relations de voisinages étatiques et intégrer les territoires. Les propriétés frontalières et les « effets-frontières » entre territoires se reconfigurent, les populations frontalières s'adaptent et agissent en mettant en œuvre des stratégies de mobilités différentiées et diversifiées. Cependant, les acteurs frontaliers locaux sont tributaires des États et de l'UE qui gardent la main sur : les propriétés ; les règles et les normes frontalières ; la vie politique et institutionnelle et l'évolution des relations internationales, tous éléments clés qui conditionnent le présent et l'avenir de ces espaces pour leurs habitants. La thèse repose sur une articulation analytique de ces différentes échelles, périodes et acteurs. Elle permet par ces différents axes d'approche de comprendre le fait frontalier de façon historique et relationnelle. Plus généralement, ce travail amène ainsi à comprendre pourquoi le projet européen fait face aujourd'hui à un carrefour politique.
Since the 1970s, the European Union's distinctive characteristics have created a lively debate among International Relations (IR) scholars on its role concept and identity in international politics. In this framework, the concept of normative power was coined to explain the international profile of the Union on the basis of its founding norms and principles. In the post-Cold War era, dramatic changes in the international system have forced the Union to accelerate its initiatives to establish an effective foreign and security policy. With the end of the Cold War, the Union's effectiveness in these fields has been questioned by scholars. The Union's actions and policies towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have particularly been at the center of discussions. To shed light on this, this thesis undertakes to present a critical perspective on the Union's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution process as a normative power. To provide a clear theoretical ground, the Union's identity and profile in international politics are analysed from a constructivist point of view. In accordance with the arguments of the constructivist school of thought, this thesis addresses the Union's international identity and its impact on foreign policy, and outlines the concept of normative power. After an examination of the Union's foreign and security policy evolution and its objectives in its neighbourhood policy, the study proceeds to an analysis of the Union's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution process. In order to present a comprehensive and critical conceptual basis, Ian Manners's triple analysis method, which is based on examining the Union's principles, actions and outcomes arising from these is used. The main argument of this thesis is that because of the lack of consistency in the policies of member states, the Union cannot portray an effective actor profile in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. ; KABUL VE ONAY…………………………………………………………………….i BİLDİRİM…………………………………………………………………………….ii YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI…………………….iii ETİK BEYAN………………………………………………………………………….iv DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………….v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………….vi ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………….vii ÖZET…………………………………………………………………………………viii TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………………………………………….ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………….xii LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………….xiii INTRODUCTION.1 CHAPTER 1: A CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS OF NORMATIVE POWER EUROPE…………………………………………………………………………….…6 1.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………….6 1.2. Analysis of the Theoretical and Epistemological Basis of "Normative Power Europe": Constructivism and Identity…………………………….…9 1.2.1. Constructivism…………………………………….…………….11 1.2.2. The Concept of Identity……………………………………….15 1.3. Analysis of the Concept of Normative Power Europe…………….….21 1.3.1. Early Discussions on the Actorness of the Union….………….21 1.3.2. Definition of the Ideal Type…………………………….………25 1.3.3. Dimensions of the Concept of Normative Power…………….…27 1.3.4. Normative Basis of the European Union………………….…….30 1.4. Critiques and Limitations of the Concept of Normative Power Europe………………………………………………………………………….33 1.4.1. The Lack of Conceptual Clarity.……………………………….34 1.4.2. The Lack of Normative Intensity……………………………….37 1.4.3. Geographical Limits of the Concept of Normative Power Europe.……………………………………………………………….39 1.4.4. Presence, Opportunity and Capability………………………….41 1.5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………….43 CHAPTER 2: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF THE EVOLUTION OF EUROPEAN FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY AND EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY………………………………………………………46 2.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………….46 2.2. Attempts to Establish a Common Foreign and Security Policy from the 1950s to Maastricht……………………………………………………………49 2.2.1. Plans for a European Defence Community and European Political Community…………………………………………………………….50 2.2.2. The Single European Act……………………………………….57 2. 3. Establishing a "Common" Foreign and Security Policy in the Post-Cold War Era……………………………………………………………………….58 2.3.1. The Road to Maastricht…………………………………………. 59 2.3.2. The Maastricht Treaty……………………………………………63 2.3.3. The Amsterdam Treaty………………………………………….67 2.3.4. The Nice Treaty………………………………………………….72 2.3.5. The Lisbon Treaty……………………………………………….74 2.4. European Neighbourhood Policy……………………………………….79 2.5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………….85 CHAPTER 3: THE EU'S INVOLVEMENT IN THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT: PRINCIPLES, ACTIONS AND OUTCOMES…………………….88 3.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………….88 3.2. First Period of the Union's Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: 1970-1990……………………………………………………………92 3.2.1. Analysis of the Union's Official Statements: Principles……….93 3.2.2. Actions and Outcomes………………………………………….98 3.3. Analysis of the Union's Involvement in the Conflict after the Cold War……………………………………………………………………………102 3.3.1. Analysis of the Principles of the Second Period……………….103 3.3.2. Actions and Outcomes………………………………………….118 3. 4. Conclusion………………………………………………………………129 CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………132 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………137 APPENDIX 1. Orijinallik Raporu………………………………………………….161 APPENDIX 2. Etik Kurul İzin Muafiyeti Formu………………………………….163 ; 1970'lerden itibaren, Avrupa Birliği'nin kendine özgü karakteri Uluslararası İlişkiler akademisyenleri arasında, Birliğin uluslararası politikadaki rol kavramı ve kimliği üzerine hararetli bir tartışma yaratmıştır. Bu çerçevede normatif güç kavramı, Birliğin uluslararası profilini, kurucu norm ve prensipleri temelinde açıklamak için ortaya konulmuştur. Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde uluslararası sistemdeki köklü değişiklikler, Birliği etkin bir dış politika ve güvenlik politikası kurmak için faaliyetlerini hızlandırmaya zorlamıştır. Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesiyle birlikte, Birliğin bu alanlardaki etkinliği akademisyenlerce sorgulanmıştır. Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışmasına yönelik eylem ve politikaları özellikle tartışmaların merkezinde olmuştur. Buna ışık tutmak için, bu tez Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışma çözüm sürecine bir normatif güç olarak dahil olması üzerine eleştirel bir bakış açısı taahhüt etmektedir. Açık bir kuramsal temel sağlamak için, Birliğin kimliği ve uluslararası politikadaki profili sosyal inşacılık perspektifinden analiz edilmektedir. İnşacı düşünce ekolünün argümanları doğrultusunda, bu tez Birliğin uluslararası kimliğine ve dış politikası üzerindeki etkilerine değinmekte ve normatif güç kavramının ana hatlarını belirtmektedir. Birliğin dış politika ve güvenlik politikası gelişimini ve komşuluk politikasının amaçlarını inceledikten sonra çalışma, Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışma çözüm sürecine dahil olmasının analizi ile devam etmektedir. Kapsamlı ve eleştirel bir kavramsal temel sunabilmek için Ian Manners'ın Birliğin prensipleri, eylemleri ve bunlardan doğan sonuçlarının incelenmesine dayanan üçlü analiz metodu kullanılmaktadır. Bu tezin temel argümanı, üye devletlerin politikaları arasındaki uyum eksikliği sebebiyle Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışmasında etkili bir aktör profili sergileyemediğidir.
Contemporary environmental problems represent complex societal challenges, and as these problems become increasingly global, the international diffusion of environmental technologies is essential. One way to diffuse technologies internationally is through export. Despite the potential benefits from the adoption of environmental technologies, their export is stifled by externalities and free-rider problems. From this background, the aim of this thesis is to analyse how to stimulate the diffusion of environmental technologies through export. This aim is operationalised using four research questions, which focus on governmental initiatives to promote environmental technology export and their perceived effectiveness among targeted firms, obstacles to and drivers for export among municipally owned companies, the use of international city networks to facilitate environmental technology export and components of business concepts for environmental technology export. These questions are explored in the Swedish context using document analyses, interviews and internet surveys in a compilation thesis which consists of a cover essay and an appendix of five scientifically peer-reviewed and published journal articles. The conclusions are that governmental export promotion initiatives are often generic for all kinds of exporters, including environmental technologies, and comprise financial support, information provision, education and training, and trade and mobility-related programs, often with little incorporation of the specific characteristics of environmental technologies which many exporters perceive as ineffective. Municipally owned companies experience different barriers to and drivers for engaging in international activities compared to privately owned companies, and are often involved in international projects which are not always commercial export. International city networks serve as important arenas for bi-directional information sharing and learning regarding market characteristics, environmental challenges and potential solutions, building legitimacy for technologies and their suppliers. Regarding components of business concepts for the export of environmental technologies, regulation, legitimacy and private-public partnership are identified as particularly important based on the complexity and systemic nature of environmental technologies. Altogether, this thesis makes a contribution by conceptualising the export of environmental technologies with emphasis on technology characteristics, the technology supplier including their business concepts, obstacles to and drivers for export, technology adopters and their characterisation, communication channels and the diffusion context. For policy makers, a dynamic approach to environmental technology export promotion, in which specific attributes of environmental technologies and their suppliers are considered along their international business development, is suggested as a complement to existing generic initiatives. The possibility to provide such support should be reconciled with resource effectiveness, heterogeneity among companies and the complementary role of governmental interventions to market initiatives. Finally, partnerships between publicly and privately owned companies are suggested as particularly relevant since they build on the long-term experience, functioning proof-of-concept and legitimacy of publicly owned companies together with the competitiveness and flexibility of privately owned companies. These attributes could help overcome the liabilities of foreignness and newness, as well as resource constraints which challenge environmental technology export. ; De stora miljöproblemen innebär komplexa samhällsutmaningar och allt eftersom miljöproblemglobaliseras ökar behovet av en internationell spridning av miljöteknik. Export är ett sätt attsprida teknologier internationellt, men trots de potentiella fördelarna med miljöteknikexportstöter det ofta på hinder. Exempel på sådana hinder är externa effekter som att miljönytta intetillfaller det exporterande företaget, och att konkurrenter åker snålskjuts på de företag som tar deinitiala stegen. Utifrån denna bakgrund syftar den här avhandlingen till att analysera hur miljöteknikexport kanstimuleras ytterligare. För att besvara syftet har fyra frågeställningar utformats som fokuserar påstatliga initiativ för att främja export av miljöteknik och hur deras effekter uppfattas bland företagi målgruppen; hinder och drivkrafter för export hos kommunala bolag; internationella nätverkmellan storstäder som arenor för att underlätta export av miljöteknik; samt affärsmodeller för attexportera miljöteknik. Frågeställningarna utforskas i ett svenskt sammanhang genomdokumentanalys, intervjuer och enkäter. Avhandling bestående av en sammanfattande "kappa"och fem publicerade vetenskapliga artiklar. Resultaten från avhandlingen visar att statliga initiativ för att främja export oftast är generiska förolika typer av exportörer inklusive miljöteknikföretag. Initiativen inkluderar vanligtvis finansielltstöd, information, utbildning samt stöd för marknadsbesök och mobilitet. Dock tas ingen störrehänsyn till de särskilda egenskaperna hos miljöteknik vid utformandet av stödet. Stödet uppfattasdessutom av många miljöteknikexportörer som ineffektivt. Kommunala bolag har andra hinderoch drivkrafter än privata företag för att engagera sig internationellt och är oftast involverade iprojekt som inte är direkta exportaktiviteter. Internationella nätverk mellan städer kan fungerasom arenor för informationsutbyte och lärande mellan olika aktörers marknadsegenskaper,miljöproblem och potentiella lösningar samt bidra till legitimitet för tekniken och dessleverantörer. När det gäller utveckling av affärsmodeller för att exportera miljöteknik framstårlagstiftning, legitimitet, och samarbete mellan privata och offentliga aktörer som särskilt viktigt attbeakta på grund av miljöteknikens komplexitet och systemiska natur. Sammanfattningsvis bidrar avhandlingen till en konceptualisering av miljöteknikexport genom attfokusera på teknikens egenskaper, dess leverantörers affärsmodeller, hinder och drivkrafter förexport, de som köper tekniken och deras egenskaper, kommunikationskanaler samt sammanhangdär spridningen sker. En rekommendation är att politiska beslutsfattare borde stödja export avmiljöteknik på ett dynamiskt sätt där specifika egenskaper hos miljöteknik och dess leverantörerbeaktas i takt med deras internationella affärsutveckling. En dynamisk ansats kan vara ett brakomplement till många befintliga generiska statliga initiativ för att främja export av miljöteknik.En sådan ansats bör ta hänsyn till resurseffektivitet, olikheter mellan företag, samt varakomplementär till de icke-statliga initiativ som redan finns på marknaden. Slutligen föreslåssamarbeten mellan offentliga och privatägda företag, vilket anses högst relevant eftersomoffentliga företag kan bidra till att kombinera den mångåriga erfarenheten av miljötekniskalösningar samt den legitimitet som sådana företag kan ha med privata företags styrkor så somkonkurrenskraft och flexibilitet. Dessa förslag kan bidra till att minska de exporthinder som haratt göra med att miljöteknik ofta är ny och främmande, samt miljöteknikföretagens oftabegränsade resurser.
中國作為國際證監會組織的成員國,有責任落實國際証監會組織發佈的《金融市場基礎設施原則》。儘管國際貨幣基金組織發表的評分報告肯定中國落實了國際証監會組織提倡的金融規管原則,但事實上該等原則於納入法規後未獲執行。以上的分歧現象引起了對「中國金融規管制度會趨向國際原則」說法的質疑。 ; 本研究的討論重點在於中國金融法規會否跟國際原則趨向相同。本研究以系統化綜述分析國際貨幣基金組織對各國落實《金融市場基礎設施原則》情況的評分報告,並以內容分析法分析傳媒在中國二零一五年「股災」發生前後發表關於金融市場的報導。目的在於顯示中國政府以及金融監管機構在「股災」發生前後,在監管事宜上取態有明顯分別。 ; 本研究根據目的決定論提出中國金融監管趨向於與國際原則分歧。目的決定論、趨同理論以及有限度趨同理論的分別含意及對分歧現象的解釋在本研究中獲審視。根據目的決定論,由於中國金融市場有獨特社會目標,加上中國金融市場需要兼顧中國獨特社會背景,因此中國金融監管制度應該趨向獨特。換而言之,中國金融監管制度不應引入國際原則。目的決定論的論據在於中國政府領導層與金融業監管員在共產黨內有從屬關係。該從屬關係導致監管機構的監管行為被政府俘虜。 ; 根據規制俘虜理論,金融監管機構本來的職能被政府的提出議程取締。根據經濟目標合法性,中國政府的合法性源於其維持經濟發展的能力。因此,中國政府在金融市場的利益在於鞏固其執政合法性,而中國政府要達到以上目的,則需要令金融監管機構配合其經濟政策,修改監管方法及監管重點。最終,監管機構成為推動救市,並且宣揚政府權威形象的主力。 ; 綜觀以上提到中國的獨特金融監管制度,本研究旨在指出制度安排如何影響監管機構對金融業的監管。該等影響關連到中國金融監管制度是否趨向與國際間通用的監管原則同化。 ; Evaluations by International Monetary Fund (IMF) have shown increased implementation of International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) regulatory principles in China. However, findings show that international regulatory principles have not been practiced in China. Enforcement efforts of the principles remained low in China, and this casts doubts on the claim that Chinese financial regulation would develop towards the convergence of international regulatory principles due to the globalization of regulations. ; This research discusses on whether Chinese financial regulation has adopted international regulatory practices. Systematic review of IMF reports on implementation of IOSCO principles in different countries and content analysis of media reports issued around the happening of the 2015 stock market selloff crisis in China are employed to discover and examine findings. The selloff crisis is selected as a case for studying Chinese financial regulation because government interference in financial market made China's development away from international regulatory principles apparent, and arguments of this research are built on changes in financial regulatory patterns in China. ; This research supports the view of teleological determinism applied by Wilbert ...
The article takes a look at one of the most controversial personalities of inter-war Lithuania. Augustinas Voldemaras (1883–1942) was educated in classical philology, had a keen interest in universal history and the history of Lithuania and an additional concern in philosophical and sociological issues. A consistent search for integrated and synthetic knowledge, openness to philosophical questions and his disposition to polylogical cooperation of disciplines are some of the principal moments in his intellectual biography. Therefore, the present study attempts to highlight certain contexts of Voldemaras' intellectual biography, witnessing the tightly intertwining interdisciplinarity, aspirations of some type.While a student, Voldemaras found himself in the environment where the problems of ancient history were addressed at the European level and where attempts were made to bring the research on the classical era carried out in pre-revolutionary Russia closer to Germany, being the leader in this sphere.The openness to interdisciplinary search, postulates of integrated and synthetic knowledge that manifested over a long-term, not to mention his philosophical quests and attempts in the field of history, brought Voldemaras closer to the prominent European philosophical movement Centre International de Synthèse founded by Henri Berr, linked by special ties with the formation of one of the most outstanding 20th century schools of history The Annales School. Voldemaras belonged to the History Section of Henri Berr's Centre International de Synthèse, thus finding a niche among the distinguished representatives of social sciences and the humanities of that time. There is no wonder that in this respect, Voldemaras established himself in Lithuanian historiography as one of the pioneer figures attempting to overcome the disciplinary isolation of sciences, their one-sided empiricism or the lack of a broader approach towards history.The attention paid by Voldemaras to the philosophical issues of identification of history as a science, deliberate attribution of an important role to theory in social sciences and the humanities, the highlight of interdisciplinary initiatives in these sciences are what add the aspect of appeal to his intellectual biography. Voldemaras himself becomes one of the most interesting Lithuanian intellectuals of the first half of the 20th century. ; Santrauka. Viena kontroversiškiausių tarpukario Lietuvos asmenybių ir šiandien lieka Augustinas Voldemaras (1883–1942). Stipriai įvairuoja ne tik jo politinės, tačiau ir akademinės veiklos vertinimai. A. Voldemaras turėjo klasikinės filologijos išsilavinimą, domėjosi visuotine ir Lietuvos istorija, buvo neabejingas filosofiniams ir sociologiniams klausimams. Šio straipsnio tikslas – išryškinti tuos A. Voldemaro intelektualinės biografijos kontekstus, kuriuose itin stipriai persipina tam tikros tarpdisciplininės aspiracijos. Straipsnyje žvelgiama į ankstyvą A. Voldemaro susidomėjimą istorijos teorijos ir metodologijos problematika, į A. Voldemaro intelektualinius impulsus Peterburgo ir Permės laikotarpiais (1900–1917), į akademinius mokytojus, kuriuos vienas pirmųjų lietuvių Peterburgo universiteto docentų vėliau ne kartą pagarbiai prisimindavo. III deš. A. Voldemaras įsitraukė į vienu iš naujosios istorijos (nouvelle histoire) tėvų vadinamo Henri Berro nuo 1925 m. inicijuotą Tarptautinį sintezės centrą (Centre International de Synthèse), kuris tuometinėje Europoje tapo vienu ryškiausių tarpdisciplininių studijų centrų. Nors ir nėra pakankamai duomenų, leidžiančių pagrįstai svarstyti apie šio įsitraukimo mastą, viena aišku, kad Voldemaras priklausė Tarptautinio sintezės centro Istorinės sintezės sekcijos narių grupei, taip bent formaliai įsiterpdamas tarp ryškių to meto Europos istorikų, sociologų ir filosofų. Tai įgalina ir provokuoja įsigilinti į tuos A. Voldemaro biografijos momentus, kuriuose ryškėja jo intelektualinė pozicija, laiduojanti ar numatanti artimesnius ryšius tarp humanitarinių ir socialinių mokslų. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Voldemaras, intelektualinė biografija, istorijos teorija, tarpisciplinariškumas, integruotas žinojimas, Tarptautinis sintezės centras. Key words: Voldemaras, intellectual biography, theory of history, interdisciplinarity, integrated knowledge, Centre International de Synthèse. ABSTRACT AUGUSTINAS VOLDEMARAS: A SKETCH OF INTELLECTUAL BIOGRAPHYAND CERTAIN EXAMPLES OF INTERDISCIPLINARY ORIENTATION The article takes a look at one of the most controversial personalities of inter-war Lithuania. Augustinas Voldemaras (1883–1942) was educated in classical philology, had a keen interest in universal history and the history of Lithuania and an additional concern in philosophical and sociological issues. A consistent search for integrated and synthetic knowledge, openness to philosophical questions and his disposition to polylogical cooperation of disciplines are some of the principal moments in his intellectual biography. Therefore, the present study attempts to highlight certain contexts of Voldemaras' intellectual biography, witnessing the tightly intertwining interdisciplinarity, aspirations of some type.While a student, Voldemaras found himself in the environment where the problems of ancient history were addressed at the European level and where attempts were made to bring the research on the classical era carried out in pre-revolutionary Russia closer to Germany, being the leader in this sphere.The openness to interdisciplinary search, postulates of integrated and synthetic knowledge that manifested over a long-term, not to mention his philosophical quests and attempts in the field of history, brought Voldemaras closer to the prominent European philosophical movement Centre International de Synthèse founded by Henri Berr, linked by special ties with the formation of one of the most outstanding 20th century schools of history The Annales School. Voldemaras belonged to the History Section of Henri Berr's Centre International de Synthèse, thus finding a niche among the distinguished representatives of social sciences and the humanities of that time. There is no wonder that in this respect, Voldemaras established himself in Lithuanian historiography as one of the pioneer figures attempting to overcome the disciplinary isolation of sciences, their one-sided empiricism or the lack of a broader approach towards history.The attention paid by Voldemaras to the philosophical issues of identification of history as a science, deliberate attribution of an important role to theory in social sciences and the humanities, the highlight of interdisciplinary initiatives in these sciences are what add the aspect of appeal to his intellectual biography. Voldemaras himself becomes one of the most interesting Lithuanian intellectuals of the first half of the 20th century.
Die Finanzierung der medizinischen Versorgung ihrer Bevölkerung stellt die meisten Entwicklungs- und viele Schwellenländer vor das Dilemma knapper öffentlicher Ressourcen und konkurrierender Prioritäten. Vielerorts ist die öffentliche Krankenversorgung zwar kostenfrei, aber chronisch unterfinanziert und weder quantitativ noch qualitativ in der Lage, die Nachfrage nach Gesundheitsleistungen zu befriedigen. Auf der Suche nach zusätzlichen oder alternativen Finanzierungsquellen zur Verbesserung der Krankenversorgung entstand die Idee, Patienten stärker an den Kosten ihrer Behandlungen zu beteiligen. Internationale Organisationen wie Weltbank und IWF drängten die Länder Afrikas, Asiens und Lateinamerikas zur Einführung von Nutzergebühren bei Inanspruchnahme von Gesundheitsleistungen. Im Zuge der so genannten Bamako-Initiative führten viele afrikanische Länder generelle Behandlungsgebühren in öffentlichen Gesundheitseinrichtungen ein. Auch in den allermeisten anderen Entwicklungs- und Schwellenländern mussten Patienten in zunehmendem Maße selber für ihre Krankenversorgung aufkommen. Die systematische Einführung von Nutzergebühren im Gesundheitswesen verfolgte im Wesentlichen drei Ziele: Generierung zusätzlicher Mittel zur Verbesserung der Krankenversorgung, Überwindung bestehender Ungerechtigkeiten beim Zugang zu Versorgungsleistungen und Kostendämpfung durch Effizienzsteigerung im Gesundheitswesen. Sie stand im Zeichen der neoklassischen Wirtschaftstheorie, die vornehmlich mikroökonomische Ansätze in der Logik individueller Nutzenmaximierung propagierte und in Entwicklungsländern in Form der Strukturanpassungsprogramme Einzug hielt. In der Gesundheitspolitik verdrängten ökonomische Vorstellungen sozialpolitische Ziele, und es setzte sich das Denken in finanziellen Anreizsystemen zur Steuerung von Anbieter- und Nachfragerverhalten durch. Zugleich bezog sich die Zuzahlungspolitik explizit auf Kernforderungen der Basisgesundheitsbewegung von Alma Ata wie Dezentralisierung, Transparenz, Empowerment und Governance. Mittlerweile liegt eine große Zahl empirischer Untersuchungen über die Auswirkungen von Nutzergebühren im Gesundheitswesen von Entwicklungs- und Schwellenländern vor. Dabei hat sich gezeigt, dass die erwünschten Effekte nur teilweise und in geringem Ausmaß eingetreten sind. Bei aller Heterogenität der vorliegenden Untersuchungen bleibt die Bilanz von Patientenzuzahlungen in Entwicklungsländern in Bezug auf die Systemstärkung und Nachhaltigkeit der Gesundheitsfinanzierung insgesamt hinter den Erwartungen zurück. Dieser Gesamteindruck verstärkt sich, wenn man die Studien jenseits formalwissenschaftlicher Kriterien oder ihres wirtschaftstheoretischen Ansatzes analysiert. So finden grundlegende, nachhaltige Änderungen wie die Kürzung der Regelfinanzierung öffentlicher Leistungserbringer in Folge der Cost-Sharing-Politik ebenso wenig angemessene Berücksichtigung wie weitergehende sozialpolitische bzw. wohlfahrtsstaatliche Konsequenzen primär mikroökonomischer Entwicklungsansätze. Zudem lassen etliche Analysen und Befunde eine unübersehbare Übereinstimmung mit bestimmten entwicklungspolitischen Strategien erkennen, angefangen von weltbanknahen positiven Einschätzungen der meist kurzfristig verbesserten Versorgungsqualität bis zu der unbelegten Annahme, Nutzergebühren wirkten als Vorläufer von Krankenversicherungssystemen. Insgesamt hat die wachsende Erkenntnis eher bedenklicher als positiver Effekte von Behandlungsgebühren sowohl in Entwicklungs- und Schwellenländern als auch bei internationalen Organisationen mittlerweile kritische Positionen gegenüber Patientenzuzahlungen gestärkt. Insbesondere die unerwünschten Auswirkungen auf Arme sowie offenkundige Nachhaltigkeitsprobleme haben die Hürden für die Umsetzung einer Politik der Nutzergebühren erhöht. Die zunehmende Bedeutung von universeller Absicherung im Krankheitsfall als entwicklungspolitisches Ziel hat die Forderung nach Abschaffung von Patientenzuzahlungen zu einem wichtigen Thema in der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit gemacht. ; [User Fees for Health Care in Developing Countries and Countries in Transition: An Instrument of Reform with Predominantly Negative Effects] When it comes to financing health care services for their populations, most developing countries and many newly industrialised countries are faced with the dilemma of scarce public resources and competing priorities. In many places, public health care, while provided free of charge, is chronically underfunded and incapable, in both quantitative and qualitative terms, of satisfying the rising demand for health care services. The search for additional or alternative sources of funding led to the idea of making patients pay a share of the treatment costs. International organisations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund urged African, Asian and Latin American countries to introduce user fees for health care services. In the wake of the so-called Bamako Initiative, most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa introduced user fees at public health care facilities. Likewise, patients in most other developing and newly industrialised countries increasingly had to pay out of their own pockets for medical treatment. The systematic implementation of user fees in health care was intended to achieve three main goals: generating additional revenue for improving health care services, overcoming existing inequalities in access to health care, and reducing costs by increasing efficiency in the health care sector. As a policy, it was guided by neoclassical economics, which primarily called for microeconomic approaches based on the logic of individual maximisation of utility, and which came to developing countries in the form of structural adjustment programmes. In the field of health policy, economic ideas replaced social policy objectives, and health care thinking came to be dominated by systems of financial incentives designed to manage supply and demand. At the same time, cost-sharing policies explicitly referred to some of the core demands of the primary health care movement of Alma Ata: decentralisation, transparency, empowerment, and governance. A wide range of empirical studies on the effects of user fees in the health care systems of developing and newly industrialised countries has become available in recent years. They show the desired effects to have occurred only in part, and only to a small extent. Despite their heterogeneity, these studies reveal the overall outcomes of user fees in developing countries to fall short of expectations with respect to strengthening health care systems and promoting sustainability in health care funding. This overall impression is reinforced if one looks at the studies beyond formal scientific criteria or their underlying economic theory. Fundamental changes with long-term effects, for example, such as cutting the standard budget of public health care providers as a result of cost-sharing policies, are not being addressed appropriately; neither are the social and welfare state consequences of development approaches with a primary focus on microeconomics. What is more, many analyses and findings are in unmistakable agreement with certain development policy strategies, ranging from World Bank-like positive assessments of mostly short-term improvements in the quality of health care provision all the way to the unsubstantiated assumption that user fees act as precursors of health insurance systems. Overall, the growing number of findings that suggest alarming rather than positive effects of user fees in health care has served to strengthen critical points of view regarding direct patient payments, both among policy makers in developing and newly industrialised countries and among international organisations. In particular, undesired effects on poor people as well as obvious shortcomings in terms of sustainability have served to raise the bar for implementing user fee policies. The increasing importance of universal coverage as a goal of development policy has made the call for abolishing user fees a key issue in international development cooperation.
Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny wydawało się, że świat na trwałe wchodzi w okres stabilizacji, pokoju i współpracy. Szybko jednak okazało się, że świat narastającej globalizacji ma różne oblicza, także negatywne, co rzutuje na każdą sferę życia, także na bezpieczeństwo. Spadło co prawda zagrożenie wojną nuklearną, ale pojawiły się nowe zagrożenia oraz nasiliły te, które przedtem były przesłonięte rywalizacją Wschód - Zachód. Chodzi głównie o konflikty etniczno-religijne, kulturowe i cywilizacyjne, w tym rozlewające się konflikty wewnętrzne w państwach słabych i upadłych, proliferacja broni masowego rażenia, niebezpieczne ambicje państw dyktatorskich i autorytarnych. Ogromny wpływ na bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe miały zamachy 11 września 2001. Zmieniły one percepcję zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa, a ogłoszona przez prezydenta Busha wojna z terroryzmem doprowadziła USA i prawie cały Zachód do zaangażowania w dwie wojny: w Iraku i Afganistanie. Sytuacja w Afganistanie i odpowiedzialność NATO za bezpieczeństwo tego kraju nadal budzi ogromne zaniepokojenie przywódców państw zachodnich, rzutuje na stan bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Dotyczy to szczególnie regionu Bliskiego i Środkowego Wschodu, gdzie coraz większą rolę odgrywa rywalizacja między Indiami, Pakistanem i Iranem. Rosnący niepokój budzą ambicje nuklearne Iranu, a także otwarte wyzwania, jakie kraj ten rzuca społeczności międzynarodowej, podobnie jak w innej części świata polityka Korei Północnej. Coraz większe ambicje w polityce międzynarodowej mają Chiny i dążąca do odzyskania mocarstwowej pozycji Rosja. Jednocześnie wbrew programom i zapowiedziom proces osiągania przez Unię Europejską pozycji gracza globalnego nie materializuje się. Postępuje proces odwrotny: komplikuje się sytuacja finansowa w strefie euro, a kryzys ten oddziałuje na całą Unię. Postrzegana jako oaza gospodarczej stabilizacji UE stała się w ostatnich latach źródłem dodatkowych perturbacji w gospodarce światowej. Zachodzące w niej procesy, takie jak gwałtowne wzrosty cen surowców, rozchwianie rynków finansowych, pogłębiające się dysproporcje między bogatymi i biednymi, rosnące obszary głodu, daleko idąca deregulacja i kryzysogenne praktyki inżynierii finansowej, problem światowego zadłużenia, stają się czynnikiem globalnej destabilizacji i zagrożeń także dla bezpieczeństwa. ; Twenty years after the end of the Cold War the world still undergoes the process of deep changes. The collapse of communism and disintegration of the Soviet Union put an end to a bipolar system and the new era begun in international politics. Many state controlled economies, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, became democratic and market oriented countries. Through over one decade the United States was recognized as a unique superpower. Rapidly spreading globalization has made countries strictly interdependent, especially in economy, but also mutual dependence in the field of security has substantially increased. It happened so because of new threats for security, like international terrorism, WMD proliferation, growing number of ethnic-cultural conflicts. There is no threat in the world of global nuclear war or big state to state aggression on a large scale, but new threats, especially terrorism and cyber-attacks , are becoming very probable. In the contemporary world, with all economic freedom, especially international production factors movement, there are good as well as weak points which make international economy and the economy of different countries very vulnerable to crises, as we could see in 2008-2009 period. It is so because of uncontrolled activity of so called non-state actors, as for instance international financial corporations. Also European integration, especially in the Euro-zone, because of the world financial crisis impact, rising public debt and imperfect euro-mechanisms, is in trouble. Under such conditions, economic security is becoming so crucial that together with many other aspects of security [terrorism, cyber-attacks, impact of climate changes] it forms a new picture of the world security - a new paradigm. The article addresses the major international and regional security problems, the position of the USA in more and more multi-polar system, rising ambitions and roles of China and Russia. The approach of the author to the presented problems is interdisciplinary. ; После окончания холодной войны казалось, что мир на долго входит в период стабилизации и сотрудничества. Однако вскоре оказалось, что мир растущей глобализации имеет разные стороны, в том числе также отрицательные, что отражается в каждой сфере жизни, в том числе и на безопасности. Хотя и уменьшилась угроза ядерной войны, однако появились новые угрозы и усилились те, которые раньше, в связи с противостоянием Восток - Запад, находились на втором плане. Прежде всего здесь идёт речь о этническо-религиозных, культурных и цивилизационных конфликтах, в том числе и разрастающихся внутренних конфликтах в слаборазвитых государствах, распространении оружия массового уничтожения, опасных амбициях диктаторских и авторитарных государств. Огромное влияние на международную безопасность оказали события 11 сентября 2001 г. Эти террористические акты изменили восприятие угроз безопасности, а провозглашенная президентом Бушем война с терроризмом вынудила США и почти весь Запад к ведению двух войн: в Ираке и Афганистане. Ситуация в Афганистане и ответственность НАТО за безопасность этой страны, по-прежнему вызывает огромное беспокойство лидеров западных государств, отражается на состоянии международной безопасности. Прежде всего это касается района Ближнего и Среднего Востока, в котором большую роль играет также соперничество между Индией, Пакистаном и Ираном. Растущее беспокойство вызывают ядерные планы Ирана, а также открытый вызов, который эта страна бросает международному сообществу. Такую же политику в другой части света проводит Северная Корея. Большие амбиции в международной политике имеет также Китай и стремящаяся восстановить позиции сверхдержавы Россия. На ряду с этим, вопреки принятым программам и заявлениям политиков, процесс становления Европейского Союза в роли мирового игрока остается только проектом. Более того, в связи с усложняющейся экономической ситуацией в еврозоне, в Евросоюзе сегодня имеют место противоположные процессы. ЕС, который рассматривался как экономической оазис хозяйственной стабилизации, в последние годы стал источником дополнительных проблем в мировой экономике. Происходящие в мировой экономике процессы, напр. быстрый рост цен на сырье, нестабильность финансовых рынков, углубляющиеся диспропорции между богатыми и бедными, проблемы голода, далеко идущая дерегуляция и кризисные практики финансовой инженерии, проблема мировой задолженности, становятся фактором мировой дестабилизации и несут угрозы безопасности.
En apparence, Geneve et Irkutsk n'ont rien en commun. A part une amitie reciproque et la proximite d'un lac, il est difficile de trouver des points communs entre la Suisse francophone, dont Geneve est la ville le plus importante, et la Siberie centrale, dont Irkutsk, est la capitale. Et pourtant les deux regions, malgre les differences de taille, de densite de la population, de climat, d'economie et de traditions culturelles, sont confrontees au meme probleme: elles sont trop petites et trop limitees pour assurer, avec leurs seuls moyens, leur avenir et elles doivent imperativement s'unir a des villes voisines pour renforcer leur statut de metropole regionale et s'imposer face aux regions et aux pays concurrents.C'est ainsi qu'Irkutsk projette de s'unir aux villes voisines d'Angarsk et de Chelekhov pour constituer une megapole au c?ur de la Siberie, tandis qu'a Geneve le debat fait rage pour trouver des solutions a l'exiguite geographique et a l'insuffisance des moyens face aux grandes regions metropolitaines de France, d'Italie et d'Allemagne.Ce debat est propre a toute la Suisse. Malgre sa petitesse, la Suisse est divisee en 26 cantons. Ces unites administratives sont jugees trop couteuses, trop petites, trop lourdes et trop compliquees pour assurer l'avenir economique et meme politique du pays. De nombreux groupes de reflexion proposent donc de reduire ce nombre a 3, 5 ou 10 grandes provinces selon les cas. En Suisse, romande, il y a dix ans, des mouvements politiques ont meme lance l'idee de fusionner les cantons de Vaud (dont Lausanne est la capitale) et de Geneve. Mais l'echec a ete fracassant : le peuple des deux cantons a refuse cette option a 80% des voix. On cherche donc d'autres solutions.Les discussions s'orientent desormais autour de la constitution d'une grande metropole lemanique qui regrouperait les deux grandes villes de Geneve et Lausanne et les villes plus petites de Montreux, Vevey, Nyon ainsi que la ville francaise d'Annemasse dans un ensemble qui atteindrait environ un million d'habitants au total. Le lac Leman (Lac de Geneve) faisant office de point commun entre ces villes, la region prendrait le nom de metropole lemanique ou de Bassin lemanique. Ce qui a pour avantage de ne pas mettre Geneve trop en evidence et de ne pas vexer les autres villes dont les noms seraient menaces de disparaitre au profit de Geneve.Pour reussir, ce rapprochement doit respecter quelques principes fondamentaux :1) developper les infrastructures communes et les moyens de communication entre les villes partenaires : la gestion de l''aeroport international de Geneve a ainsi ete ouvert a la France et aux representants de Lausanne. On projette de construire une troisieme voie pour l'autoroute et la ligne de chemin de fer qui relie Geneve a Lausanne. Sur le plan politique, les deputes des deux provin2ces militent dans la meme direction.2) respecter les identites traditionnelles et developper une identite commune autour d'un projet rassembleur. Le projet de fusion a echoue parce qu'il niait l'histoire et les traditions propres a chaque ville. Sans territoire et de tradition protestante calviniste, Geneve est universitaire, internationale, tres urbaine. Lausanne est lutherienne et plus enracinee dans une region agricole et viticole. La culture et l'economie, et surtout la fiscalite ne sont pas les memes. Cela reconnu, il convient malgre tout de developper des projets communs, qui rassemblent les habitants des deux regions et puissent peu a peu forger l'idee d'un destin commun. Pour Geneve et Lausanne, ce pourrait etre la vocation internationale, Geneve etant connue pour ses organisations internationales liees et le siege europeen de l'ONU tandis que Lausanne est devenue la capitale internationale du sport avec le CIO (Comite international olympique et federations sportives). Un deuxieme axe est de profiler l'ensemble de la metropole comme une region du savoir, avec ses universites, ses sieges d'entreprises multinationales et centres de recherche et de haute technologie.3) promouvoir la region comme un ensemble coherent et solidaire tant aupres des autorites federales, des autres regions du pays que vis-a-vis de l'etranger. La promotion economique, la vision politique, le developpement des infrastructures, le tourisme doivent faire l'objet d'une communication commune car les etrangers ne font pas tres bien la difference entre les divers elements qui composent la region. Un label commun a ainsi ete cree sou l'appellation de Lake Geneva Region.4) L'equilibre entre les partenaires doit etre respecte. On ne rapproche pas des villes comme on fusion des entreprises. Pour reussir, les objectifs doivent etre partages et chacun doit etre respecte. C'est pour cela que de tels rapprochement consomment beaucoup de temps, d'energie et exigent de la patience. C'est tres long d'apprendre a voir ce qui unit plutot que ce qui separe. C'est ainsi que toutes les tentatives de rapprochement entre Geneve et Lausanne ont, pendant des decennies, echoue parce que beaucoup de riches habitants du canton de Vaud viennent travailler a Geneve mais paient les impots dans le canton de Vaud selon le droit national, ce que Geneve trouve injuste car c'est elle qui doit financer les infrastructures publiques. Desormais, on a decide de laisser le probleme en suspens pour s'attaquer seulement aux projets communs, que chacun peut financer de facon equitable.Voila en quelques mots, l'etat d'avancement de la metropole lemanique. Le projet avance, des habitudes de collaboration sont prises. En Suisse, a cause de la complexite des procedures democratiques, les changements sont tres lents. Il est donc possible d'aller plus vite. Mais a condition de respecter les quatre principes enonces plus haut. Dans cette perspective, je souhaite donc bonne chance a la future megapole Irkutsk-Baikal!
Posted by permission of Cambridge Scientific Abstracts (CSA). (c) CSA 2004. All rights reserved. ; A broad definition of forestry would be the study of trees, forests, and their use by people. Modern science-based forestry is thought to have begun in the nineteenth century when Europeans looked to specialists to address questions of wood supply and extraction both in their forests at home and in their colonies. The threat of forest loss and wood scarcity resulted in concern for increased forest growth and management techniques for improved yield. By 1891 the United States had established publicly owned forest reserves. In 1900 the Society of American Foresters was established, as was the first School of Forestry in North American at Yale University. The U.S. Forest Service was formed three years later, and this combination of professional, scholarly, and governmental resources constitute the core of U.S. forestry research today. Since the mid-1940s the scope of forestry has grown in response to economics, demography, politics, and social change as well as developments in related fields of study. While at one time German was the primary language of forestry, since World War II most research is reported in English. Knowledge of inter-national research and practices has grown in importance since the 1980s. In addressing global forest concerns, international and local researchers have begun to discover reservoirs of indigenous knowledge concerning forests and their use. Modern forestry education has a tradition of integrating concepts from a variety of disciplines and creating new specialties. These include forest genet-ics, forest ecology, forest recreation, forest economics, forest engineering, urban forestry, plantation forestry, forest pathology, and wood science. The questions addressed by forestry are often interdisciplinary or require a deep understanding of a complementary discipline. As a result, a forest science collection will not be useful in isolation from access to sound collections in the natural, environ-mental, and agricultural sciences. Likewise, a wood science or forest engineer-ing collection will rely on user access to collections in the physical sciences and civil, mechanical, and chemical engineering. Finally, to address the interaction of humans and forest resources, whether looking at income generation, recreational use, traditional knowledge and practices, or conservation strategies, a forestry researcher will need access to collections in the social sciences. Given these assumptions about access to other collections, we can define a distinct serial literature for forestry. It is defined by the history of forestry and as a result is composed largely of government document series, international, and nongovernmental organization reports as well as trade, scholarly professional, and, more recently, scholarly commercial journals. The selected list of periodicals included here does not include government publications, although these are an important source of technical as well as scientific information. Governmental agencies such as the regional research and experiment stations of the U.S. Forest Service are vital sources of information on all aspects of forestry. Series titles such as the regional General Technical Reports are numerous. They are now published electronically in full-text and are available from the Forest Service web site. Canadian libraries will benefit from their easy access to this literature and that of the National Research Council of Canada's many serial publications. Although they are important sources of information, statistical series and serials available from nongovernmental, nonprofit international organizations and research institutions have not been included in this listing. Several statistical series and The State of the World's Forests are available as searchable datasets and in full-text online from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Forestry Sector web site. There are numerous serial publications now available via the Internet from other nongovernmental, nonprofit agencies. These are particularly important for coverage of international forestry. The FAO Forestry Sector web site will help identify and serve as a portal to many of these resources as will the AgNIC Forestry web site. The selection of scholarly, academic, and trade journals is primarily representative and by no means exhaustive. Added to the list of forestry titles with this edition are Agroforestry Systems and International Review of Forestry as representative titles for international forestry, as well as Forest Policy and Economics and the JAWA Journal. Deleted from the list is Forestry Source because the nonmember highlights are now available from the Society of American Foresters web site. In reviewing the periodicals from the 11th edition and considering new titles, I looked for titles widely held by other libraries. In 2001, faculty members in the College of Forestry at Oregon State University were asked to list their most used or top ten journals. This listing provided me with evidence of the multidisciplinary underpinnings of forestry and new titles for consideration. In assessing scholarly titles, I looked for titles with high impact factors or a high journal citation half-life using the Journal Citation Reports from the Institute for Scientific Information. When deciding between comparable titles I took into consideration the journal subscription price, and gave preference to professional society publications over journals from commercial publishers. In the earlier editions of this section, Carol C. Green of the University of Washington has recommended using Literature of Forestry and Agroforestry, published by Cornell University Press in 1996.1 would like to acknowledge that I too have made use of this bibliography and reiterate its importance to anyone managing a forestry collection. In addition to giving a useful history of forestry, it identifies both monographs and serials that have provided the foundation for science-based forestry.
