Suchergebnisse

Müssen demokratische Staaten Einwanderung kontrollieren? Dieser Beitrag argumentiert für eine realistische Utopie offener Grenzen zwischen demokratischen Staaten. Territoriale Grenzen können wie durchlässige Membranen funktionieren, wenn sie eine Innen-Außen-Differenz aufrecht erhalten, langfristig stabil sind und Immigranten den Gesetzen des Einwanderungsstaates unterworfen werden. Internationale Personenfreizügigkeit existiert heute bereits als Ergebnis regionaler Integration in der Europäischen Union, zwischenstaatlicher Abkommen und der zunehmenden Verbreitung mehrfacher Staatsangehörigkeiten. Der Beitrag argumentiert aus normativer Sicht, dass demokratische Staaten bei MigrantInnen mit mehrfachen staatlichen Bindungen Doppelstaatsbürgerschaften akzeptieren und auf diese Weise individuelle Zonen der Bewegungsfreiheit schaffen sollten. Das größte Potenzial für globale Erweiterung von Freizügigkeitsrechten liegt jedoch in der Förderung der Einwanderungsrechte der eigenen StaatsbürgerInnen in anderen Staaten. Der Beitrag kommt zum Schluss, dass demokratische Staaten in der Verfolgung dieses Ziels ihren Bürgern wechselseitige Rechte auf Bewegungsfreiheit einräumen können, ohne dadurch ihre Fähigkeit, sich selbst zu regieren, zu gefährden. Eine solche Erweiterung staatsbürgerlicher Rechte auf Freizügigkeit muss von davon unabhängigen menschenrechtlichen und humanitären Pflichten zur Aufnahme schutzbedürftiger MigrantInnen unterschieden werden. ; Must democratic state control immigration? This article argues for a realistic utopia of open borders between democratic states. Territorial borders can function as permeable membranes if they maintain a difference between inside and outside, if they are stable over time, and if immigrants are subjected to the laws of immigration states. International freedom of movement has already been brought about through regional integration in the European Union, through bilateral agreements and through the proliferatin of multiple citizenship. This contribution argues from a normative perspective that democratic states ought to accept dual citizenship for migrants with multiple ties to states. The greatest potential for a global expansion of free movement lies, however, in the promotion by each state of its own citizens' right to enter and settle in other states. The article concludes that democratic states can grant each other's citizens reciprocal admission rights without losing thereby their capacity to govern themselves. Such an extension of citizenship rights to free movement must, however, be distinguished from human rights and humanitarian duties of admission of migrants in need of protection.

With convergence-divergence as an organizing theme, this Article explores harm reduction and human rights as conceptual approaches to and discourses about unsafe abortion. The vehicle for this exploration is access to safer-use information on medication abortion, namely women's self-administration of the drug misoprostol. More specifically, this Article focuses on the Sanitary Initiative Against Unsafe Abortion ("the Uruguay Model") as an actualized model or prototype of access to information through physician-patient consultation in restrictive legal environments. On convergence, this Article seeks to test the claim that international human rights law imposes government obligations to provide, and to refrain from interfering with the communication of, information necessary to reduce the harms of unsafe abortion. Access to information is protected in international law through a constellation of human rights. These rights are articulated in broad terms, but given content and meaning through interpretation by courts, committees, Special Rapporteurs, and commissions. By reference to this jurisprudence, normative validation for harm reduction in unsafe abortion, and specifically access to safer-use information, is constructed from the human rights to life, health, and non-discrimination, among others. On divergence, this Article seeks to make explicit the different moral warrants underlying harm reduction and human rights. Human rights are set against the normative neutrality of harm reduction, which is characterized by a pragmatic approach to health outcomes. The human rights shortcomings of access to safer-use information through physician-patient consultation, the Uruguay Model, are contrasted against a model driven by a feminist ideology, namely the Safe Abortion Hotline. The limitations of the pragmatic-neutrality of harm reduction in criminal law reform are set against a human rights approach, which envisions legal reform in service of broad social change.

Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), Non-Profit Organizations (NPOs), Social Enterprises and other actors play an important role in political decisions in governments at the international levels. Especially, such organizations' and activists' network in civil society is quite important to effect to the global politics. To solve the complex social problems in global era, diverse actors should corporate each other. Moreover, network of protesters is also contributes to diffuse tactics, information and other resources of social movements. Based on the findings from the study of International Trade Fairs (ITFs), the author analyzes the network of activists in anti-globalism movement. This research focuses the transition of 54 activists' whole network in the "protest event" against 2008 G8 summit in Japan. Their network is examined at the three periods: Before protest event phase, during protest event phase and after event phase. A mixed method is used in this study: the author shows the hypothesis from social network analysis and evaluates that with interview data analysis. This analysis gives the two results. Firstly, the more protesters participate to the various events during the protest event, the more they build the network. After that, active protesters keep their network as well. From interview data, we can understand that the active protesters can build their network and diffuse the information because they communicate with other participants and understand that diverse issues are related. This paper comes to same conclusion with previous researches: protest events activate the network among the political activists. However, some participants succeed to build their network, others do not. "Networked" activists are participated in the various events for short period of time and encourage the diffusion of information and tactics of social movements.

This contribution studies the process of building an EU member state through democracy promotion in the case of Croatia with a special focus on two reform initiatives in the field of Public Administration Reform (PAR). Croatia's experience is representative of intense efforts of the international community to overcome the consequences of violent state dissolution and civil war. The EU in particular has assisted post-conflict democratization with diplomatic initiatives, the provision of aid, and political conditionality. The Croatian political elite showed great willingness to implement democratic reforms, while at the same time remaining critical of what they viewed as 'too much' external interference in domestic state affairs. Based on 30 interviews with Croatian officials, Croatian civil society actors, members of the EU delegation and other representatives of the International donor community, we empirically assess progress and setbacks in Croatia's public administration reform and explain why some reform initiatives have been successfully implemented while others are still pending. ; Studija govori o procesu stvaranja članice EU-a promicanjem demokracije u slučaju Hrvatske, s posebnim naglaskom na dvjema reformskim inicijativama iz područja reforme javne uprave (PAR). Iskustvo Hrvatske reprezentativno je za napore međunarodne zajednice da prevlada posljedice nasilnog raspada države i građanskog rata. EU je posebno potpomogao postkonfliktnu demokratizaciju diplomatskim inicijativama, osiguranjem pomoći i političkim uvjetovanjem. Hrvatska politička elita pokazala je veliku spremnost da primijeni demokratske reforme, ali je istovremeno bila kritična prema onome što je smatrano "prevelikim" miješanjem u unutarnja pitanja države. Na temelju 30 intervjua s hrvatskim dužnosnicima, akterima civilnoga društva, članovima EU-delegacije i drugim predstavnicima međunarodne zajednice empirijski se procjenjuju napredak i poteškoće u reformi javne uprave u Hrvatskoj te se objašnjava zašto su neke reforme uspješno implementirane, a druge nisu.

In a half-century, the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan has emerged from isolation to achieve international recognition as a model of alternative development.The small country's Gross National Happiness philosophy emphasizes sustainable development, cultural preservation, environmental conservation, and good governance over the long-favored global metric of success: Gross Domestic Product. Bhutan's historic environmental record has been strong, but modernization and the 2008 transition to democracy are changing the ecological and socio-political landscape, requiring the adaptation of conservation strategy. This paper draws on historic and policy analysis, ethnographic observation, and qualitative interviews with 20 of Bhutan's key stakeholders to identify needs, opportunities, and challenges to public environmental advocacy in Bhutan. While Bhutan is often characterized as a static, serene Buddhist kingdom, its recent history has been dynamic, marked by major political change, economic growth, and active cultivation of a specific and uniform national identity. Accelerating ecological degradation due to development, vulnerability to global threats such as climate change, and transformation of the governance system create a need to advocate for creative and effective solutions. The rapid rate of change within Bhutanese society allows unprecedented opportunities for powerful civil society action. Interviews with major environmental figures from government, international organizations, and domestic groups show a common call for new, dynamic actors who can serve as a "watchdog" for the environment. Their tasks include producing scientific research and translating it into policy, mediating effectively between government and citizens in the fledgling democracy, and overcoming traditional cultural deference to publically challenge actions that threaten the environment. Thoughtful, responsible, and public environmental advocacy is both necessary and possible, and holds potential to enhance the environmental and democratic integrity of modern Bhutan.

This thesis develops the notion of the bioenergy transition as the long-term transformation of biomass from a local resource into a global commodity. An historical assessment is combined with interdisciplinary analysis that focuses especially on liquid biofuels and highlights the environmentally innovative case of bioethanol. The bioenergy transition is investigated from several different perspectives: technical-economic, socio-economic, socio-technical and political-economic. Linkages across different levels from household to global are analysed in relation to the effectiveness of bioenergy policies. In addition to studies at household and national levels, a North-South perspective is taken by including two major regions: the European Union (EU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The relation of EU biofuels policy to international climate and trade regimes is assessed to show how regional-global linkages affect policy design and implementation. Household bioenergy markets in developing countries are poorly articulated and difficult to link to other sectors; a detailed choice model in Ethiopia showed that product-specific factors should be evaluated to inform design of programmes and policies. Municipal and sub-national markets for bioenergy have been successfully linked to national policies to coordinate supply and demand in Brazil and Sweden. Regional market development for biofuels has great potential in southern Africa but regional-national linkages currently remain unexploited. National level efforts remain quite important in terms of energy security and environmental innovation, as evidenced in Brazil, Malawi and Sweden. Biofuels sustainability criteria in the EU Renewable Energy Directive (EU-RED) were evaluated in relation to the international climate and trade regimes and were found to shift some costs onto developing countries. One of the mechanisms for assuring biofuels sustainability is bilateral agreements, which remain untested but potentially effective. Cross-level linkages ...

Auch nach der Nivellierung der drei Gymnasialtypen gibt es weiterhin traditionelle Wege zur Exzellenz: Latein neben Englisch ab dem 5. Schuljahr, die bilingualen Zweige und die Elite-Gymnasien für besonders talentierte Schüler in Sport, Musik oder Kunst. Beschleunigt durch den "PISA-Schock" hat sich in Deutschland inzwischen die gymnasiale Schullandschaft durch hochselektive Begabtenklassen, Spezialschulen und Hochleistungsinternate auf einer Ebene oberhalb der regulären Gymnasien weiter ausdifferenziert und hierarchisiert. Die durch gymnasiale Leistungsexzellenz generierte Exklusivität wird im aktuell stark expandierenden deutschen Privatschulwesen um eine Exklusivität durch Schulwahl ergänzt. Neben den "Traditionsgymnasien" in kirchlich-konfessioneller Trägerschaft und den reformpädagogischen "Gegenschulen" sind insbesondere in den "global cities" (z. B. Frankfurt am Main) neue ganztägige Schulkomplexe mit bilingualem Unterricht sowie mit internationalen Curricula und Abschlüssen entstanden. Sie bedienen vor allem eine kapitalstarke und bildungsorientierte Elternschaft, die sich durch Internationalität distinguiert und mit ihrer Schulwahl zur weiteren Diversifizierung des höheren Schulwesens beiträgt. (DIPF/Orig.).;;;Even after the leveling of the three types of German 'Gymnasien', there are still traditional ways of gaining excellence: Latin in addition to English from the 5th school year, the bilingual models and the elite schools for particularly talented students in sports, music or art. Accelerated by the 'PISA shock' since the upper secondary school system in Germany has been differentiated and hierarchized by highly selective gifted classes, special schools and boarding schools for high performance at a level above the regular secondary schools. This kind of exclusivity generated by the German 'Gymnasium's' performance excellence is supplemented to an exclusivity through school choice in the currently greatly expand of the German private school system. In addition to the church- and denominational-funded 'traditional schools' and schools based on concepts of progressive education, new all-day school complexes with bilingual education, international curricula and qualifications are, especially in the "global cities" (eg Frankfurt) emerged. They mainly serve a wealthy and education-oriented parenthood, distinguishing their selves by internationality and contributing to further diversification of higher education by choosing such schools. (DIPF/Orig.).

В статье обозначается, что 21 век – век международной интеграции государств во всех сферах жизнедеятельности (экономика, финансы, культура, спорт, образование и т.д.). Все это однозначно ведет к переезду людей для получения более качественного образования, для выполнения своих профессиональных обязанностей, для более полного своего самовыражения и т.д., наконец, просто для поиска более благоприятных условий для жизни т.е. к эмиграции. В статье рассмотрен уровень эмиграции в России, анализ количества эмигрировавших в % от всего населения в странах мира. Рассмотрен зарубежный опыт, позволяющий гражданам стран, проживающим за рубежом, участвовать в выборах Уточнено, где, в каком месте, в какой форме гражданин, проживающий за рубежом, может по законодательству страны участвовать в выборах. Приводятся доводы использования интернет-голосования для более полного привлечения граждан России проживающих за рубежом, к участию в выборах, а значит, и политической жизни страны. ; The article is meant that the 21st century – a century of international integration in all spheres zhinedeyatelnosti: economy, finance, culture, sports, education, etc. All this leads unambiguously to move people to get better education, to carry out their professional duties, for a more complete expression of his, etc. Finally just to search for more favorable conditions for life ie immigrants. The article describes the level of emigration in Russia, emigrated to the analysis of the number % of the total population in the world. Considered international experience, which allows citizens of countries living abroad to participate in elections Clarified who is where, in what place, in what form citizen living abroad under the laws of the country can participate in the elections. Argues the use of internet voting for fuller involvement of Russian citizens living abroad to participate in the elections, and thus the political life of the country.

This book proposes a new, pragmatic way of approaching economic development which features policy learning based on a comparison of international best policy practices. While the important role of government in promoting private sector development is being recognized, policy discussion often remains general without details as to what exactly to do and how to avoid common pitfalls. This book fills the gap by showing concrete policy contents, procedures, and organizations adopted in high-performing East Asian economies. Natural resources and foreign aid and investment can take a country to a certain income level, but growth stalls when given advantages are exhausted. Economies will be caught in middle income traps if growth impetus is not internally generated. Meanwhile, countries that have soared to high income introduced mindset, policies, and institutions that encouraged, or even forced, accumulation of human capital – skills, technology, and knowledge. How this can be done systematically is the main topic of policy learning. However, government should not randomly adopt what Singapore or Taiwan did in the past. A continued march to prosperity is possible only when policy makers acquire capability to formulate policy suitable for local context after studying a number of international experiences. Developing countries wanting to adopt effective industrial strategies but not knowing where to start will benefit greatly by the ideas and hands-on examples presented by the author. Students of development economics will find a new methodological perspective which can supplement the ongoing industrial policy debate. The book also gives an excellent account of national pride and pragmatism exhibited by officials in East Asia who produced remarkable economic growth, as well as serious effort by an African country to emulate this miracle.

В связи с возникновением в международном праве различных форм внешних сношений между субъектами необходимо проведение разграничений иммунитетов служащих тех или иных организаций, участвующих в деятельности этих субъектов. В статье проводится глубокий анализ нормативно-правовой базы, предоставляющей работникам международных представительств иммунитеты (например, Венская конвенция 1975 г., Конвенция о привилегиях и иммунитетах Объединенных Наций, Соглашения ООН США о штаб-квартире и др.). Автором поднимается вопрос об аккредитации служащих при представляемой организации. Также в статье рассматриваются решения судов различных государств (США, Италии и др.) по вопросам привлечения к ответственности за правонарушения лиц, обладающих специальным статусом, и членов их семей. Автором демонстрируются примеры зависимости от национального законодательства результатов по делам о признании иммунитета от юрисдикции представителей или лиц, имеющих право на них. ; In connection with the appearance in international law of various forms of external relations between subjects, the need to distinguish immunities of employees of those or other organizations involved in the activities of these entities is rising. This article provides a deep analysis of the legal framework providing to employees immunities from the international representatives (eg, the Vienna Convention of 1975, the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations, the UN Agreement US headquarters, etc.). The author raise the question of accreditation of employees, by whom is represented organization. Also, the article considers decisions of the courts of different countries (USA, Italy, etc.) on issues of the prosecution for crimes of the persons having special status, and their families. Author demonstrates the examples for depending of the results for the recognition of the immunity from jurisdiction of the representatives or the persons entitled to them on the national legislation.

Les trois cas d'études en Inde, en Ethiopie et en Mauritanie ont permis de voir comment est appréhendé un même cadre référentiel qui pose la sécurisation foncière au coeur de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Plusieurs types de villes (petites, secondaires, capitales) et formes d'urbain (zone centrale, quartiers périurbains, urbain diffus) ont permis de souligner quelques uns des enjeux que représente la titrisation dans les Suds. Le contexte urbain joue fortement. L'impact des politiques de titrement foncier dépend réellement de la taille de la ville et des formes urbaines.L'urbanisation généralisée et rapide dans les trois pays étudiés, longtemps considérés comme étant à dominante rurale, implique l'adaptation et la création de nouveaux régimes fonciers. Dans nos différents cas d'étude, l'accès au sol urbain fait émerger de nouveaux besoins en termes de réglementation foncière, de nouveaux types de reconnaissance, mais aussi et surtout de nouvelles pratiques de sécurisation se tissent entre les habitants et les autorités et entre habitants.La présente étude a fait ressortir l'importance de la circulation à l'échelle internationale de politiques urbaines et « bonnes pratiques », pensées depuis Washington par les Institutions internationales, et réappropriées de façon tout à fait originale localement. La comparaison des trois cas a mis en lumière l'importance des pratiques habitantes, qui, en Ethiopie, en Inde et en Mauritanie, exploitent et construisent des opportunités offertes par les normes juridiques relatives à l'accès à la propriété, plus qu'elles arrivent à en bénéficier pleinement et simplement. Bien souvent, les réformes appuyées par les bailleurs de fond ne font que se surimposer à des juridictions foncières déjà complexes, souvent coûteuses à respecter pour les habitants qui optent pour des pratiques plus informelles. La réforme sur le papier n'est que rarement suivie par la réforme en action.

International audience ; A propos de l'intégration, deux approches coexistent dans les études sud-américaines. La première, issue des relations internationales, étudie les processus de régionalisation conduits par les États à l'échelle continentale. La seconde, développée par la géopolitique, se concentre sur l'intégration territoriale et la conquête des espaces périphériques à l'échelle nationale. Ces deux approches montrent des phénomènes antagonistes : ouverture des frontières sous l'effet de l'intégration continentale, renforcement des frontières et fragmentation de l'espace continental sous l'effet des politiques d'intégration nationale. C'est ainsi que le faible dialogue entre les analyses menées à l'échelle continentale et à l'échelle nationale conduise à une impasse méthodologique : la concomitance de dynamiques d'intégration sud-américaine et d'intégration nationale, qui est pourtant un fait établi, devient difficile à penser.Pour sortir de cette impasse, il faut compléter l'approche géopolitique classique où l'intégration est analysée comme une réalité politique construite par les États, par une approche constructiviste où l'intégration est envisagée comme une construction sociale permettant de réguler les rapports entre les habitants frontaliers. Dans les régions transfrontalières, les acteurs sociaux s'emparent des processus politiques conçus à l'échelle continentale et nationale et les redessinent en fonction de leur stratégie et leur représentation.La tri-frontière entre la Bolivie, le Pérou et le Brésil est un lieu stratégique pour mettre en œuvre cette complémentarité des approches, parce que cette région au centre du continent, mais loin des centres nationaux, concentrent des dynamiques d'intégration nationale, continentale et locale. La première partie du texte montrera les enjeux actuels de l'intégration continentale en Amérique du Sud : le hiatus entre les discours emphatiques sur l'intégration et les réalisations concrètes dans ce domaine, la tension entre les grands pays et les petits pays ...

Применение экономических санкций имеет богатую историю, но в качестве средства формирования стратегических ориентиров современной мировой политики они приобрели особое значение. В постконфронтационном периоде экономические санкции стали важной составляющей внешней политики США. Американская дипломатия использует экономические санкции для достижения разных целей, и они всегда имеют последствия. Особое место во внешней политике США принадлежит использованию экономических санкций по нераспространению, что стало предметом исследования автора. В статье проанализирована нормативно-правовая база США, регламентирующая применение экономических санкций по нераспространению, в частности законы «О ядерном нераспространении», «О предотвращении ядерного распространения», поправки Саймингтона, Пресслера, Гленна, а также основные концепции санкций. Отмечается, что широкое использование экономических санкций по нераспространению редко помогает достижению целей внешней политики США, но часто наносит вред их национальным интересам. ; Economic sanctions, an age-old tool of statecraft, are becoming increasingly central to shaping strategic outcomes. In the post-Cold War economic sanctions have become virtually the default option in US foreign policy. They are now employed by American diplomacy for a wide range of purposes and always have consequences. The article focuses in particular on the economic sanctions as a powerful tool to discourage the nuclear proliferation, highlights the key concepts of nonproliferation sanctions policy. The most important nuclear sanctions legislation, like Nuclear Nonproliferation Act, Nuclear Nonproliferation Prevention Act, the Symington, the Pressler and the Glenn amendments is analyzed. A major conclusion made in the article is that in spite of the proliferation of US nonproliferation economic sanctions they rarely work as intended, but often undermine American foreign policy goals. Enhancing our understanding of nonproliferation economic sanctions in US foreign policy, this article will be of interest to policy-makers, diplomats and scholars of international politics, international law, and US foreign policy.

El periodo de las primeras elecciones libres en la República polaco-lituana (1572-1589) fue un tiempo especial, tanto por los cambios de régimen dentro el país como por la intensificación de los contactos internacionales. Son conocidas las misiones políticas españolas en la República y las actuaciones de los diplomáticos españoles en la corte imperial con el propósito de imponer a un Habsburgo en el trono de la República. Sin embargo el análisis de la documentación diplomática española muestra que la corte imperial no fue el único lugar, como hasta ahora se había pensado, donde la diplomacia española realizó actividades con respecto al llamado «negocio de Polonia». La diplomacia de Felipe II carecía de herramientas de actuación en la República, por eso operaba donde tenían medios, tanto a través de su embajada en el imperio como en Roma. Todo ello muestra la necesidad de investigar las relaciones entre la República y Monarquía Hispánica dentro de una perspectiva internacional, en vez de solo la bilateral. ; The time of first free elections in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (1572-1589) was crucial because of internal political changes and intensification of international relations. Spanish diplomatic missions in Wien due to appoint a Habsburg candidate on a Commonwealth throne are known. However the analysis of the diplomatic documentations shows that imperial court was not the only place where Spanish diplomacy was struggling to achieve its aim. The diplomacy of Philip II was deprived of any tools of diplomatic actions in so called polish business, therefore they tried to have an effect wherever they could, in Wien as well as in Rome. This investigation indicate the necessity of seeing Polish-Spanish relations in the international, instead of bilateral context.

Abstract Background In the current information age, the use of data has become essential for decision making in public health at the local, national, and global level. Despite a global commitment to the use and sharing of public health data, this can be challenging in reality. No systematic framework or global operational guidelines have been created for data sharing in public health. Barriers at different levels have limited data sharing but have only been anecdotally discussed or in the context of specific case studies. Incomplete systematic evidence on the scope and variety of these barriers has limited opportunities to maximize the value and use of public health data for science and policy. Methods We conducted a systematic literature review of potential barriers to public health data sharing. Documents that described barriers to sharing of routinely collected public health data were eligible for inclusion and reviewed independently by a team of experts. We grouped identified barriers in a taxonomy for a focused international dialogue on solutions. Results Twenty potential barriers were identified and classified in six categories: technical, motivational, economic, political, legal and ethical. The first three categories are deeply rooted in well-known challenges of health information systems for which structural solutions have yet to be found; the last three have solutions that lie in an international dialogue aimed at generating consensus on policies and instruments for data sharing. Conclusions The simultaneous effect of multiple interacting barriers ranging from technical to intangible issues has greatly complicated advances in public health data sharing. A systematic framework of barriers to data sharing in public health will be essential to accelerate the use of valuable information for the global good.