Suchergebnisse

At the end of 20th and the beginning of 21st century, the international community, through various forms of action plans and ambitious steps, has engaged itself to solve problems of the birth and wide increase of instability of global economy, that many countries stages of development and transitional economy have faced. Nevertheless, the results of this have not been very impressive. The concern still exists that the new and even worse global recessions will take place as well as the wide spread of global instabilities on the international markets. As far as it looks, situation is more serious than the governments are ready to admit. The economists and world leaders are greatly presenting pessimism because of those issues. The uncertainties on the markets, globally looked at, are staying very great. In conditions like those, discussions will be focused on what steps should be taken to soften the risks at the financial markets and how the instability, that describe the world economy in the 21st century, could decrease. Hence the first part of this paper is discussed the current situation as well as the modern problems that the global economy faces, where the combinations are made from available information about modern discussions about international economic relations, global economy and crisis, so that all the actors of the global financial system are ready to asses the global future options and their possible impact on their lives. Special focus in this research, as the second part of the paper, is put on Bosnia and Herzegovina, a transitional country in development stage, that lies in very poor economic state and which is threatened by a big blow of world instabilities and crisis.

Background: Besides the war experience (1992–1995), Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) constitutes an interesting area for studies on suicidal behavior from an ethnic and religious perspective with its mixed ethnic population of Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats. Aims: The study investigates suicide in BiH and the capital city of Sarajevo before (1985–1991) and after the war (1998–2006), with special reference to gender and ethnicity. Method: Official suicide data were gathered for the two periods with regard to gender, ethnicity, and suicide methods used. Results: No differences in suicide rates were found in BiH and Sarajevo before and after the war. The male-to-female suicide rate ratio in BiH was significantly higher after the war than before the war, with an opposite tendency seen in Sarajevo. Before and after the war, the highest and stable suicide rates were among Serbs in BiH. In Sarajevo the highest suicide rates were found among Croats after the war. Hanging was the most common suicide method used, both before and after the war, while firearms were more commonly used after the war. Poisoning was a rarely used method in both periods. Conclusion: The stable suicide rates in BiH over the pre- and postwar periods indicate no evident influence of the Bosnian war on the postwar level of suicide rates, except for women in Sarajevo. Beside this exception, the findings indicate a long-established underlying pattern in suicide rates that was not immediately changed, even by war. The study supports earlier findings that the accessibility of means influences the choice of suicide method used.

The specifics of international organizations stated in the paper contain a particular reference to global financial institutions. It refers to the support of the development of countries in transition. It also states their reconstruction under the patronage of subjects of international law. The authors indicate the importance of the foundation and historical development of international financial institutions, especially the International Monetary Fund, along with its connection with its growing influence in the field of project financing, both regionally and globally. In the second part of the paper, the focus is on the participation of the International Monetary Fund in the reconstruction and revitalization of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the end of the war conflicts in 1995 until today. The comparative review points to the most significant areas that had the support of the International Monetary Fund in the financing of projects but also draws attention to the political side of this support through the imposition of conditions for financial resources to be approved. Through an overview of stand-by arrangements, the authors analyze the connection between the approval of projects by international financial organizations and their relation with the insistence on the implementation of specific reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Bosnia and Herzegovina is politically fragmented, and so is the memory landscape within the country. Narratives of the 1992–1995 war, the Second World War, Tito's Yugoslavia, and earlier historical periods form highly disputed patterns in a memory competition involving representatives of the three "constituent peoples" of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks – but also non-nationalist actors within BiH, as well as the international community. By looking especially at political declarations and the practices of commemoration and monument building, the article gives an overview of the fragmented memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing out the different existing memory narratives and policies and the competition between them in the public sphere, and analyzing the conflicting memory narratives as a central part of the highly disputed political identity construction processes in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also discusses the question whether an "Europeanization" of Bosnian memory cultures could be an alternative to the current fragmentation and nationalist domination of the memory landscape in BiH.

The European Union (EU) has shown considerable interest in receiving the Western Balkan countries into the EU, as did the mentioned countries show considerable interest to join the EU. Although this is a historically very turbulent region, the EU has clearly, unambiguously and unanimously expressed the political attitude towards the Western Balkans:"The Future of the Balkans is in the European Union". In addition to goodwill, the EU is also ready to assist in this process but also each country must do its part of the job in the accession process. The very process of EU accession means defining and meeting necessary criteria for potential new EU members, as well as the process of accession negotiations for the full membership of the new member states. The main objective of this article is to indicate which expansion criteria or Copenhagen criteria will be the most critical to achieve for Bosnia and Herzegovina(B&H), as one of the Western Balkan countries, in the process of access into the EU. In the process of meeting Copenhagen criteria, unlike other Western Balkan countries, B&H shows the least success. In our research, Bosnia and Herzegovina has a problem primarily by satisfying political Copenhagen criteria and then meeting economic and legal criteria. The lack of meeting Political Copenhagen criteria is found primarily in the absence of political consensus in B&H, which stems from the special features of the Government in Bosnia and Herzegovina (two entities and Bosnia's three main ethnic populations). With the lack of political unity in B&H, it is not possible to establish stable institutions that ensure democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and the right to protect minorities (Sejdić and Finci case, corruption, non-transparent elections, nondependent media and labour unions) Fulfilling the Copenhagen Economic Criteria - a functioning market economy is also dependent on political influence (which is also fractured). The economy of B&H is structurally unregulated and is based on the processing of basic raw materials without the high-tech industry in order to deal with the competition of the European Single Market. During the research, the used scientific methods (analysis and syntheses, descriptions and classifications, historical and comparative, induction and deduction, and quantitative analysis) showed that it would be most difficult to achieve the political and economic Copenhagen criteria for the above reasons.

NATO integration processes have been constantly a complex topic for the public to grasp, in particular in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Several confronting efforts were constantly in place, which often created confusion and slowed down the progress. To explain the problem, the research question has been set as: "How relevant is ANP for the NATO Accession?" The objective is to examine what the ANP as a document stands for, and how does it assist or hinder the aspiring states on their NATO path. The relevance for examination of this question lies in the fact that most political actors within Bosnia and Herzegovina use the lack of knowledge of the public on the topic to promote their agenda or present themselves as the defenders of the narrow interest of their ethnic group. To provide the society with accurate analysis, this research will examine if ANP will assist Bosnia and Herzegovina on its NATO accession path. Data will be collected using qualitative research methods and secondary research.

submitted by Silvia De Iacovo ; Literaturverzeichnis: Seite 129-135 ; Paris-Lodron Universität Salzburg, Masterarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)5054687

An analysis of the international community's experience in Bosnia & Herzegovina (B&H) is intended to shed light on the situations in Afghanistan & Iraq, which present similar multicultural challenges. The focus is on the intervening actors' responsibility; the viability of deciding a nation's future path; the psychology of the local population as opposed to that of the international force; & the probability that a brief period of international governance will have a lasting effect. Political, legal, & economic reforms implemented in B&H are described in relation to the Croat (Roman Catholic), Serb (Serb Orthodox), & Bosniac (Muslim) ethnic groups that engaged in violent conflicts for territorial domination following Yugoslavia's break-up. The negative consequences of the failure to accept the ethnic cohesion & political integrity of the three groups & assign autonomous areas to each are pointed out. It is argued that the international community is wrong to focus on ending ethnic segregation rather than establishing a "modality through which integration will occur as a consequence of being economically interdependent, culturally related neighbors.". J. Lindroth