This article explores the success of populist parties in Bulgaria during the last decade. The first section focuses on the definition of populism and identifies the main populist parties in this country. The second part presents the development of these parties and their specific characteristic as well as the evolution of the "three waves" of populism in Bulgaria. The last section addresses the reasons for the success of these parties both in terms of supply side (the electorate) and the demand side (the strategy of the parties). The main conclusion is that this country is a fertile ground for populist movements due to the attitude of the electorate and the niche on the right-side of the political spectrum and that newly created parties use this opportunity of win elections but they remain short-lived because they cannot continue to mobilize populist rhetoric when they are in office and often face rapid decline.
"With contributions from 22 scholars and empirical material from 29 countries within and beyond Latin America, this book identifies subtypes of populism to further understand right-wing populist movements, parties, leaders, and governments. It seeks to examine whether the term populism continues to have any validity and what relationship(s) it has to democracy. Part 1 is an exploration of populism as an analytical concept. It asks how populism can and should be defined; whether populism can be broken down into subtypes; and whether the use of the term within and beyond Latin America in recent scholarship has been consistent. Part 2 focuses on political economy, and specifically whether political economy explanations of both the causes and consequences of right-wing populism fit recent cases in Latin America, Europe, and the Philippines. Part 3 examines institutions, and in particular institutions of coercion and digital communication. It contains chapter studies on various aspects of populism in Brazil, Spain, India, and Italy. Part 4 concerns the coronavirus pandemic and the specific case of right-wing populism in Brazil. It examines the Bolsonaro government's response to the coronavirus pandemic, and how that response exacerbated the health crisis and reduced the government's popularity. Right-Wing Populism in Latin America and Beyond is a timely and socially relevant contribution to the understanding of contemporary challenges to democracy. It will be of interest to scholars, students, and practitioners eager to understand the rise in right-wing agendas across the globe"--
AbstractThe British Empire reached its territorial peak less than a century ago in 1920 when one could walk from South Africa to Kuwait and not set foot in a country in which English was not the language of government. By 1959, India, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Egypt, Sudan, and other countries were no longer within Britain's imperial fold. In the space of little more than 30 years, the British Empire suffered a precipitous decline and collapse that left the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland little more than the rump successor state of a once great empire. Yet, imperial attitudes lingered and have an undue influence on British life, culture, and politics up to the present day. Through the lens of pivotal moments in the world since World War II, this article examines the breakup of the British Empire and how the vision of empire lives on in the context of global populism.
This article offers a new understanding of populism. The argument unfolds as follows: first, the populist literature is reviewed and two main approaches are identified: ontic and logic-oriented, the more important of which is the Schmitt-Laclau logic of enmity. While the authors broadly agree with Laclau's criticism of ontic approaches, they endorse neither his ontological understanding of enmity, nor his claim that populism is politics, and enmity is the logic of populism. Next, the origins of populism are located in a paradox at the heart of democracy. Democracy defines itself as a community of inclusion, yet exclusion is constitutive of inclusion, including therefore democratic inclusion. Then is discussed what the authors believe to be the true logic of populism: resentment. Unlike enmity, which functions in Laclau's populist theory as an ontology of non-identity, resentment operates within a rivalrous framework, which presupposes identification between the parts and refers to a set of normative commitments. Finally, the article concludes by presenting an understanding of populism as a specific logic of political action. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
The rise of populism represents a threat to constitutionalism, democracy, and the rule of law. Populist governments are a threat to the international legal order and to the authority of international legal agreements. This article will, therefore, look at the serious threat to international law that is presented by populism. This fundamental threat to international institutions, multilateralism, and the funding received by NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) is based on the promotion by populist governments that the edicts of international law are merely a matter of coordination and interventionism. Populists and populist governments traditionally promote this ideal through their policies, which are anti-pluralist and are focused on a limited set of agenda-setting goals that are in opposition to the fundamental international goal-setting of protecting human rights, along with the collective agreements between nations for the enhancement of the international community. This article will ascertain the very real threat that is posed by the continued rise of populism and, in particular, a populist government.
this article analyses the rise of anti-Gypsyism in Europe around the figure of the Roma. Regarded as foreigners from the inside by populists, especially in Central Europe, but not only, Roma face even a rejection of political measures against them. This phenomenon is accompanied by the rejection of the European Union itself targeted by populist movements and, on this subject, in particular for its various Roma inclusion programmes. Local and supranational are therefore two scales of analysis essential to understanding the rise of anti-Gypsyism in Europe. The migration context also influences rejection, which takes various forms from ordinary racism to the organisation of a structured discourse using the most modern technologies to spread. ; International audience ; this article analyses the rise of anti-Gypsyism in Europe around the figure of the Roma. Regarded as foreigners from the inside by populists, especially in Central Europe, but not only, Roma face even a rejection of political measures against them. This phenomenon is accompanied by the rejection of the European Union itself targeted by populist movements and, on this subject, in particular for its various Roma inclusion programmes. Local and supranational are therefore two scales of analysis essential to understanding the rise of anti-Gypsyism in Europe. The migration context also influences rejection, which takes various forms from ordinary racism to the organisation of a structured discourse using the most modern technologies to spread. ; Cet article analyse la montée de l'antisiganisme en Europe autour de la figure du "Rom". Considéré comme des étrangers de l'intérieur par les populistes, notamment en Europe centrale mais pas seulement, les Roms subissent un rejet pouvant aller jusqu'à l'instauration de mesures politiques à leur encontre. Ce phénomène s'accompagne du rejet de l'Union Européenne elle-même ciblée par les mouvements populistes et notamment, sur ce sujet, pour ses divers programmes d'inclusion des Roms. Le local et le supranational ...
Authoritarian populism in the early twenty-first century is rooted in a global conjuncture of convergent social and ecological crises, but the ways in which the crises shape authoritarian populist politics and vice versa vary across socio-ecological formations worldwide. An analysis of the politics behind the rise of the flex sugarcane and oil palm complexes in Guatemala since the mid-2000s shows that an authoritarian corporate populist agenda is on the rise. Authoritarian corporate populism is especially keen on manufacturing the consent of working people to the elites-led sustainability and development pathway. This involves political concessions to the underprivileged through public grants and multistakeholder governance as in other populist political regimes but additionally, and distinctively, meaningful concessions to working people and the environment in the sphere of private relations of production. Although these concessions go beyond mere greenwashing, they do not compromise and ultimately enhance the flex cane and palm complexes' profitability and ability to stay in business and the racialized class hegemony of the elites. Violence, however, remains foundational to this political agenda, even if it is now cloaked in the rule of law. Thus, the concept of authoritarian corporate populism showcases a form of politics in which big business, intimately linked to the state and elites, plays a major role in mainstream sustainability transitions. El populismo autoritario a principios del siglo XXI está arraigado en una coyuntura global de crisis sociales y ecológicas convergentes, pero las formas en que dichas crisis dan forma a la dinámica política populista autoritaria y viceversa difieren en diversas formaciones socioecológicas a través del mundo. Mi análisis de la dinámica política tras el avance de los complejos corporativos de los cultivos comodín de caña de azúcar y palma aceitera en Guatemala desde mediados de la década de 2000 muestra cómo una agenda corporativa populista autoritaria está en auge. El populismo corporativo autoritario busca fabricar el consentimiento popular a la perspectiva sobre sustentabilidad y desarrollo de la oligarquía. Esto implica concesiones políticas a la población desfavorecida a través de programas sociales públicos y sistemas de gobernanza multipartes al igual que en otros regímenes políticos populistas, pero adicional y distintivamente, a través de concesiones a las y los trabajadores y el medio ambiente en el ámbito de las relaciones privadas de producción. Aunque estas concesiones van más allá del simple lavado de imagen verde, las mismas lejos de comprometer fortalecen la rentabilidad y capacidad de los complejos corporativos de la caña y de la palma para seguir en el negocio, a la vez que contribuyen a reproducir la hegemonía racializada de las élites. Sin embargo, la violencia sigue siendo parte fundamental de esta agenda política, aunque ahora se trate de justificar su uso como parte del ejercicio del estado de derecho. Es así como el concepto de populismo corporativo autoritario da cuenta de una dinámica política en la que grandes corporaciones íntimamente vinculadas al estado y a las élites desempeñan un papel clave en las transiciones a la sustentabilidad convencionales.
Pilpres 2019 menjadi panggung betapa populisme agama begitu terekpresi sebagai strategi menggaet pemilih. Baik Jokowi dan Prabowo sadar bahwa menonjolkan aspek religiutas melalui strategi politik yang tepat akan memperbesar peluang kemenangan. Tulisan ini berupaya melihat karakteristik penggunaan populisme Islam Jokowi dan Prabowo beserta hasil elektoral yang diperoleh. Dengan menggunakan jenis penelitian kualitaif yang bersifat studi literatur., penulis mengandalkan data-data yang didapatkan melalui studi kepustakaan baik berupa buku, jurnal, koran, majalah, internet dan Website Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) yang mampu memberikan informasi kunci mengenai operasionalisasi populisme Islam Jokowi dan Prabowo. Penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa populisme Islam Jokowi menang karena menguatnya dukungan Nahdatul Ulama (NU) dan kaum nasionalis sehingga unggul telak di Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur serta daerah-daerah mayoritas non muslim, diantaranya Papua, Papua Barat, Sulawesi Utara, NTT dan Bali. Sebaliknya Prabowo unggul telak di daerah dengan basis islam kental (puritanisme), seperti Aceh, Sumatera Barat, Kalimantan Selatan, Jawa Barat dan Banten. Pilpres 2019 menunjukan bahwa populisme agama cukup berkontribusi bagi kemenangan kandidat politik sehingga sangat mungkin di masa depan sentimen identitas seperti ini terus diadopsi.
Populism is a political rhetoric that is exploited by a few people in a way that attracts sympathy from the people for a specific purpose. The concept of populism developed by theorist Ernesto Laclau can be used in analyzing populism in the 2017 elections in France. The National Front Party (FN) is the only far-right party in France founded by the famous French Populist Jeane Le Pen. The National Front is a party that has an ultrationalist and racist nature, characteristics that are far from contradicting democratic values which characterize the republican government. The figure who has made FN survive until now and even passed the 2017 French elections is none other than Jeane Le Pen's own son, Marie Le Pen. Although Marine Le Pen is seen as a candidate who has no solution to the problems that exist in France, he uses anti-minority, anti-immigrant and anti-EU sentiments in his discussions. Le Pen takes the issue of SARA and points to immigrants, especially Muslims, as the cause of the economic slowdown and relatively high unemployment. Marine Le Pen brings the National Front a much "more moderate" look. Le Pen believes that after the Brexit decision in Britain and Donald Trump's victory in the United States, the wave of populism may be strong enough to propel him to the helm in France. Populisme merupakan suatu retorika politik yang dimanfaatkan oleh segelintir orang dengan cara menarik simpati dari rakyat dengan tujuan tertentu. Konsep populisme yang dikembangkan oleh teoritis Post-Marxist Ernesto Laclau dapat digunakan dalam menganalisis populisme dalam pemilu 2017 di Prancis. Partai Front Nasional (FN) merupakan satu-satunya partai ekstrem kanan di Prancis yang didirikan oleh tokoh Populis terkenal Prancis Jeane Le Pen. Front Nasional adalah sebuah partai yang memiliki sifat ultrasionalis dan rasis, sifat-sifat yang jauh bertolak belakang dengan nilai-nilai demokratis yang menjadi salah-satu ciri pemerintahan republic. Tokoh yang membawa FN bertahan hingga saat ini dan bahkan lolos dalam pemilu Prancis 2017 tidak lain adalah anak dari Jeane Le Pen sendiri, Marie Le Pen. Meskipun Marine Le Pen dipandang sebagai kandidat yang tidak punya jalan keluar atas masalah yang ada di Perancis tetapi ia pandai menggunakan sentimen anti-minoritas, anti terhadap imigran dan anti terhadap EU dalam setiap diskusinya. Le Pen menggunakan isu SARA dan menunjuk para imigran, khususnya umat Muslim, sebagai penyebab dari melambatnya ekonomi dan meningkatnya penggangguran yang relatif tinggi. Marine Le Pen membawa Front National jauh "lebih moderat". Le Pen percaya setelah keputusan Brexit di Inggris dan kemenangan Donald Trump di Amerika Serikat, gelombang populisme mungkin akan cukup kuat untuk menorong dirinya sampai pada pucuk pimpinan di Prancis.
The rise of populism in the European Union represents a key internal political development that is likely to have repercussions on its foreign policy. It is traditionally assumed that, when in the opposition, populist parties affect foreign policy debates though not foreign policy outcomes. But when they are elected into office, as happened in several EU member states, how do they shape policy decisions and processes in EU foreign policy? This policy paper argues that although populist actors can be vocal and conspicuous in aligning with external actors contesting the international liberal order, they rarely go as far as swaying or blocking EU foreign policy decisions and outputs. At the same time, however, populist governments' domestic illiberal policies have the potential to undermine the EU's legitimacy, structural power, and resilience-building endeavours.
This paper presents an in-depth investigation into the intricate dynamics between socio-political crises, Black and Muslim social groups, and the escalating support for Populism and populist movements within the context of contemporary France. Our study seeks to unveil the direct and distinct correlations that exist between these minority communities and the surge of Populism while empirically scrutinising the underlying relationships between socioeconomic, cultural, and political integration and the rise of populist sentiments. The research delves into the complex landscape of Populism, encompassing its various manifestations and identifying how socio-political crises provide fertile ground for populist appeals. By exploring the intricate interplay between these elements, our study contributes to an enhanced understanding of the multifaceted nature of Populism within diverse social contexts. The paper's theoretical framework is rooted in the theory of Populism, the principles of intersectionality and the analysis of the relationship between world-feelings and populist support. Methodologically, we take a comprehensive approach based on quantitative and data collection methods. Thus, we empirically examine the relationship between socioeconomic, cultural, and political integration and whether the link between these factors is related to Populism and political radicalisation. The results reveal intricate correlations between integration and the prevalence of populist sentiments, highlighting the role of socioeconomic and cultural factors and political engagement in shaping these dynamics. This article not only contributes to the academic understanding of populism and minority politics but also offers practical implications.
