Suchergebnisse

This report explores the DDR programme in South Sudan; in particular how it has evolved, what the major challenges have been to its implementation and, finally, what can realistically be expected from renewed efforts to disarm and reintegrate fighters vis-à-vis security imperatives on the ground. DDR has been identified as a main priority in the Republic of South Sudan and a prerequisite to pave the way for future stability and development. The basic argument presented here is that standard DDR programmes - or rather the conventional peace and security templates that characterise them - are not fit for purpose in a context like South Sudan. This is so because achieving security in the country goes beyond DDR and is not related to the 'rightsizing' of the South Sudanese Armed Forces/ Sudan People's Liberation Army nor to the 'reintegration' of combatants. Rather, as the report argues, it will depend on a serious engagement with the following twofold task: firstly, to comprehend and eventually change the basic structures and mechanisms of armed mobilisation prevalent in South Sudan and, secondly, to understand and adapt security sector reform to a political environment that is constructed in terms of potential for violence and threats of destabilisation.

This article examines the provision of basic education services after the end of the Second Sudanese Civil War in 2005, focusing on the condition of the services and its implications for national cohesion during the period after the birth of the South Sudanese state. It argues that the way basic education services were provided after the Second Sudanese Civil War has contributed to the trajectory of inequality that characterised the period before the onset of this war. This trajectory significantly deviated from the vision the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) promised during its bloody armed struggle against Sudanese regimes based in the national capital, Khartoum.

Includes abstract. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; South Sudan became the newest country in the world in January 2011, after 22 years of civil war between the Khartoum-based government of Sudan and the Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA) of the south—the longest of all armed conflicts on the African continent. There is a stark contrast between the rhetoric of post-war unity and peace and the realities of heightened tensions on the ground; the United Nations has warned that escalating inter-ethnic violence threatens to destabilize the country and many regions in South Sudan have "plummeted into self-perpetuating cycles of violence, cattleraiding, banditry and loss of human life. Jonglei state has seen some of the most extreme violence in South Sudan; the Lou Nuer, Murle, and Dinka in Jonglei raid and retaliate back and forth, killing civilians, abducting women and children, and talking cattle. Abductions of women have historically been a part of cattleraiding, but only recently became used extensively as a tool of war, either as an "attempt to directly recover wives" or purely to retaliate. The conflict in Jonglei is a "complex and murky situation to untangle" without one definitive explanation, and the timing and context of many events have contributed to its continuation. In order to create lasting peace in South Sudan, it is imperative to look critically at the complex layers of the driving factors of the recent inter-ethnic conflict in the region.

Although international declarations upholding children's rights for survival and development were already enshrined in the domestic laws and policies of South Sudan, the reality on the ground appears to depict that scores of children in streets are as yet most marginalized and least investigated. The objectives of this study were to examine the magnitude, causes and effects of child streetism in six state capitals of South Sudan and suggest the way forward. Data on magnitude were collected using a Child Inventory Form. Then, a Child Questionnaire was administered to a sample of 756 street children. Findings indicated that child streetism was only emerging but growing at an alarming rate. The possible factors included war-induced displacement, family disruption, economic constraints, mistreatment at home, lack of access to education and child-related behavioural factors. Once in the street, children were also found exposed to a living arrangement deprived of parental supervision and support, disruption of developmentally-constructive routines, substance abuse and health concerns. In fact, the impacts were far from uniform and not all about "negatives".

Dual citizens, especially dual citizens in the diaspora, are the subject of an important debate among South Sudanese residents. This article seeks to explore South Sudanese residents' attitudes towards dual citizenship and the role dual-citizen individuals play in the political, economic and social life of the country. During recent Rift Valley Institute research projects, conducted for the Australian Government from 2017–2020, we interviewed residents in South Sudan and South Sudanese members of the diaspora in the UK, Australia, and Ethiopia to understand arguments about citizenship and diaspora participation in the political, economic, and social life of South Sudan. The South Sudanese diaspora are perceived within South Sudan to have dubious national identification and loyalty. However, the research also established that the South Sudanese diaspora have always been part of the political organization, economic activities and social fabric of South(ern) Sudan both directly and indirectly.

Purpose: This study investigated process and outcomes of the Parenting for Lifelong Health (PLH) for Young Children and for Adolescents programs implemented as part of routine service delivery in postconflict settings. Methods: These group-based programs were delivered by trained facilitators to 97 caregivers (PLH for Young Children) and 108 caregiver–adolescent dyads (PLH for Adolescents) over 12 or 14 (respectively) weekly sessions. Routine monitoring data were collected by the implementing partners using standardized self-report measures. Reducing harsh discipline was specified as the primary outcome, with secondary outcomes including improvements in positive parenting and reductions in poor parental supervision and parental inefficacy. Results: Analyses were intention to treat. Both PLH programs retained effectiveness in routine conditions in a postwar setting, with moderate to large effect sizes. The programs also had high enrollment and attendance rates, indicating high acceptability. Conclusions: Findings suggest promising viability for the implementation of evidence-based parenting programs in challenging postconflict contexts.

China's security concerns in Africa has recently become a subject of much academic debate. Most of the academic studies on this subject have wrongly assumed a continental standpoint, which does not take into contemplation the distinctive national captivates of China toward each distinctive African State. Such analytic discourse analysis were also heavily subjected to North [ern] angled perspectives as expressed in either liberal or realist contextual lens, views, and critics. Despite this, the Scholarly discourse on the security concerns of China towards Mali and South Sudan have not been proportionately apprehended. Based on the alternative Afrocentric perspective, this article seeks to employ Mali and South Sudan as test cases to critique the Security Concerns of China toward Mali and South Sudan. The central argument of this article is that, China's Security Concerns towards Mali and South Sudan can best be understood when located within the context of mineral resources complex. Methodologically, this article is based on document review and interdisciplinary discourse analysis in their comprehensive form.