Critique of the New Politics of Racism/Nationalism in the United States
In: Nature, society, and thought: NST ; a journal of dialectical and historical materialism, Band 5, Heft 4, S. 307-319
ISSN: 0890-6130
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In: Nature, society, and thought: NST ; a journal of dialectical and historical materialism, Band 5, Heft 4, S. 307-319
ISSN: 0890-6130
In: Portal: journal of multidisciplinary international studies, Band 6, Heft 2
ISSN: 1449-2490
In the 2000s, China has witnessed a series of consumer boycott campaigns, some of which received nationwide publicity, and one of which, the campaign against the French discounter chain Carrefour in 2008, produced street pickets. The motivation behind these campaigns has been largely nationalistic, as the brands or companies targeted were deemed to offend China. This article sketches the dynamics of consumer boycotts and asks whether, beyond being a vehicle of nationalism, the emerging politics of consumption is also becoming a tool of expressing taste.
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 119, Heft 477, S. 526-551
ISSN: 1468-2621
The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa.
In: Terrorism and political violence, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 7-24
ISSN: 0954-6553
THIS ARTICLE FOCUSES ON THE QUESTION OF WHETHER IRAN'S FOREIGN POLICY OVER THE PERIOD 1979-94 WAS A PURE REFLECTION OF THE CLERICAL REGIME'S MILLENARIAN CRUSADE AND ITS STATED DOCTRINE OF EXPORTING THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTION WORLDWIDE. TAKING, "INTER ALIA," EH CONTROVERSY SURROUNDING IRAN'S TAKEOVER OF THE ISLAND OF ABU MUSA IN 1992, THE ARTICLE ARGUES THAT IRAN'S ACTIONS WERE DETERMINED BY A PERSISTENT SENSE OF NATIONALISM WHICH WAS NOT LESS POTENT THAN ITS PAN-ISLAMIC VISION, IRAN'S NATIONALIST TRADITION HAS BEEN ABLE TO SURVIVE AS A MAJOR FORCE IN IRANIAN POLITICAL CULTURE, ITS SOMETIMES "ISLAMICIZED" FORM NOTWITHSTANDING.
Turkey's European Union (EU) membership process began in 1963 with the partnership agreement sign with the European Economic Community. Turkey's application for full membership in 1987 speed the process to achieve EU standards. The negotiations include comprehensive policy changes in many areas, from financial standardization to intellectual property rights. These policies are collected under 35 chapters in which each of these chapters has many significant conditions. Chapter 12 is about food safety, veterinary, and phytosanitary policies. This article examines one of the subjects that is an issue of the first part of the chapter, food safety. Kokorec, a Turkish street food made of animal intestines, has been popularized in EU-Turkey negotiations as it is one of the most critical issues among 35 chapters. Kokorec was presented as it is an essential obstacle for Turkish membership, and if Turkey abandoned this century-old food, it would join the Union. This popularization has been made via media and other platforms such as TV series, articles, songs, and news and debate programs. This article studies this phenomenon under two concepts, securitization and gastro-nationalism. This article suggests that the kokorec has been popularized as one of the most critical issues and subjected to successful securitization. The debate regarding hygiene, authentic cuisine, the national food industry, and other debates are only tools of the securitization for the public view. This study used the social and traditional means of media and suggested that Turkey's public opinion (especially until 2010) regards to EU membership was manipulated through these means. The securitization of kokorec prevents a real discussion about Chapter 12 (and even the 35 chapters) and its content related to food safety, veterinary, and phytosanitary policies. The kokorec also played a significant role in national Turkish cuisine which is an ideal case for gastro-nationalism. ; Turkey's European Union (EU) membership process began in 1963 with the ...
BASE
In: Regional and federal studies, Band 7, Heft 3, S. 25-48
ISSN: 1359-7566
Focus on ethnic divisions between the Moldovan majority and territorially concentrated Gagauzi and Russian minorities.
In: Stanford studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic societies and cultures
A new history of Middle East oil and the deep roots of American violence in Iraq. Iraq has been the site of some of the United States' longest and most sustained military campaigns since the Vietnam War. Yet the origins of US involvement in the country remain deeply obscured-cloaked behind platitudes about advancing democracy or vague notions of American national interests. With this book, Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt exposes the origins and deep history of U.S. intervention in Iraq. "The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy" weaves together histories of Arab nationalists, US diplomats, and Western oil execs to tell the parallel stories of the Iraq Petroleum Company and the resilience of Iraqi society. Drawing on new evidence-the private records of the IPC, interviews with key figures in Arab oil politics, and recently declassified US government documents-Wolfe-Hunnicutt covers the arc of the 20th century, from the pre-WWI origins of the IPC consortium and decline of British Empire, to the beginnings of covert US action in the region, and ultimately the nationalization of the Iraqi oil industry and perils of postcolonial politics. American policymakers of the Cold War-era inherited the imperial anxieties of their British forebears and inflated concerns about access to and potential scarcity of oil, giving rise to a "paranoid style" in US foreign policy. Wolfe-Hunnicutt deconstructs these policy practices to reveal how they fueled decades of American interventions in the region and shines a light on those places that America's covert empire-builders might prefer we not look.
World Affairs Online
In: Austrian history, culture and society vol. 5
In: Austrian studies 5
In: Austrian and Habsburg studies 5
In: American university studies / Ser. IX, history, 10
World Affairs Online
In: Brazilian journal of political economy: Revista de economia política, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 5-25
ISSN: 1809-4538
ABSTRACT This paper aims to analyze the evolution of the technology war between China and the USA in a context of exacerbation of techno-nationalist strategies for industrial and technological development. This analysis refers mainly to the Chinese strategy to deploy Industry 4.0 and the implications derived from US imposed restrictions on Chinese efforts to develop indigenous technologies that are central in the forthcoming paradigm. The hypothesis is that such policies, by boosting Industry 4.0, aim to create a new techno-economic paradigm and thus reconfigure the bases of inter-capitalist and interstate competition. The main contribution to the literature is providing an analysis of the implications of the technology war between China and the USA in different layers of the Industry 4.0 techno-economic paradigm, in addition to the mainstream debate about the transition to 5G communication networks.
In: Intercultural education, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 264-281
ISSN: 1469-8439
In: Social issues and policy review: SIPR, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 79-124
ISSN: 1751-2409
AbstractThe rise in White nationalist ideology in America is one of the pressing issues of our times. In this article, we make the case that White nationalists both extol the talents and virtues of White Americans and idolize and romanticize a former White‐dominated America, while simultaneously condemning and demonizing the current state of America for Whites. This fundamentally ambivalent ideology contributes to dangerous downstream consequences such as fomenting violence against groups that threaten Whites' status and resources and even calling for outright civil war. This article also examines the psychological impact of rapid demographic and cultural changes on groups in positions of power, and how these changes make some Whites, especially those who might already be suffering from instability, disenfranchisement, and loss, gravitate to groups who validate their fears and transform them into aggrieved entitlement and moral outrage. Finally, this article proposes policies that decision‐makers and other leaders can take to undo the foundational ideologies that White supremacy is built upon and to help curtail its spread.