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* This record is given in both English and Spanish The new Regulation (EU) 2015/2283 on novel foods has included new categories in the concept of novel food. These include engineered nanomaterials, whole animals (including insects) and food from material of mineral origin. However, the definition of novel food as such has not undergone any significant changes with respect to the previous definition, keeping the date from which it is con­sidered that a food product that has not been used for human consumption to a significant degree must be subject to assessment. The application of Regulation (EU) 2015/2283 implies a significant change in the regulation and authorization procedure for novel foods. The new criteria applicable from 2018 include the requi­rement that the assessment should no longer be conducted by the Member States but should be carried out by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA), the establishment of a specific procedure for traditional foods from third countries when a history of safe food use has been demonstrated for at least 25 years, and the establishment of time periods for consultation, assessment and autho­rization. In addition, data protection is offered when the scientific evidence or data on which the application is based are essential for the assessment of the safety of the novel food such that the data shall not be used for the benefit of a subsequent application during a period of five years from the date of the authorization of the novel food without the agreement of the initial applicant. In any case, and in spite of the changes introduced, experience obtained to date will be essential for improving the authorization procedures for novel foods, making the authorization process more efficient, and stimulating innovation in the food sector and, at the same time, guaranteeing the safe­ty of European consumers and increasing the variety of available food products ; EN; PDF; pfefsa@mscbs.es

When the European Union expanded eastward in 2004 and 2007 to accession the so-called EU8 and EU2 countries, respectively, the incumbent member states imposed temporary restrictions on the employment of EU8 and EU2 nationals. Self-employed individuals were exempted from these transitional arrangements, prompting concerns that self-employment could be used as a means to evade the restrictions on labour market access. If the transitional arrangements led to an increase in EU8 and EU2 nationals' self-employment rates, as previous research suggests, then their removal should have led to a corresponding decrease. This article analyses whether the latter has indeed been the case. Using pooled cross section data from the EU Labour Force Survey, over the period 2004-2019, we show that removing the transitional arrangements has had a negative effect on the self-employment rates of EU2 nationals, but seemingly no effect on the self-employment rates of EU8 nationals. Distinguishing between types of capitalist regimes, however, reveals a much more nuanced picture, with significant variation in terms of the magnitude and significance of the effect across groups of countries.

"Der Beitrag behandelt die aktuelle Situation sowie zukünftige Entwicklung
von Sozialdialogen, insbesondere ihrer sektoralen Varianten. Der Schwerpunkt der Analyse
liegt im Gegensatz zur Mehrzahl anderer Untersuchungen auf den vernachlässigten Phasen
der Umsetzung und Implementation. Zunächst erfolgt ein kurzer Überblick über die Entwicklung
der traditionellen Sozialdialoge bis zur grundlegenden Restrukturierung Ende der 1990er
Jahre. Anschließend stehen die seitdem dominierenden Varianten sowie ihre Erfahrungen und
kontroversen Einschätzungen im Mittelpunkt. Danach wird die nächste Generation behandelt,
d.h. autonom-bilaterale Dialoge und deren Perspektiven sowie die zukünftigen Funktionen der
Kommission. Den Schluss bildet ein knapper Ausblick auf den Beitrag von Sozialdialogen zu
"europäischen" industrial relations." (Autorenreferat)

This multi-disciplinary book provides a comprehensive analysis of the EU-India relationship from 1950 to the present day, as a way of assessing whether a meaningful and sustainable relationship is emerging and whether it will play a role in the future of international diplomacy and business

The economic crisis has wiped out the progress of European economies achieved in the years before the crisis. Steady economic growth and employment growth that characterized the decade before the crisis are gone. In terms of growth and economic prosperity, the asymmetry of the European Union and the euro zone did not cause major problems. However, the economic crisis in the European Union had a stronger intensity and longer duration compared to the US and the unequal intensity of the individual Member States of the European Union. The crisis has revealed fundamental weaknesses of the European Union. The European Union is facing a great challenge, to ensure prosperous development in the future? The EU needs a greater degree of political and fiscal integration, greater investment in research and development to develop economies based on knowledge and, innovation, quality education, higher level of employment and protection of the environment. The European Union should solve their own weaknesses and further the process of integration to provide new sources of power.

The European Union is not merely an economic and monetary union, even if its predecessors, the European Communities, had their focus on economic integration. This was caused by the fact that the more ambitious projects of a European Defence Community and a European Political Community had failed in 1954; after this setback it was considered wise to start by laying the economic grounds for a later more comprehensive Union. Keywords: European Union, economic and monetary Union, European Communities, economic integration, European Defence Community, European Political Community

In den letzten Jahren ist der deutsch-türkische Dialog zunehmend Gegenstand politischer, akademischer und öffentlicher Debatten geworden. Die Entwicklung der bilateralen Beziehungen zwischen den beiden Ländern war geprägt von Höhen und Tiefen. In jüngster Zeit überwiegen jedoch die Konfliktphasen: Entfremdung und gegenseitiges Misstrauen zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei nehmen zu. Endet die "Achterbahnfahrt" in den vielschichtigen und dynamischen Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern womöglich in einem Unglück? Ausgehend von den "intermestischen" (inter-lokalen) Tendenzen und den außergewöhnlichen Interdependenzen in den deutsch-türkischen Beziehungen beleuchtet dieser Band die Potenziale für zukünftige Kooperationen und Konflikte. Im Zentrum stehen die drei Dimensionen der deutsch-türkischen Beziehungen, die sich insbesondere auf konfliktreichen oder kooperativen Dialog beziehen: die europäische Dimension, die Innen- und Außenpolitik sowie transnationale Dynamiken. Mit Beiträgen von Mirja Schröder, Funda Tekin, Ebru Turhan, Thomas Krumm, Ludwig Schulz, Yaşar Aydın, Deniz Kuru, Defne Kadıoğlu Polat, Çetin Çelik, Elif Posos Devrani und Wolfgang Wessels

AbstractIn the new post-Cold War security era, there is a perception that the nature of cross-border security threats has changed. The need to respond to these new threats has led to a proliferation of multilateral international and regional treaties in this area, as well as unilateral demands made by the United States post-9/11. We have, then, seen a process of globalisation of criminal law, a field traditionally linked to State sovereignty. This chapter examines, first, EU action with regard to UN multilateral conventions and the impact of those conventions on internal EU law, as well as the impact of EU action within the framework of the regional treaties of the Council of Europe; secondly, the interrelationship between Union law and the global production of norms in criminal matters by the UN Security Council and by the Financial Action Task Force; thirdly, bilateral cooperation between the EU and the US, in particular in connection with the transfer of Passenger Name Records data; fourthly, the question of compliance by the EU in this area, in both the internal and the external context; and, fifthly, the Court of Justice's approach to the protection of fundamental rights when global criminal law is engaged. The EU has managed to take centre stage in international developments in the field of global criminal law through a clear commitment to multilateral negotiations as well as a clear political will to implement at the Union level norms agreed internationally without a high degree of transparency. The Court of Justice has also been reluctant to overturn Union security decisions in the name of fundamental rights. The coming into force of the Lisbon Treaty will eliminate some complexity in this area, but not all, and it still remains to be seen whether in the process of globalisation of criminal law the European values proclaimed in Article 2 of the new EU Treaty will be promoted or compromised.

A connection exists between enlargement of the European Union and reforms of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Based upon rational choice theory, we examine whether the member states' CAP positions are related to structures in their agricultural sectors. The overall hypothesis is that intensiveness of agricultural production corresponds to the willingness to reform the CAP. Political CAP positions, together with the development of member states' structural fundamentals, are analysed using cluster analysis. The results show that EU enlargements have extensified agricultural production at the EU level, and that extensive agricultural production in a member state is often an indicator of reduced willingness to reform. However, the intensiveness of agricultural production is only part of the explanation. Moreover, negotiation tactics play an important role for the positions on the CAP. ; A connection exists between enlargement of the European Union and reforms of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Based upon rational choice theory, we examine whether the member states' CAP positions are related to structures in their agricultural sectors. The overall hypothesis is that intensiveness of agricultural production corresponds to the willingness to reform the CAP. Political CAP positions, together with the development of member states' structural fundamentals, are analysed using cluster analysis. The results show that EU enlargements have extensified agricultural production at the EU level, and that extensive agricultural production in a member state is often an indicator of reduced willingness to reform. However, the intensiveness of agricultural production is only part of the explanation. Moreover, negotiation tactics play an important role for the positions on the CAP.