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Jihadism, Foreign Fighters and Radicalization in the EU addresses the organizational and strategic changes in terrorism in Europe as a result of urban jihadism and the influx of foreign fighters of European nationality or residence. Examining the different types of responses to the treatment of radicalization and its consequences in the recruitment of young urban fighters and jihadists, this book offers a framework for understanding the process of violent radicalization. It critically analyses political and legal responses that have taken place within the European framework, whilst also examining a series of functional responses from social and behavioural psychology. This book then goes on to develop an explanatory model from an economic standpoint, exploring the need to adapt the fight against the financing of terrorism to the changes in the sources of financing jihadist cells and foreign fighters. Furthermore, the volume draws on experience from the prison sector to assess the process of radicalization and the possibilities of intervention. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of great interest to students of terrorism and counter-terrorism, radicalization, European politics, radical Islam and security studies.

Studies in human and non-human primates indicate that basic socio-cognitive operations are inherently linked to the power of gaze in capturing reflexively the attention of an observer. Although monkey studies indicate that the automatic tendency to follow the gaze of a conspecific is modulated by the leader-follower social status, evidence for such effects in humans is meager. Here, we used a gaze following paradigm where the directional gaze of right- or left-wing Italian political characters could influence the oculomotor behavior of ingroup or outgroup voters. We show that the gaze of Berlusconi, the right-wing leader currently dominating the Italian political landscape, potentiates and inhibits gaze following behavior in ingroup and outgroup voters, respectively. Importantly, the higher the perceived similarity in personality traits between voters and Berlusconi, the stronger the gaze interference effect. Thus, higher-order social variables such as political leadership and affiliation prepotently affect reflexive shifts of attention.

There have been calls for psychologists to develop greater awareness in relation to the cultural, ethical, and political utility of theoretical and empirical development. At present, it is particularly important to deliberate critically the meaning of academic knowledge in psychology in the context of the debate surrounding neoliberalism. Specifically, what do our questions, findings, and knowledge mean when we interrogate them from particular social, ethical, and moral perspectives surrounding neoliberalism? To this end, this paper examines recent frontiers of knowledge production in attachment theory that suggest features of attachment insecurity might be seen as strengths when considered in relation to particular outcomes. Issues discussed include: (a) what is considered a strength in a neoliberal society, (b) neoliberal governmentality and the role of psychological research, and (c) the emergence of a critical voice in relation to attachment research.

This article is devoted to the place and role of the category of discourse, as well as the method of discourse analysis in contemporary social and political research. The author focuses on the methodological reasons and intellectual origins of present-day theories of discourse. The article discusses the various options for the analysis of discourse, including an example of an explication of the political discourse in the ontology of Martin Heidegger undertaken by sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. However, most attention is paid to post-structuralist analysis, in the form in which it is represented by the founders of the Essex School of discourse analysis Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.The term «discourse» came into circulation in social and political studies of not so long ago, but has already become quite popular. Discourse is a way of organization and constructing knowledge about some object or phenomenon, that is, a set of ideas, images and practices that defines even forms of knowledge, methods of discussion and behavior. In contrast to the semiotic analysis, discursive approach is interested not only in the question how representation can be implemented, but also what are the consequences of these implementations. It supposes the analysis of how the organization of knowledge and power relations in society are linked to each other, how this organization regulates the behavior, designs identity, and how it defines modes of representation and ways of investigation of phenomena and related practices. But the most important thing is that this approach allows us to dissect the underlying mechanisms and causes of violence and discriminatory practices.In present days there are many approaches to the analysis of discourses, each of which is an inter- or transdisciplinary. Jorgensen and Phillips believe that the most productive among such approaches will be three of them: the theory of discourse Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, the critical discourse analysis and the discursive psychology. All three approaches are based on the principles of social constructivism, which should be understood as a general scientific principle but not the theory. From the perspective of social constructivism an identity and a society can not be regarded as a priori values , because they are constructed in two ways : discursively and interactively . Thus, approaches that analyze discourses can be defined as a fundamentally anti-essentialist and antifundamentalist perspective in political studies. ; Данная статья посвящена месту и роли категории дискурса, а также метода дискурс-анализа в современных социальных и политических исследованиях. Особое внимание уделяется методологическим основаниям и интеллектуальным истоками современных теорий дискурса. В статье рассматриваются различные варианты анализа дискурса, в том числе пример экспликации политического дискурса в онтологии Мартина Хайдеггра, предпринятый социологом Пьером Бурдье. Однако наибольшее внимание уделяется постструктуралистскому анализу, в том виде, в каком он представлен у основателей Эссекской школы дискурс-анализа Эрнесто Лакло и Шанталь Муфф, которые считают, что именно дискурс конституирует весь социальный мир, в том числе и политику. ; Дана стаття присвячена місцю і ролі категорії дискурсу, а також методу дискурс-аналізу в сучасних соціальних і політичних дослідженнях. Особлива увага приділяється методологічним підставам та інтелектуальним витокам сучасних теорій дискурсу. Розглядаються різні варіанти аналізу дискурсу, в тому числі приклад експлікації політичного дискурсу в онтології Мартіна Хайдеггра, зроблений соціологом П'єром Бурдьє. Однак найбільшу увагу приділяється постструктуралістському аналізу, в тому вигляді, в якому він представлений у засновників Есекскої школи дискурс-аналізу Ернесто Лакло і Шанталь Муфф, які вважають, що саме дискурс конституює весь соціальний світ, у тому числі і політику.

Jean Bertrand Aristide can be seen as one of the first charismatic leaders of the Left to return to power in the new Latin American scenario. Aristide, a former priest who professed the Theology of Liberation, was a key personality in the Haitian political process during the 1986-2004 period. Supported by a broad political movement, he headed an anti-authoritarian struggle from 1986 to 1994, against the military dictatorship. His charismatic leadership afterwards led to a conservative leadership from 1994 to 2004, which raised a wide opposition to his government. Finally, amidst a severe political crisis, he was obliged to leave the government in February 2004. The Haitian case exemplifies how charisma can lose its innovative capability & turn into an authoritarian & conservative traditional power. Adapted from the source document.

This book elaborates on leadership dilemmas and solutions within real-life contexts utilizing a _systems_ perspective in which leaders and their followers co-create their mutually interdependent relationships. Included are issues of political, corporate, educational, terrorist, and diplomatic leadership

This current and timely volume presents new thinking and new directions in feminist legal scholarship. Rethinking key concepts in legal feminism, Cowan and Hunter provide a unique examination of key socio-legal concepts in law, jurisprudence and legal and political theory

"Providing an account of the development of economic thought, this book explores the extent to which economic ideas are rooted in moral values. Adopting an approach rooted in 'pragmatism', the work explores key questions which have been considered by economists since the classical political economists. These include: what degree of priority ought to be granted to property rights among all individual liberties; whether uncertainties in economic life justify investing political authorities with the power to stabilize business cycles; whether it is better to trust entrepreneurial initiatives to resolve societal dilemmas or to centralize policy-making in the hands of a benevolent government. The chapters argue that economic thought has evolved from an emphasis on "sympathy" (as defined by Adam Smith) and that there has more recently been a rediscovery of the significance of sympathy reinvented as "fair reciprocity" in the wake of the emergence of behavioural economics and its connection to evolutionary psychology. This key book is of great interest to readers in the history of ideas, political and moral philosophy, and political economy. Laurent Dobuzinskis is an Associate Professor at Simon Fraser University, Canada"--

In Britain, mindfulness practice has increasingly been incorporated into preventative healthcare as a support for psychological resilience. An awareness practice originating in Buddhism, mindfulness is framed as a scientifically verified way of cultivating a skilful engagement with life to support mental health. What has led to this unprecedented interest in mindfulness? And how have British people come to think of cultivating a kindly relationship with their own minds as a constituent aspect of the "good life"? In this paper, I explore the specifically British history that informs the association between mindfulness and psychological resilience today. I show that the association between psychological resilience and mindfulness practice is the result of broader historical concerns about the nature of modern society and psychology. Taking a genealogical approach, I argue that changing patterns in British psychology and Buddhism, while framed in universalist registers, are constituted in and constitutive of a broader historical and political context.

Describes development of a scheme for classification of collective group violence perpetrated by a group against other ethnic, demographic, social, political, or economic groups according to type of outbreak, kinds and strengths of forces involved, and goals of the violent groups.

Individual differences in social and political attitudes have their roots in evolved motives for basic kinds of social relationships. Egalitarianism is the preference for the application of the one of these relational models-equality—over that of another—dominance—to the context of societal intergroup relations. We present recent research on the origins of egalitarianism in terms of universal social cognitive mechanisms (activated as early as infancy), systematic (partly heritable) individual differences, and the affordances and constraints of one's immediate and macro-structural context. Just as the psychological impact of socioeconomic conditions depends on the mind being equipped to perceive and navigate them, so the expression of the evolved underpinnings of inequality concerns depends critically on social and societal experiences.

From the early demise of Trent Lott at the hands of bloggers to the agonized scream of Howard Dean; from Daily Kos and the blogosphere to the rise of Twitter and Facebook, politics and new media have co-existed and evolved in rapid succession. Here, an academic and practitioner team up to consider how new and old media technologies mix with combustible politics to determine, in real time, the shape of the emerging political order. Our political moment shares with other realigning periods the sense that political parties are failing to address the public interest. In an era defined by the collapse of the political center, extreme income inequality, rapidly changing demography, and new methods of communicating and organizing, a second-generation online progressive movement fueled by email and social media is coming into its own. In this highly readable text, the authors-one a scholar of Internet politics, the other a leading voice of the first generation netroots-draw on unique data and on-the-ground experience to answer key questions at the core of our tumultuous politics. How has Internet activism changed in form and function? How have the left and right changed with it? How does this affect American political power?

This text focuses on identifying the tipping points for disengagement from terrorism, and is informed by detailed accounts from terrorists themselves about why they left terrorism behind.

The authors examine dominance and subordination in the social psychology, political science, and biology literatures. Using Summers and Winberg (2006) as a guide, the authors suggest that extreme dominance or subordination phenotypes—including social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism—are determined by an organism's genetic predispositions, motivations, stress responses, and long-term hormone release and uptake states. The authors offer hypotheses about the likely neurochemical profiles for each of these extreme dominance and subordination phenotypes and suggest two designs that begin to test these hypotheses.