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The organization of this study reflects the importance of such strategic factors as determinants of trade and investment. Chapter 2 focuses on the home environment of Japanese firms, and with comparisons drawn with the US economy, illustrate how, as the economy has restructured and modernized in the post-war period, firm behaviour has evolved too. Chapter 3 is an assessment of the concept of strategic behaviour of governments and firms, what it might look like and how it matters to trade and investment. Chapter 4 focuses on an examination of East Asian trade patterns with Japan and their evolution, while Chapter 5 focuses - through firm level comparisons and surveys - on patterns of FDI, in particular on production networks in the region. Regression analysis is used in Chapter 6 to test for the significance of 'strategic' behaviour by governments as a determinant of FDI

Richard Price (1723-1791) was an eminent Welsh philosopher and Dissenting Minister. His political pamphlets won him considerable fame in the eighteenth century as a supporter of the American rebels in their struggle for independence, and for the enthusiasm with which he greeted the opening events of the French Revolution. It was this enthusiasm which provoked Edmund Burke into writing Reflections on the Revolution in France. Price is noteworthy as a defender of freedom of thought (especially on religious matters), as a proponent of parliamentary reform, and as an advocate of a minimalist conception of government. He espoused the doctrine of natural rights and the principle of self-government. This 1992 book is a collection of Price's most important pamphlets of the period 1759–89, and is accompanied by a comprehensive introduction putting Price's work in context, complete bibliographical material, a chronology, and biographical notes on persons mentioned in the texts

One of the most influential of the Victorian philosophers, Henry Sidgwick (1838–1900) also made important contributions to fields such as economics, political theory and classics. A proponent of the utilitarianism of Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill, which he analysed in his classic work The Methods of Ethics (1874; also reissued in this series), he later turned to the practical side of politics in this work, published in 1891. His aim was to have a 'rational discussion of political questions in modern states', and he offers a thorough examination of Victorian politics, beginning with a discussion of political theory before moving on to more concrete matters such as property and law. The later chapters discuss the function of government through themes such as procedural matters, international affairs, war, political parties, and public participation, giving a comprehensive account of both ideas about and the functioning of late-nineteenth-century government

Scientific and technical activities in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea began in August 1945, when the country was liberated from the yoke of Japanese imperialist colonial rule. Before Liberation the country was backward, colonial and semi-feudal. At that time there were no higher education establishments, or scientific and research institutions and few technical personnel. However, under the leadership of President Kim Il Sung since Liberation, the economy, science and technology in the country has developed rapidly. Education work amongst the people became a basis for social development, so that the Government of the Republic, even under difficult conditions of the country, put cadre training work ahead of all the work and made great strides. Thus, immediately after Liberation, Kim II Sung University was founded and following it, many research institutes and educational establishments at all levels were set up. From 1975 universal 11-year compulsory education was enforced. The Government established scientific and research institutions in various fields of national economy, taking account of the current and prospective requirements of national economy and scientific and technical development.

Abstract
The purpose of this research is to know the cyberthreat faced by Indonesian society and understand how the government responds towards this threat. This study employs two types of data. The first came from the literature for building the theoretical linkage, and the second came from an online survey of 328 respondents about cyberthreats that they experience, as well as the respondents' perception regarding the government's response. The results were then analyzed systematically along with the literature review analysis. The results show that 64 percent of Indonesian respondents have modest knowledge in terms of cyberthreats and regulations made for it. There are three main arguments for this condition. First, low level of knowledge in cyberthreat within the society. Second, Indonesian people unprepared to face the cyberthreat surrounding their daily life. Third, an inadequate Indonesian government response to prevent and tackle the cyberthreat.

Using a survey of nearly 2,000 federal government employees, we test the extent to which civil servants are willing to use their position to impose administrative burdens on political opponents. Such an act would create a burden of bad intentions. Rather than discovering that administrators are partisan actors through their use of burdens, we find that federal public employees support administrative burdens when they reduce fraud and waste. Furthermore, these civil servants are also not politically motivated. More precisely, federal government employees do not support administrative burdens that will give unequal benefits to members of their own political party or that will create uneven challenges for members of the opposition. Therefore, we theorize that administrators' decisions relating to burden are motivated by a general concern for efficiency and ethics, even as decisions related to compliance and discretion may be divided into partisan lines.

Though there has been a wealth of work showing that negative experiences with government lead to less political participation, there is little understanding of how to address this problem. That is, it is unclear whether reform to negative government behavior can also address the negative consequences of that behavior. This paper uses the overturn of Stop, Question, and Frisk in New York City to show that despite a significant change to police behavior, having experienced a high level of policing continues to depress voter turnout. Furthermore, it uses residents who have moved within New York City after the change in policy to show that residing in a community that was heavily policed continues to influence voter behavior, even if an individual never directly experienced high levels of policing. This is in line with communities both being changed by police policies and community transmission of norms around participation.

Abstract
We conduct a global, large-N analysis of proportionality in the partisan distribution of cabinet portfolios. Formulated in the context of postwar Western European parliamentary democracy, Gamson's Law predicts that parties joining a coalition government will receive cabinet ministries in direct proportion to the seats they are contributing to the coalition on the floor of the legislature. Using a sample of 1551 country-years of coalitional government in 97 countries from 1966 to 2019, and comparing all main constitutional formats (parliamentary, presidential, and semi-presidential), we find that Gamson's Law does not travel well outside its context of origin. Among the constitutional predictors of cabinet proportionality, we find that pure presidentialism is a major outlier, with an exaggerated form of formateur advantage. Introducing party-system and assembly-level predictors to the debate, we find that party institutionalization tends to increase fairness in portfolio allocation within parliamentary systems only.

AbstractThe City of Jackson, Mississippi, has faced numerous problems related to its water supply in the last three decades. The most recent water crisis stemmed from the flooding of two water treatment plants, resulting in contamination and the shutting down of the water supply. The study examines antecedents to the Jackson Water Crisis and how it was addressed. The article investigates the following questions: (1) What is the effect of jurisdictional vulnerability on the resiliency of the Jackson Water Crisis, and (2) What role does the subsidiarity principle play in the resiliency of the Jackson Water Crisis? The study draws from social vulnerability theory to investigate Jackson's changing racial demographics starting in 1970 to understand the crisis. It then draws from the subsidiarity principle that underpins federal assistance to subnational governments to explain how multilevel governments cooperate to address social inequity and create a more resilient community.

There is currently a teacher shortage in remote areas in China, as the willingness of government-sponsored students to enter the profession continues to decrease because of factors such as high work pressure and relatively low salaries. We investigated the influence of professional
commitment on willingness to enter the teaching profession among 395 government-sponsored teachers' college students majoring in art education, and assessed the mediating role of learning satisfaction in this relationship. The results indicated there was a significant positive correlation
between professional commitment and teaching willingness. Additionally, learning satisfaction played a mediating role in this relationship. Our findings contribute to understanding of the relationships among professional commitment, teaching willingness, and learning satisfaction among teachers'
college students majoring in art education within the context of Chinese higher education. The results also offer practical insights for educators to enhance the willingness of art education majors to enter the teaching profession.

I explore the potential impact of rulemakers' professional experience on the efficiency of rulemaking by U.S. federal agencies. I highlight two types of professional experience rulemakers may have—inside experience gathered by working in the federal government, if not the same agency, and outside experience gained before entering the civil service or between stints in government. I discuss several plausible mechanisms through which inside and outside experience may affect rulemaking efficiency. Using data combining rulemakers' career backgrounds with rulemaking life-cycles from 1999 to 2023, I show that outside experience, and not inside experience, is associated with two measures of rulemaking efficiency: a higher likelihood for proposed rules to be promulgated as final and a lower likelihood of unanticipated events—extensions of public comment periods, other delays to the rulemaking timetable, and the withdrawal of rules already issued.

Following the Biafran allegations of genocide against the Nigerian government during the Civil War, pro-Biafran groups emerged in the United States to pressure the American government into political intervention in the form of recognizing the Biafran republic. In response, African-American Civil Rights hero James Meredith counter-balanced the pro-Biafran groups, and advocated for one Nigeria in the United States. By analyzing public speech, correspondences, fact-finding mission reports, congressional hearing testimonies, and oral interviews, this paper examines Meredith's pro-One Nigeria (Pan-African) activism during the Nigerian Civil War, and promotes a nuanced understanding of the international dimension of the Nigerian Civil War. This study proposes an episode of transnational history of the global black liberation movement of the long sixties, and demonstrates that Meredith's pro-one Nigeria activism during the Nigerian Civil War was influenced by his background as a Civil Rights leader and his pan-African ideology.

Despite their dominance and control over police, courts, state institutions, media, and civil society, authoritarian governments face multifaceted internal and external contestation over their right to rule and the boundaries of autocratic control. Analysis of this opposition is wanting in the literature on democratic backsliding. Societal groups, institutions, and individuals regularly contest governments' claim to legitimate rule, and they seek opportunities to raise their voices and be heard. These efforts, which we call democratic bricolage, are mostly uncoordinated, accidental, disconnected, and dependent on opportunities as these arise. But they undermine the government's claims to authority and legitimacy. They maintain instead the moral claim to democracy, the right to be heard and consulted. We argue that democratic bricolage is the story of democratic resilience in an authoritarian context and an under-studied and little-noticed part of the story of autocratization.

AbstractIn this paper, we assume that the domestic public firm competes in the market with a foreign private firm that cares about consumer surplus and the domestic government imposes tariffs on foreign firm. We aim to analyze the influence of the corporate social responsibility (CSR) level of foreign firm on privatization and tariff policy. It shows that if the government implements a privatization policy for the domestic public firm, the optimal degree of privatization decreases in the CSR level of foreign firm. Under the optimal privatization policy, if the product differentiation is relatively small, the equilibrium tariff increases in the CSR level; if the product differentiation is relatively large, the equilibrium tariff decreases in the CSR level; if the product differentiation is moderate, the relationship between the equilibrium tariff and CSR level is an inverted U‐shape. We further consider the policy implications under sequential moves of firms.

Does police militarization influence government use of repression? While comparative work examines police militarization, violence, human rights abuses, and torture, it does not integrate militarized police within existing theories of repression. Connecting police militarization and repression, this article argues that police militarization increases the police's perception of threat as well as their coercive capacity, thereby increasing their willingness to repress. As such, we hypothesize police militarization increases repression. To evaluate the theory, we conduct an international analysis using existing datasets covering 102 countries from 1994 to 2010. Employing several statistical models, the data supports the conclusion that police militarization increases the likelihood of government repression, specifically through extrajudicial killing and torture. Aside from highlighting a consequence of police militarization policy, the findings point to police militarization as an important omitted variable in cross-national models of repression and human rights.