Suchergebnisse

Though there are many issues about which China & the USSR could quarrel & though there is strong evidence of some disagreements, the 2 regimes have an overwhelming common motive for maintaining solidarity against the outside world so long as both remain committed to Communist orthodoxy. Many of the predictions of future Sino-Soviet conflict erroneously assume that the Communist leaders, no matter what they say, play the traditional game of power politics. In fact, considerations of boundary, pop, & so on are less important to the Communists than diff's over the strategy which they should follow in their struggle against the non-Communist world. The Chinese position might be described as Marxist fundamentalism. There are 2 basic issues in the disagreement: the actual balance of power between Communist & non-Communist sections of the world, & the ability of non-Communist leaders, especially in the US, to act in terms of rational self-interest. Since the controversy is entirely over strategy & timing, it does not necessarily involve any disruption of basic Communist solidarity. It may well become less heated if Chinese leaders come to realize that the balance of power in their favor is less decisive than they have claimed & if Soviet policy toward non-Communist powers becomes somewhat more intransigent to meet Chinese criticism. Soviet leadership by Krushchev or in his spirit makes other developments less likely. AA.

Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Russ. 325 v

"Poland declares war on Russia."

"This book analyses social change in Russia, and in particular the development of a middle class, one of the most important social and political projects of Putin's administration"--

This research was conducted in the framework
of cultural geography — a relatively recent
field of geography. This article considers
the problems of geographical study of cultural
landscapes of the North-West Russia, which includes
Saint Petersburg, the Leningrad, Novgorod,
Pskov, and Kaliningrad regions.
This article sets out to develop and test
the methodology for historical and cultural
zoning at the mesogeographical level.
The research and practical significance
of the work lies in the identification of the features
of formation of cultural landscapes in
the North-West Russia, which can be used for
the development of schemes of protection and
rational management of territorial cultural
and historical heritage.
The authors rely on historical and cultural
zoning as the basic geographical method
of research on cultural landscapes. To this
effect, the article offers a hierarchy of historical
and cultural zones comparable to the zoning
systems applied in physical, historical,
and cultural geography.
The major results of the research are the
authors' taxonomy of historical and cultural
complexes and the corresponding system of
historical and cultural zoning of the North-
West Russia presented on a sketch map. The
article offers an exemplary description of historical
and cultural provinces of the region.
The contribution of the research to the
Russian geography of culture is the authors'
variant of taxonomy of historical and cultural
complexes and the formulation of basic principles
of historical and cultural zoning at different
hierarchical levels.
The research results can be applied, first of
all, in the development of projects aimed at the
protection and use of territorial cultural heritage
in the framework of comprehensive schemes of
territorial planning of the country's regions.

Europe today is deeply divided. Thirty years after the end of the Cold War and the celebratory moment when the wall came down, we are again faced with a new Cold War with Russia-Western relations probably more dangerous than ever since the Cuban missile crisis. Diplomatic relations are frozen, sanctions installed, the old arms treaties abandoned (ABM, INF), and new nuclear weapons developed (Supersonic etc.). Indeed, we are arguably in a new nuclear arms race. Further, Russia and the U.S. are involved in proxy wars in Syria and Ukraine, in the sense of supporting opposing sides in these conflicts. The EU Europe itself is divided. It is not just Brexit, marking the first real break-away from the Union, but also clashes within. In the heart of Paris, the yellow vests are now well over a year into continuing violent demonstrations. So-called populist movements have been on the rise across the continent. The Visegrad countries (Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic) are regularly at odds with the EU core (Brussels and the France-Germany axis) to a degree where the idea of sanctions is sometimes invoked. The Western security framework appears to break down, with Turkey, a NATO member and with the organisations second largest military numerically, beginning to purchase Russian weapon systems (S-400) and enter a strategic alliance with Russia and Syria in the Middle East. How did it come to this and what happened with the post-Cold War dream? And what has happened to the post world war visions of European integration and security order? What are the critical processes and events that have led us unto this path? This book aims to address and explore these historical problems.