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International audience ; The Choice of the Heirs. Property Succession and Stepfamilies in France and Quebec An ethnological analysis of legal norms and social practices associated with property succession in stepfamilies in France and Quebec was conducted in order to examine potential recognition of elected and plural kin in these configurations. The results presented here are based on two studies, one concerned with French stepfamilies (2000) and the other one carried out with lawyers in Montréal at the end of 2006. In Quebec, where the law is less restricting than in France, a will can entitle people with the right to freely dispose of their property. Despite legal differences, social practices draw comparable meanings of succession, which seems to be perceived as a realization of a person's continuity through kinship and filiation. Through the choice of their heirs, people can define a group composed with their second husband, wife or cohabiting partner and with their legal and biological children. Stepchildren are very rarely included in this group. However, when they are, the educational links between stepparents and stepchildren are asserted, as well as values of equality among the latter. In these cases, Quebec's legislation allows the legal acknowledgement of chosen parenthood through the circulation of property. ; Cet article aborde sous l'angle de l'ethnologie de la parenté les normes juridiques et les usages sociaux de la transmission des biens dans les familles recomposées françaises et québécoises. Il examine les possibilités de reconnaissance juridique des liens électifs et pluriels nés dans les familles recomposées, et les confronte aux usages de la succession au sein des familles françaises et québécoises, à travers les résultats d'une enquête menée en France au début des années 2000 au sein de familles recomposées, et d'une recherche menée à Montréal en 2006 dans plusieurs études notariales. En dépit de la liberté testamentaire régnant au Québec, qui tranche avec le caractère plus contraignant ...

Policy ethnography approaches provide useful qualitative data that offer a nuanced and realistic ground-level view of policies, too often analyzed abstractly from the top. However, the ambition of these approaches must not be limited to producing more precise information. Fieldwork on the control of welfare recipients in France shows that ethnography, and more specifically direct observation, is particularly suited to uncovering the structural features of the new wave of public policies sweeping through advanced societies in the wake of demise of the Fordist-Keynesian compact. Indeed, among other consequences, the "de-objectivation" of the collective categories built during the process of welfare state development leads to more astringent and intense controls of recipients. These controls are based on loose criteria defined in situated practices and interactions. The ethnographic capture and analysis of the concrete practices of the agents of welfare bureaucracies enable us to track and critique the more abstract transformations of the social state in the age of "workfare." Such fieldwork provides an illustration of the empirical and theoretical potentials of critical policy ethnography. ; Les approches en termes de policy ethnography sont utiles pour la collecte d'un matériau qualitatif offrant une vision nuancée et réaliste de politiques qui sont le plus souvent abordées par le haut et de façon parfois assez abstraite. Leur ambition ne doit cependant pas se limiter à la production d'informations plus fines. À partir d'une enquête sur le contrôle des assistés sociaux en France, on verra ainsi que le travail ethnographique de terrain, et en particulier l'observation directe, peuvent s'avérer propices au dévoilement de caractéristiques structurelles de l'intervention publique. En l'occurrence, la désobjectivation des catégories collectives construites à la faveur du développement de l'Etat social conduit notamment à des contrôles sans cesse plus étroits des assistés. Ces contrôles sont fondés sur des critères ...

Background This thesis explores differences in the attitudes that men and women hold toward the welfare state by investigating previously neglected areas concerning how attitudes differ between welfare states, as well as the role played by emotional and psychological attachment to a gender group. The studies analyze how gender differences in welfare state attitudes relate to social policies and prevailing gender relations, as well as to the process of social identification with a gender group. They also provide evidence on the longitudinal development of attitudinal gender differences in Sweden. Methods All four studies rely on survey data. One part of this thesis consists of a comparison between countries in Europe that utilizes a multilevel analysis to examine how the interaction between family policy and gender (in)equalities in the division of unpaid labor is related to gender differences in support for the government's responsibility to provide social welfare. A second part consists of analyzing trends in multiple attitudes toward the Swedish welfare state, covering both normative and evaluative aspects of welfare state support for the years 1981–2018. A third part consists of examining welfare state attitudes in Sweden during the year 2018. Here, the focus is on social identification with a gender group and its potential role as an intermediary factor in the relationship between gender and welfare state attitudes. Results The gender gap in people's support for the government's role in providing social welfare varies among European countries, with attitudes differing most in countries where men and women share more equally in performing unpaid care and domestic labor. Conversely, men and women do not display differences in their welfare state attitudes in countries where inequalities in the division of unpaid labor are widespread. However, the relationship between gender (in)equality in unpaid labor and welfare state attitudes is shaped by the institutional design. In countries where family policies subsidize women's caregiving within families without public alternatives—thus normatively conveying the resulting gender inequalities as corresponding to inherent differences in caregiving capabilities—this relationship does not exist. The last four decades of attitudes toward the Swedish welfare state demonstrate no clear trends revealing whether gender differences are diverging or converging; nevertheless, the correlational evidence of contextual variation in the attitudinal gender gap speaks in favor of progression in gender equality as being coupled with larger attitudinal differences. Regarding social identification with a gender group, this process is not connected with observed gender differences in people's suspicion of welfare overuse in Sweden. However, when compared with both women and other men, men with a strong gender identification are less willing to increase social spending in Sweden. The observed relationships match the predictions made when theorizing social identification with a gender group as enhancing attentiveness to gendered self-interest among men under conditions of potential masculinity threat and thus increasing the likelihood of adopting stereotypically masculine attitudes toward equality and social welfare. Conclusions Gender differences in welfare state attitudes are not universal. An integrated theory of gender differences in welfare state attitudes should account for the interplay between structuring aspects of the welfare state and prevailing gender norms, and how these relate to psychological aspects of gender as a social identity. Attitudinal gender differences should therefore be understood in terms of what type of welfare state men and women are expressing their attitudes toward and how this welfare state affects gender relations. Attachment to their gender group seems to be of special importance for men's attitudes. However, this is only true for dimensions where the welfare state can be viewed as a threat to masculinity by undercutting the normative connection between masculinity and breadwinning.

To navigate inner-city neighborhoods, young women, though reluctant at times, are often encouraged to become known as able fighters for their own protection. Among peers, one's reputation, once established, is an important social resource. The following narratives illustrate how two young women negotiate the context of violence they confront in their everyday lives.

Starts out by documenting the massive scale of early, and disability, retirement in Hungary and Poland, during the first seven years of the post‐communist transition. Sums up that the Hungarian and Polish governments had urgent reasons to design social policies to try to halt the danger of large‐scale protests in the 1990s.

The traditional role of business as essentially fulfilling a limited economic role has its articulate proponents (Milton Friedman, 1962; Theodore Levitt, 1958; Frederick Hayek, 1944). Friedman and others who see business as having a very central but limited role in society contend that the business of business is business — not social issues or politics.

There is not the slightest doubt that literacy is good and its effects significant, but the virtues of literacy have occasionally been promoted in isolation from competing social objectives. This article notes three past mistakes in advocating literacy programs and suggests that future arguments would be more effective if past mistakes were taken into account.

The authors offer a unique theoretical model of social reactions to crime, criminals and other deviant behaviours. They suggest a "demand for punishment" approach and a macro level analysis of general incentives as these may be related to the phenomenon of crime. European and United Nations data are used to make international comparisons.

The central concern of this discussion is the relationship between belief and action. The underlying problem is how belief ‐ intellectualised as ideology ‐ affects or even determines social behaviour. As Talcott Parsons puts it, "While believing is not, ipso facto, doing, what one believes has much to do with what one does"(1).

Tracing Jewish masculinity through major themes and events including both World Wars, the Holocaust, American Zionism, Israeli statehood, and the Six-Day War, this work establishes that the struggle of this process can shed light on the changing dynamics in religious, social, and economic American Jewish life

This article examines how, from 1864, in his role as Captain General of Cuba, Domingo Dulce initiated a policy of deporting criminals and "undesirables". It examines Overseas Ministry documentary sources, Fernando Poo's colonial papers and those generated in Cuba itself, to analyse how the colonial authorities justified the deportations appealing to a supposed increase in the crime rate, which allowed them to impose an increasingly restrictive social order in a period of socioeconomic and political uncertainty. The importance of deportation as a method of social control would increase in 1866 with the onset of a serious economic crisis, an even more depressed social situation, an expansion of the independence movement and a new, more conservative Captain General, Francisco Lersundi. These actions cannot be disassociated from criminological theories of the day, which determined deportees' departure from the colony, the manner in which this was done, and the conditions that they had to endure at points of referral. ; El presente trabajo examina como a partir de 1864, siendo Capitán general de Cuba Domingo Dulce, comenzó una política de deportaciones de delincuentes e individuos considerados de «mal vivir». Se analiza asimismo a través de las fuentes documentales del Ministerio de Ultramar, los papeles de la colonia de Fernando Poo y los generados en la propia Cuba, cómo las autoridades antillanas justificaron las deportaciones apelando a un supuesto incremento en la criminalidad, que les permitió imponer un orden social cada vez más restrictivo en momentos de incertidumbre socioeconómica y política. La importancia de la deportación como método de control social se incrementaría en 1866 con el comienzo de una grave crisis económica, una situación social todavía más degradada, una expansión del independentismo y un nuevo Capitán general, Francisco Lersundi, de tendencia más conservadora. Estas actuaciones no pueden estar desligadas de las teorías criminológicas de la época, que determinaron la salida de la colonia de los deportados, el modo en que se llevó a cabo y las condiciones a las que fueron sometidos en los puntos de remisión.

Analyzes effects of political attitudes on voting behavior; based on a survey of 1,100 voters conducted as part of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), 1996.

Questions about the one-child policy, the system of health and social services, the effect of political and economic reforms on the elderly, and other issues.

Intro -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction The Challenges of Constituent Power -- Venezuela's Long Twentieth Century -- Bringing the State Back in . . . but What Kind? -- Overview -- Chapter 1 Anxiety, Containment, and Cultivation: Constituent Power in the North Atlantic and Venezuela -- Anxieties and Limit Cases: Constituent Power in the North At lantic -- Scrubbing History to Make Politics Safe from Constituent Power -- Constituent Power as the Limit of the Political -- Constituent Power, Procedure, and Popular Sovereignty: Kelsen versus Schmitt -- Incompleteness as Transition: Two Statues -- Either We Invent or We Fail! Constituent Power in Venezuela -- Bolívar and the Foundation of Political Freedom -- Simón Rodríguez: Invention, Experimentation, and Cultivation -- Ezequiel Zamora: Tremble, Oligarchs! -- Concluding Remarks -- Chapter 2 Rupture, Protagonism, Party: The Caracazo as Event -- Event: El Caracazo -- Men with Guns outside la Escuelita -- Protagonism: From Riot to (Bolivarian) Revolution -- The Party: On Revolut ionary Openings. And Closings. -- Self-Criticism as Conclusion and Transition: El Golpe de Timón -- Chapter 3 Multitude, Pueblo, and the Ungovernability of Constituent Power -- On the Antinomies of Politics: Multitude and Pueblo -- A History of Rewriting Histories: From the Caracazo to the Reforma Constitucional -- "Todo 11 tiene su 13": Coup and Countercoup -- "El Golpe Petrolero": The Oil Coup and the Democratization of Consumption -- La Reforma Constitucional: Multitude, Pueblo, Absence -- Constituent Power beyond Multitude and Pueblo? -- Chapter 4 The Structures of Constituent Power:The Caracas Metro and the Right to the City -- La Gran Solución para Caracas: Planning, Social Engineering, and the MetroCCS (1926-1983)

Many books studying the sources of the law and many books studying the Internet law have already been published. This thesis differs from these books: it studies the original sources, not only the state law and the customs; and it is a scientific work and not a practical work. Observations of the Internet law can serve thoughts on the currents and futures continuities and changes of the sources of the law. Studying this young and special law is like studying an example of global law and postmodern law, revealing the specifics of the law of tomorrow, when the modern law centered on the state will be replaced by a different law, whose properties gather those of the Internet. Gradually, the conventional sources are substituted by new sources. This thesis wants to be a witness of these changes in the sources of the law.The Internet has changed time and space. It transformed the Earth, humanity, life and society. The law has probably changed too. In terms of positive law, the Internet law only shares some characteristics with the ordinary laws of the twentieth century. In terms of legal science and legal thought, lawyers should perhaps avoid analyzing the law of tomorrow with tools and lessons from yesterday. Studying the Internet law invites to build new tools and frameworks in order to describe and explain as accurately as possible the reality of the law. These problems led to the writing of this book. By focusing on specific legal objects that reflect the twenty-first century law, it wants to promote the understanding and the acceptance of changes in the law. Specifically, the objective is to contribute to the renovation of the sources of the law thought when the modern theory appears increasingly archaic because the number, the identity, the architecture and the balance of the sources is permanently evolving. Firstly, maybe it should now be considered that the distinction between public sources and private sources is the summa divisio of the sources of the law. ; Le renouvellement des sources du droit peut être ...