Suchergebnisse

Preliminary Material /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Introduction /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Algeria /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Angola /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Benin /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Botswana /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Burkina Faso /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Burundi /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Cameroon /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Cabo Verde /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Central African Republic /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Chad /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Comoros /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Congo, Democratic Republic of the /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Congo, Republic of the /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Côte d'ivoire /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Djibouti /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Egypt /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Equatorial Guinea /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Eritrea /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Ethiopia /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Gabon /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Gambia /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Ghana /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Guinea /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Guinea-Bissau /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Kenya /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Lesotho /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Liberia /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Libya /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Madagascar /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Malawi /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Mali /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Mauritania /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Mauritius /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Morocco /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Mozambique /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Namibia /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Niger /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Nigeria /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Rwanda /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- São Tomé and Príncipe /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Senegal /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Seychelles /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Sierra Leone /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Somalia /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- South Africa /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- South Sudan /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Sudan /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Swaziland /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Tanzania /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Togo /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Tunisia /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Uganda /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Zambia /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Zimbabwe /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- International Documents /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- African Documents /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat -- Tables – Ratification Status of Treaties /Talia Naamat , Nina Osin and Dina Porat.

International migration is a consequence of globalisation and part of a transnational trend which permanently influences communities, cultural interaction and socio-economic governance in developed and developing states (Harris 2009:4). According to Solomon (1996:1) one out of every hundred and fourteen people in the world can be regarded as displaced. Angenendt (2008:1) is of the opinion that the reasons for illegal immigration in particular can be universally linked to the attempt to fl ee from political violence and oppression or a lack of economic prospects in the country of origin. In the European Union (EU) the largest group of immigrants, for example, come from Turkey, Morocco, Albania and Serbia (A common immigration policy 2008:4). In the United States of America (USA) illegal immigrants and non-established minorities are mostly from Mexico, Cuba and other South American states. In South Africa the abovementioned groups mainly come from Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Swaziland (Whitman 2000:19). Migration is a multidimensional and complex concept relating to a variety of interpretations and meanings. For the purposes of this article the research will be narrowed down to illegal immigration and insufficient integration and marginalisation of non-established minorities in South Africa and the European Union (with a brief reference to the Netherlands as a case study). The key concepts can be summarised as follows: a) Non-established minorities: Smit (2009:8) views non-established minorities as individuals or a group that enter a receiver state legally or illegally. These individuals or groups find it difficult to integrate on social, cultural and economic levels in the receiver state. Non- established minorities tend to live in groups, develop their own community structures and tend to retain their own language, culture and religion. This means that they are unable to integrate into the structure and culture of the society that they have entered. They therefore tend to function and live in isolation. In many respects their traditions and way of life are being viewed as strange and regarded with suspicion. The consequence is that non-established minorities are often subjected to socio-economic marginalisation and even discrimination; b) Illegal immigration: In brief terms an illegal or undocumented immigrant can be described as a person that enters a state without formal permission. An illegal immigrant therefore enters a state outside the legislative migration framework of that state. Illegal immigration usually takes place through people-trafficking organisations, overstaying on a tourist or study visa or forging a visa (Offe 2011:4). The South African government has recently launched initiatives to improve immigration control and limit illegal immigration from other African states. In broad terms these initiatives consist of the redeployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) on the South African borders, as well as improved internal processing arrangements and deportation procedures. In the light of the foregoing actions, this article undertakes a holistic comparative analysis of the immigration and non-established minority challenges facing the EU and the way in which illegal immigration is managed in South Africa. The primary assumption is that there are managerial shortcomings and certain lessons to be learnt from the EU experience. It is the main objective of this article to highlight these lessons. Firstly, the article focuses on the impact of moral obligations as an important rationale for the extent of, and manner in which the South African authorities currently manage illegal immigration and the problem of non-established minority groups. Here an emphasis is placed on crime, unemployment and xenophobia as perceived consequences of illegal immigration. Secondly, as the main focus, the article is narrowed down to the perception of, and manner in which illegal immigration and non-established minorities are currently being dealt with within the EU. In this regard there is a specific emphasis on the perception of the national interest of individual states as rationale behind the management of illegal immigration and non-established minorities in the EU. This comparison serves as a guideline to identify the challenges that must be overcome by the South African authorities and provide recommendations for relevant policy formulation and the implementation thereof ; Internasionale migrasie is 'n uitvloeisel van globalisering en deel van 'n transnasionale tendens wat gemeenskappe, kulturele interaksie sowel as sosio-ekonomiese regeerprosesse in ontwikkelde en ontwikkelende state permanent beïnvloed (Harris 2009:4). Volgens Solomon (1996:1) is een uit elke honderd en veertien mense wêreldwyd 'n uitgewekene. Die redes vir veral onwettige immigrasie word volgens Angenendt (2008:1) universeel verbind met pogings van mense om aan politieke geweld en onderdrukking te ontkom. 'n Gebrek aan ekonomiese vooruitsigte in die land van herkoms is dikwels ook 'n rede vir vertrek uit die eie staat van herkoms. Binne die EU is die grootste groepe onwettige immigrante en niegevestigde minderhede byvoorbeeld afkomstig uit Turkye, Marokko, Albanië, Algerië en Serwië (A common immigration policy 2008:4). In die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) is onwettige immigrante en niegevestigde minderhede afkomstig uit Meksiko, Kuba en ander Suid-Amerikaanse state. In Suid-Afrika is hulle veral afkomstig uit Zimbabwe, Mosambiek en Swaziland (Whitman 2000:19). Migrasie is 'n multidimensionele en komplekse konsep wat verband hou met 'n verskeidenheid interpretasies en betekenisse. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie navorsing word die omvang en hantering van die immigrasieproblematiek binne Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (met 'n kort verwysing na Nederland as 'n gevallestudie) beperk tot 'n bespreking van die problematiek van onwettige immigrasie en die daarmee verbandhoudende gebrekkige integrasie van minderhede in die "doelstaat". Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering het onlangs inisiatiewe van stapel gestuur ten einde onwettige immigrasie, veral uit ander Afrikastate, beter te beheer en selfs te ontmoedig. In breë trekke behels hierdie inisiatiewe die ontplooiing van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) op die grense, die verskerping van binnelandse prosesseringsmaatreëls en deporteringsprosedures. In hierdie artikel word 'n vergelyking getref tussen die immigrasie- en die niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek van die EU en die wyse waarop veral onwettige immigrasie tans in Suid-Afrika hanteer word. Die primêre aanname is dat daar steeds leemtes in die Suid-Afrikaanse hanteringswyse is, en dat daar lesse te leer is uit die EU-ondervinding. Dit is juis hierdie lesse wat in die artikel uitgelig word. Eerstens word kernagtig ingegaan op die impak van morele verpligtinge as belangrike rasionaal onderliggend aan die wyse waarop die onwettige immigrasie en die niegevestigede minderheidsproblematiek tans in Suid-Afrika hanteer word. Hier is die fokus spesifiek op misdaad, werkloosheid en vreemdelingehaat as uitvloeisels van onwettige immigrasie. Die fokus word tweedens ter vergelyking vernou tot die persepsie en wyse waarop die immigrasie en niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek binne die EU hanteer en ervaar word. In hierdie verband word die klem spesifiek op die persepsie van nasionale eiebelang van individuele EU-lidstate as rasionaal vir die hantering van die niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek binne die EU gelê. Hierdie vergelyking dien as riglyn vir die identifisering van uitdagings wat deur die Suid-Afrikaanse owerhede oorkom moet word. Dit is dan moontlik om aanbevelings te maak vir relevante beleidsformulering en die implementering daarvan in Suid-Afrika

Chapter 1: The indigenous African system of criminal justice -- What is criminal justice? -- Description of the indigenous African criminal justice system -- Relationship between indigenous African religions and indigenous African justice system -- Effectiveness of traditional African criminal justice system -- Kings or community head as adjudicators -- Indigenous African courtroom, procedure, punishment, enforcement and records -- Between restorative justice approach and indigenous African justice system -- Merits of restorative justice approach -- Demerits of restorative justice approach -- Swaziland (the Swazi of South Africa) -- Umhlanga (the reed dance) festival -- Concept of human rights -- Chapter 2: Land tenure under the indigenous African justice system -- Dwelling arrangements among African community landowners -- Traditional settlement of land dispute -- Chapter 3: Criminal justice and marriage in Africa -- Customary marriage -- Introduction of formal customary court to Nigeria -- Islamic marriage -- Civil marriage -- The offence of bigamy -- Bigamy versus African tradition -- Inheritance -- Chapter 4: Criminal justice and Islam in Africa -- Resemblance of some Sunna rules and English legal rules -- Introduction of Sharia to some states in Nigeria -- Chapter 5: Criminal justice and Old-Testament Christianity in Africa -- DNA, new evidence, res judicata, issue estoppel, and functus officio -- Principle of non-finality of judgment -- Exoneration through DNA result several years after sentence -- Chapter 6: Criminal justice and New-Testament Christianity in Africa -- Punishment and pardon under modern Christian doctrine and formal legal tradition -- Religion and social justice -- Between foreign and African religions -- African religion, tradition and justice -- Christianity and the rate of crime -- Chapter 7: Criminal justice and colonial rule -- Types of criminal justice administered by colonial masters -- Territories annexed by the colonial masters -- Criminal justice in British colonies in Africa -- Criminal justice in French colonies in Africa -- Criminal justice in Morocco -- Revision of Moroccan criminal procedure law -- Criminal justice in Portuguese African colonies -- Mozambique -- Colonial and post-colonial African discriminatory traditions against women -- Women's cleansing in Malawi -- Breast ironing in Cameroon -- Women's right of inheritance in Botswana -- Chapter 8: Criminal justice in apartheid South Africa -- Nelson Mandela -- The Rivonia trial -- Steve Bantu Biko -- Chapter 9: Criminal justice and military authorities in Africa -- The rule of law -- Human right activism under military government in Nigeria -- Military regimes and the press in Nigeria -- Attempts at private criminal prosecution -- Chapter 10: Criminal justice and the labor movement in Africa -- Labor unionists' persecution in South Africa -- Labor unionism, pro-democracy activists and political overlords -- Chapter 11: Criminal justice under African sit-tight leaders -- Ethnic self determination under civilian and military regimes -- Ethnic security and self defence with its consequencies -- The court, the people's struggle, and military dictatorship -- Chapter 12: Prisons in African countries: issues and reforms -- Physical outlook of prison facilities -- Location of prison facilities -- Decentralization of management structure of centralized prisons -- Undue delay in criminal trial -- Inadequate personnel, facilities, tools, and infrastructure -- Women and children in prison -- Health care services -- Prison alternative programs -- Rehabilitation and re-entry -- Pro bono services -- Victims of crime -- African countries with capital and or imprisonment as maximum form of punishment -- Chapter 13: Regular courts in Nigeria -- The Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, High Court, etc -- The state courts recognized by the Constitution -- Criminal justice and people's courts in Nigeria -- Advantages of the people's courts -- Disadvantages of the people's courts -- Chapter 14: Funding bodies and organizations for justice and peace in Africa -- The United Nations -- Individual, family, corporate, national, and regional grantmakers to Africa

Noncommunicable diseases (NCD) are the leading causes of death and disability worldwide but have received suboptimal attention and funding from the global health community. Although the first United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) for NCD in 2011 aimed to stimulate donor funding and political action, only 1.3% of official development assistance for health was allocated to NCD in 2015, even less than in 2011. In stark contrast, the UNGASS on human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) in 2001 sparked billions of dollars in funding for HIV and enabled millions of HIV-infected individuals to access antiretroviral treatment. Using an existing analytic framework, we compare the global responses to the HIV and NCD epidemics and distill lessons from the HIV response that might be utilized to enhance the global NCD response. These include: 1) further educating and empowering communities and patients to increase demand for NCD services and to hold national governments accountable for establishing and achieving NCD targets; and 2) evidence to support the feasibility and effectiveness of large-scale NCD screening and treatment programs in low-resource settings. We conclude with a case study from Swaziland, a country that is making progress in confronting both HIV and NCD. In September 2011, the United Nations (UN) convened a UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on noncommunicable diseases (NCD). The event was the second UN High Level Meeting ever held for a health issue, following the successful UNGASS on human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) in 2001. Modeled after its predecessor, the 2011 meeting was intended to catalyze a response to what the World Health Organization (WHO) called an epidemic of "silent killers" that were the leading causes of death and disability worldwide, yet receive little attention from the global health community [1]. Looking back to the prior UNGASS on HIV/AIDS a decade earlier, the NCD meeting aspired to similar goals: rallying multisectoral and cross-national partnerships; stimulating robust donor funding; spurring ambitious targets and commitments on the part of national governments; and catalyzing rapid scale-up of NCD services in resource-limited settings [2]. Advocates highlighted similarities between chronic NCD and HIV/AIDS, including a stark mismatch between the burden of disease and available funding, and the need for programmatic innovation, continuity care, and health systems strengthening 3, 4 and 5. The UNGASS on NCD was successful at producing a Political Declaration to combat NCD [6], and many countries affirmed a commitment to ambitious NCD targets and to implementing evidence-based "best buys" 7 and 8. Yet 5 years later, the global NCD response has languished in what some have called an environment of "malignant neglect" [9]. Despite the fact that NCD account for 37% of disability-adjusted life years in low-income countries [10], only 1.3% of official development assistance for health was allocated to NCD in 2015 [11], a proportion that decreased between 2011 and 2015 [12]. Few resource-limited countries have operational national NCD strategies or adequate NCD services, awareness of and treatment-seeking rates for NCD have not improved [13], and the vast majority of people with cardiovascular disease, diabetes, cancer, and chronic respiratory disease remain undiagnosed and untreated 14 and 15. In contrast, in the years that followed the 2001 UNGASS, global spending on HIV increased by billions of dollars and the number of people initiating antiretroviral treatment (ART) in low- and middle-income countries soared from 400,000 in 2003 to nearly 17 million in 2015 [16].

L'analyse des contraintes pesant sur la biodiversité a conduit les responsables de la protection de la nature à reconsidérer le rôle des aires protégées. Il est désormais admis que celles-ci ne peuvent pas contenir tous les écosystèmes nécessaires pour contrer la diminution de la biodiversité due aux changements globaux et à l'augmentation de la population humaine. La vision actuelle est qu'il est nécessaire que la prise en compte de la biodiversité se fasse dans tous les domaines d'activité humaine, et particulièrement dans les zones où les gens vivent et mettent en oeuvre différents usages de la terre (Perfecto et al., 2009; Scherr and McNeely, 2008). Simultanément, les agronomes ont fait le constat que l'activité agricole ne se limite pas aux champs, mais est aussi le fait d'un réseau de relations avec l'environnement qui fonctionne en réalité à l'échelle du paysage (Swinton et al., 2007; Dale and Polasky, 2007). La prise en compte de ce réseau de relations a conduit à accepter le principe selon lequel la satisfaction des besoins des gens par la production agricole d'une part et la conservation de la biodiversité d'autre part, ne sont pas nécessairement des propositions antagonistes (Robson, 2007; Scherr and McNeely, 2007). Cette complémentarité entre agriculture et biodiversité ne peut cependant être atteinte que si l'on conçoit des paysages polyvalents qui associent des objectifs de production et de protection. Les zones transfrontalières de conservation de l'Afrique australe sont des zones internationales de protection de la nature qui associent, par décret, des aires protégées ou naturelles et des zones de culture et d'habitat humain (Peace Parks Foundation, 2011). La cohabitation entre ces usages de la terre est un objectif affiché de ces zones, officialisé par la signature de protocoles entre les gouvernements de pays voisins. Cette dualité d'objectifs impose aux gestionnaires de ces zones d'inventer des modes d'occupation polyvalente du sol. Les recherches que nous avons effectuées dans l'une de ces zones, la zone transfrontalière de Lubombo, à cheval sur l'Afrique du Sud, le Mozambique et le Swaziland, ont montré que cette polyvalence paysagère est possible (Chitakira et al., 2012a, 2012b; Torquebiau et al., 2012a). Elle existe parfois de manière spontanée, surtout dans le cadre de la petite agriculture de subsistance, mais suppose, afin de devenir l'une des formes admises de gestion de l'espace, que les porteurs d'enjeux et les politiques publiques ayant un impact sur les décisions d'occupation du sol intègrent la dimension paysage dans leur approche. Cette intégration ne va pas de soi, que ce soit pour les agriculteurs, les gestionnaires de la nature ou les décideurs institutionnels. Nos résultats montrent par ailleurs que même si la majorité des personnes consultées ont un point de vue favorable à une forme d'harmonisation entre conservation de la biodiversité et production agricole, les agriculteurs privilégient avant tout l'amélioration de leurs conditions de vie et la satisfaction de leurs besoins fondamentaux. Il apparaît donc essentiel de conjuguer les caractéristiques de polyvalence du paysage avec un appui aux infrastructures telles que les moyens de transport, l'accès à l'eau ou les marchés locaux. Il est important aussi que le rapport des populations locales à la biodiversité paysagère soit formalisé par des dispositifs règlementaires que les politiques publiques peinent encore à mettre en oeuvre. Bien que beaucoup d'agriculteurs n'aient pas une perception spontanée de l'échelle du paysage, l'analyse de ces paysages selon des critères reflétant leur " performance " démontre qu'il est possible de mettre au point une mesure quantitative de la polyvalence. Cette mesure peut être convertie en un index permettant de comparer la polyvalence de différents paysages. Cet index peut être utilisé dans le but de " labelliser " des paysages polyvalents (Torquebiau et al., 2012b). (Texte intégral)

The countries included in this review are Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Very little research has specifically addressed the important issue of the relationship between migration and HIV/AIDS in these regions of Africa. However there is a great deal of information about migration, and also about HIV/AIDS, in isolation from each other.HIV/AIDS is widespread and prevalent throughout the two regions. Since HIV prevalence rates are now high in almost all African countries, the concern that migrants may bring the virus with them is no longer appropriate. Instead, the concern is that migrants may be vulnerable to acquiring the infection during migration, and that they may spread the infection when they return to their homes at the end of migration. In the eastern African region there has been rapid growth of urban populations during the last ten years, mainly as a result of rural to urban migration. In addition, the conflict in Sudan and disputes in the Horn of Africa have created large numbers of internally displaced persons. Most recently, conflict in the Great Lakes region has also resulted in very large numbers of refugees crossing international borders. The UNHCR estimates that there were approximately 1.3 million refugees from and in eastern African countries in 1997, and an estimated 5 million internally displaced persons (4 million in Sudan alone).In the southern Africa region there has been a rapid increase in rural‐urban migration. In post‐apartheid South Africa, many workers come to the cities for contract periods only, during which they are often housed in hostel accommodation, separated from their families. There are large internally displaced populations in Angola (up to 1.2 million persons) as a result of civil war in that country and large refugee populations in various countries as a result of conflict in Mozambique, South Africa and Angola.Although it is often stated that migrants are at increased risk of HIV infection, direct data from eastern Africa are difficult to find. A study from the Horn of Africa region has shown HIV prevalence rates among Ethiopian sailors to be 9.6 per cent, and rates may be particularly high among long distance truck drivers. In southern Africa there is some direct prevalence data available for mineworkers, but an extensive search did not find any data for undocumented migrants. The most widely accepted risk factors for many migrant groups include high rate of partner change, unprotected sexual intercourse, non‐use of condoms, prior STDs, injections, and a high prevalence of HIV in the community. There are also a number of recognized associations, such as age, gender, occupation, and mobility, which may be associated with confounding factors, or may play some causal role in their own right. Rural to urban migration in particular appears to result in a redefining of traditional "family" units. Women migrants are twice as likely to enter into "alliance" households (in which friends, family and lodgers make up the family unit) or be heads of households.The state of medical services available to migrants varies from country to country, and between different migrant groups. In particular, the state of services for family planning, women's health, and the early detection and treatment of STDs may not always have been recognized as a priority in large camps for refugees and internally displaced persons. In South Africa, there are indications that the large undocumented migrant population may avoid the use of the public sector health services for fear of being reported to the authorities, and may not benefit from health promotional and preventive interventions offered there. This may be the case in a number of other countries in these two regions.