The relationship between domestic and international conflict serves as the primary focus of this article. A research approach is used that is different from that found in most previous studies. We use the international system as the unit of analysis and employ a dynamic time series research orientation. We suggest and present empirical evidence supporting the idea that the change in magnitude of domestic conflict and the change in magnitude of international conflict are intimately related in a behavioral pattern that we call the global conflict process.
A considerable amount of research is devoted to the presence and effects of conflict frames in the news. However, it is unknown if journalists actively manufacture and inflate conflict in their coverage of politics, or if they merely respond to contentious politics as it happens. This study focuses on the extent to which journalists take an interventionist stance in the conflict frame building process. We conducted expert interviews ( N = 16) among Dutch political journalists. Results show that journalists indeed take an active stance in conflict frame building. They contribute to the emergence of conflict frames by using exaggerating language, by orchestrating, and by amplifying possible consequences of political conflict. However, intervention in conflict framing is not merely a result of individual agency of journalists. Rather, some role conceptions seem to counter an interventionist stance. Media routines that are embedded in organizational practices were found to facilitate this active role in conflict framing. Finally, journalists are mainly found to be active when politicians or parties with political power are involved.
PurposeThis paper aims to identify and explore the overall frequency and characteristics of policy conflicts, with a focus upon those factors affecting conflict resolutions in South Korea.Design/methodology/approachThe study uses data from cases of conflict from the Korean Public Policy Conflict Database (KPPCDB) (1948-2014). For the analysis of data, chi-squared test and multinomial logistic regression are used.FindingsThe findings show a total of 2,030 policy conflicts in 1948-2014, most of which were conflicts of interest (47.9 per cent). More than 70 per cent (71.2 per cent) were policy conflicts between the government and the private sector; the field with the most policy conflicts was regional development (21.0 per cent), and 84.1 per cent of all policy conflicts were resolved. The factors that affected conflict resolution by interest were conflicts between the government and private sector, authoritarian government, national regions and capital areas.Practical implicationsThis paper suggests reforming the current procedures of conflict management, adopting alternative dispute resolutions, and developing a social-consensus-building process for efficiently resolving conflicts.Originality/valueThis study built a database (KPPCDB) examining 66 years of conflict cases that took place between 1948, the year the Korean Government was established, and 2014. This database covers all cases of policy conflicts that occurred in Korea and provides a comprehensive understanding of the phenomena of policy conflicts and conflict resolution.
This book looks at practically applying the law of armed conflicts to the ongoing situation in Turkey and Northern Iraq. The application of the law in this region will also mean addressing larger questions in international law, global politics and conflict resolution.
"Fotografische und filmische Bilder von Krisen- und Konfliktsituationen verändern sich in Ästhetik und Gebrauchsweisen – und geraten damit selbst ins Visier. Zum einen haben sich im Zuge der digitalen Entwicklungen die Möglichkeiten der Bildproduzent*innen und die Distributionskanäle von Bildern vervielfältigt. Das erweitert Perspektiven und ermöglicht neue Erzählformen. Zum anderen geht damit eine Erschütterung des klassischen bildjournalistischen Selbstverständnisses einher. Es wird hinterfragt, inwieweit Fotografien noch als Zeugnisse wirken können. Sie bewegen sich im Spannungsfeld von Wahrheitsansprüchen zwischen Authentizität, Dokumentation und Propaganda. Ihre Kontextualisierungen und Rahmungen stellen Bedeutungen her – und erfordern Reflexion. 'Images in Conflict – Bilder im Konflikt' widmet sich dem Verhältnis von Konflikten und ihrer Medialisierung und richtet dabei den Fokus auf aktuelle Visualisierungsstrategien und 'Bilderkriege'. In vier Kapiteln 'Akteure und Perspektiven', 'Nichts als die Wahrheit', 'Sichtbar unsichtbar', 'How to Make Images Matter?' werden verschiedene Aspekte der Bilder in Konflikten beleuchtet. Die Publikation richtet sich an Fotograf*innen, Medienschaffende und Theoretiker*innen, um einen Dialog zwischen fotografischer Bildpraxis und Diskursen der Bildwissenschaften anzuregen, der für beide Seiten wesentliche neue Perspektiven eröffnet." [Verlagshomepage]
June 27, 1990, is a significant date in the recent history of Mali. It marks the beginning of what Malians call "The Second Tuareg Rebellion." The first had been staged against the post-colonial Malian government in 1963. The national government had suppressed that rebellion with harsh coercive measures, and the Tuaregs continued to nurture grievances. The second Tuareg rebellion coincided in the early 1990s with turbulent political developments in Malian society as a whole. It soon was clear that Mali's stability and progress were contingent on ending the insurgency. This, in turn, required a solution to Tuareg grievances. By the mid-1990s, Mali apparently had found a solution. Though by no means easy, or assured, that solution may provide useful insights into conflict resolution in the region as a whole. This study describes the nature of the Malian solution and indicates the reasons for its success to date. More specifically, this study considers the Tuareg rebellion from the perspective of a senior Malian military officer who lived the events. It describes a conflict little known and poorly reported outside of West Africa. It emphasizes the trauma of conflict in developing societies and the excruciatingly difficult political and economic choices faced by their leaders. It highlights the appropriate role of the international community in resolving such conflicts. Finally, it illustrates that resolution of intra-state conflict in Africa requires intensive efforts to secure the willing cooperation of local communities with military and civil government agencies. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1857/thumbnail.jpg
Pela Gandong which is believed by Ambonese forits propitiational value is in fact failed to preventhorizontal conflict that victimized a big number oflife and financial damages. However, Wayame villageis found to survive from those conflicts, and thecommunity of this village, comprising of Islam andChristian religious group, succeeds to maintain harmoniousrelation. The research aims at, first, describingthe perception of Wayamae village communityto Pela Gandong in the post-conflict period;second, analyzing the cultural competence of pelaGandong in conflict resolution in the era of technology.This research employed qualitative method,involving in-field data gathering based on officialreport, digging out information from the resourcepersons who were directly witnessing the conflict whenit occured and other references obtained throughForum Group Discussion (FGD). An analysis wasperformed to seek answer concerning on how thecommunity of Wayame village viewed Pela Gandongin post-conflict period, how it is – as a local wisdom– maintained in the middle of changing and howPela Gandong was revitalized. Research showed thatPela Gandong was maintained by involving all elementssuch as customary community and the government.Pela Gandong grew as the icon ofAmbonese society in settling conflicts by raisingawareness that they are Eastern people, collectivisticin nature, and place kinship into priority.KEYWORDS : Pela Gandong, Wayane village, Localwisdom, post-conflict.
This article analyzes the circumstances under which conflict leads to the outbreak of war using a formal model which incorporates both the redistribution of resources as an alternative to war and imperfect information. Countries act as rational agents concerned with both consumption and the public bad of a war. In the first period both countries can either consume or build arms, whereas in the second period there can be either the threat or the use of force to reallocate resources. If both countries are fully informed, then there will be no war but rather a voluntary redistribution of resources. In a situation of asymmetric information, however, in which one country is fully informed and the other is not, a war can occur if the uninformed country uses a separating equilibrium strategy, precommitting itself to a positive probability of war in order to prevent bluffing by the informed country.
