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"The deliberate devaluation of Blacks and their communities-stemming from America's centuries-old history of slavery, racism, and other state-sanctioned policies like redlining-have tangible, far-reaching, and negative economic and social impacts. Rejecting policies shaped by flawed perspectives, this book gives fresh insights on these impacts and provides a new value paradigm to limit them. Noted educator, journalist, and scholar Andre Perry takes readers on a guided tour of five Black-majority cities whose assets and strengths are undervalued. Perry begins the tour in his hometown of Wilkinsburg, a small city east of Pittsburgh that, unlike its much larger neighbor, is struggling and failing to attract new jobs and industry. Perry gives an overview of Black-majority cities and spotlights four that he has a deep connection to-Detroit, New Orleans, Birmingham, and Washington, D.C.-providing an intimate look at the assets residents should demand greater value from. The book demonstrates through rigorous research and analysis the worth of Black people's intrinsic strengths, real property, and traditional institutions. All of these assets are means of empowerment, as Perry argues for shifting away from simplified notions of equality and moving toward maximizing equity"--

Introduction: cross-racial empathy: viewing the White self through Black eyes -- Wiggers or White allies? White hip-hop culture and racial sincerity -- Oprah, book clubs, and the promise and limitations of empathy -- Reading race and place: Boston book clubs and post-soul fiction -- Deconstructing White ways of seeing: interracial-conflict films and college-student viewers -- Conclusion: Black cultural encounters as a catalyst for divestment in White privilege

"Is Britain really under threat from ethnic diversity? Is the social fabric crumbling as we sleepwalk to segregation? In the context of renewed debates about diversity and cohesion, this book interrogates contemporary claims about race and migration. It demonstrates that many of the claims are myths, presenting evidence in support of and in opposition to them in an accessible yet academically rigorous manner. The book combines an easy-to-read overview of the subject with innovative new research. It tackles head-on questions about levels of immigration, the contribution of immigrants, minority self-segregation, ghettoisation and the future diversity of the population. It poses a direct challenge to the arguments of commentators such as MigrationWatchUK and the leadership of the Commission for Equality and Human Rights. The authors argue that the myths of race and migration are the real threat to an integrated society. They propose that diversity and mobility are expected and benign, and recommend that focus should return to problems of inequality and prejudice"--Provided by publisher

Until recently, histories of the American West gave little evidence of the presence--let alone importance--of African Americans in the unfolding of the western frontier. There might have been a mention of Estevan, slavery, or the Dred Scott decision, but the rich and varied experience of African Americans on the Great Plains went largely unnoted. This book, the first of its kind, supplies that critical missing chapter in American history

In this article, we show how everyday difference is conceptualised in Finland through our analysis of media products for children (HBL Junior, HS Lasten Uutiset, and Yle Mix). We consider media as a part of the "lived curriculum" through which media professionals intentionally or unintentionally reproduce particular discourses of difference and sameness that become part of children's everyday learning and understanding of multicultural society. Our aim in doing so is to consider what marks these discourses produced specifically for children, and what versions of difference they replicate and advance. We find that children's media advances discourses of "comfortable conviviality" through the paradigms of colour-blind friendship, the universal experience of childhood, and through a firm belief in social cohesion as the master signifier of Finnish society. Through the lens of inclusiveness, we discuss the implications of these discourses on journalism and media literacy.

Following a series of high-profile attacks in Beijing, Kunming and Urumqi by Uyghur militants, the Chinese party-state declared a "war on terror" in 2014. Since then, China's Xinjiang region has witnessed an unprecedented build-up of what we describe as a multi-tiered police force, turning it into one of the most heavily policed regions in the world. This article investigates the securitization of Xinjiang through an analysis of official police recruitment documents. Informal police jobs, which represent the backbone of recent recruitment drives, have historically carried inferior pay levels. Yet, advertised assistant police positions in Xinjiang now offer high salaries despite low educational requirements, thereby attracting lesser-educated applicants, many of whom are ethnic minorities. Besides co-opting Uyghurs into policing their own people, the resulting employment is in itself a significant stability maintenance strategy. While the known numbers of violent attacks have subsided, China's heavy-handed securitization approach risks alienating both minority and Han populations. (China Q/GIGA)

Why do governments use deadly force against unarmed protesters? The government's threat perception may be a function of the mobilization potential of the opposition and/or the size of the ruling elite's support coalition. Given the high salience of ethnicity in African politics, governments that depend on small ethnic coalitions will see peaceful protests as more threatening, as the opposition may be able to draw on larger numbers of potential dissidents and excluded groups. Alternately, governments with larger, more homogeneous ethnic coalitions will find nonviolent mobilization less threatening and will be less likely to respond with deadly force. Using the Social Conflict Analysis Database, we demonstrate that as the size – and to a lesser extent homogeneity – of the ethnic ruling coalition grows, governments are significantly less likely to use deadly force against nonviolent protesters. This finding is robust to several operationalizations of the size of the government's support coalition, the inclusion of other measures of ethnic demographics, and estimators that account for the hierarchical nature of the data. Threat perception hinges not only on dissident tactics but on their demands, their mobilization potential, and their capacity to impose costs on the government. This article demonstrates that the size and composition of the government's ethnic support base matters as well.

Millions of China's ethnic minority citizens remain subject to competing legal standards, even as state officials strive to strengthen a unified notion of state law. Minority customary law continues to bind many minority citizens in both civil and criminal arenas and often conflicts directly with state law. What happens when these laws conflict? Based on fieldwork in Yunnan, this article shows how local officials and communities navigate legal pluralism and what legal and policy provisions guide them. Granting local judges discretionary authority to set aside state law in favour of customary law, although seemingly undermining law enforcement, may in the long run be the best path to strengthening rule of law in China's minority regions. (China Q/GIGA)

In the Central American context, El Salvador and Guatemala have socials, economic, and political problems, which are common, but they have different parliamentarian configurations. On one side, El Salvador is bipartisan, whereas Guatemala on the other side is multi-parties. The bipartisanship origin in El Salvador dates back to the Salvadoran armed conflict or civil war which began between 1979 – 1980 and ended with the signing of the Peace Accords. In the case of Guatemala, the variety of ethnic-racial composition and other political- electoral facts have caused the creation of a high number of political parties. There are different levels of State capture and strategies from economic and political elites in every country; moreover, of the parliamentarian configuration, there are practices that are not very usual. The scope of the Guatemalan State capture is the highest, whereas El Salvador is at a middle level. The Guatemalan elite is one the most extractive and hoarding in the region, only at the Honduran level. In El Salvador, the economic groups make use of the discursive power with some political power practices. Both elites have known to be adapted to the configuration of the parliaments in their countries, and take advantage of it in strategies of capturing the State. ; En el contexto centroamericano, El Salvador y Guatemala tienen problemas sociales, económicos y políticos, que son comunes y tienen configuraciones parlamentarias diferentes; El Salvador por un lado, es bipartidista y Guatemala por el otro es multipartidista. El origen del bipartidismo en El Salvador se remonta al conflicto armado o guerra civil salvadoreña que inició entre los años 1979 – 1980 y finalizó con la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz. En el caso guatemalteco, la variada composición étnico-racial y otros factores de tipo político-electoral, han provocado la creación de un elevado número de partidos políticos. Existen diferentes niveles de captura del Estado y estrategias por parte de las elites económicas y políticas en cada uno de los países; además, del tipo de configuración parlamentaria, aunque existen prácticas que son comunes. El nivel de captura del Estado guatemalteco es el más alto, siendo para El Salvador un término medio. La elite guatemalteca es una de las más extractivas y acaparadoras de la región, solo al nivel de la elite hondureña; en El Salvador, en cambio los grupos económicos utilizan más el poder discursivo con algunas prácticas de poder político. Ambas elites han sabido adaptarse a las configuraciones parlamentarias de sus países y aprovecharlas en las estrategias de captura del Estado.

International audience ; The former British colony in Central America, Belize, is usually described by observers as well as administrators and rulers, in terms of cultural diversity and multiplicity of ethnic groups which compose it. However, since recent independence (1981), the Government of Belize has not implemented multicultural policies that would grant differential treatment to individuals because of their ethnicity or racial background, as it is the case in the Americas since the 1980-90. The objective of the article is to understand this gap between the diversity of society and the absence of multicultural policies. It is based on the analysis of two types of public policies: cultural policies and property control policies. The article is built around a double questioning on the modalities for the implementation of a national project: how the Government of Belize has managed the legacy of the "divide and rule" colonial policy aimed at segmenting the population? How has it adapted to the "multicultural turn" of the years 1980-90 and its logic of recognition of diversity? The analysis tends to show that taking account of otherness by public policy is part of the British colonial tradition while integrating the aspirations born of the long march towards independence, and it also creates specific forms of management of the difference, in the sense of differential redistribution on the basis of collective memberships. ; Belice se describe generalmente en referencia a su diversidad cultural y a la multiplicidad de grupos étnicos que lo componen. Sin embargo, desde la independencia reciente no se elaboraron políticas multiculturales que otorguen un trato diferencial a los individuos debido a sus identificaciones étnicas o raciales, tal como sucede en otros países de América desde los años 1980-1990. El objetivo del artículo es entender este desfase entre diversidad de la sociedad y ausencia de políticas multiculturales. Se apoya en el análisis de dos tipos de políticas públicas: las políticas culturales y las políticas de control de la propiedad. El artículo se estructura alrededor de un doble cuestionamiento acerca de las modalidades de elaboración del proyecto nacional en Belice. El análisis tiende a mostrar que la gestión de la alteridad se inscribe en la tradición colonial británica a la vez que integra las aspiraciones nacidas de la larga marcha hacia la independencia y que suscita formas específicas de gestión de la diferencia, en el sentido de políticas basadas en la redistribución diferencial de recursos sobre la base de pertenencias colectivas.

International audience ; The former British colony in Central America, Belize, is usually described by observers as well as administrators and rulers, in terms of cultural diversity and multiplicity of ethnic groups which compose it. However, since recent independence (1981), the Government of Belize has not implemented multicultural policies that would grant differential treatment to individuals because of their ethnicity or racial background, as it is the case in the Americas since the 1980-90. The objective of the article is to understand this gap between the diversity of society and the absence of multicultural policies. It is based on the analysis of two types of public policies: cultural policies and property control policies. The article is built around a double questioning on the modalities for the implementation of a national project: how the Government of Belize has managed the legacy of the "divide and rule" colonial policy aimed at segmenting the population? How has it adapted to the "multicultural turn" of the years 1980-90 and its logic of recognition of diversity? The analysis tends to show that taking account of otherness by public policy is part of the British colonial tradition while integrating the aspirations born of the long march towards independence, and it also creates specific forms of management of the difference, in the sense of differential redistribution on the basis of collective memberships. ; Belice se describe generalmente en referencia a su diversidad cultural y a la multiplicidad de grupos étnicos que lo componen. Sin embargo, desde la independencia reciente no se elaboraron políticas multiculturales que otorguen un trato diferencial a los individuos debido a sus identificaciones étnicas o raciales, tal como sucede en otros países de América desde los años 1980-1990. El objetivo del artículo es entender este desfase entre diversidad de la sociedad y ausencia de políticas multiculturales. Se apoya en el análisis de dos tipos de políticas públicas: las políticas culturales y las políticas de control de la propiedad. El artículo se estructura alrededor de un doble cuestionamiento acerca de las modalidades de elaboración del proyecto nacional en Belice. El análisis tiende a mostrar que la gestión de la alteridad se inscribe en la tradición colonial británica a la vez que integra las aspiraciones nacidas de la larga marcha hacia la independencia y que suscita formas específicas de gestión de la diferencia, en el sentido de políticas basadas en la redistribución diferencial de recursos sobre la base de pertenencias colectivas.