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Before the First World War, politicians of the great powers blustered at each other, believing they defended their national interests. Today they are remembered for provoking the deaths of 15 million people. Before WWII, Germany and Japan each felt they had been deprived of their rightful place in the world. That attitude spawned their expansionist régimes. Seventy million people died. In Copenhagen today politicians from rich and poor nations claim their right to spew the planet's carbon into our atmosphere. There is a difference: the negotiators today in Copenhagen already know that if they fail, they will be responsible not for a few millions but for hundreds of millions of deaths, and misery for billions. Madagascar is one of many places that people will die from the changing climate. The last decade averaged 2 true cyclones each year, not counting 2-4 more large tropical storms. Science is unclear whether storms and cyclones will become more frequent, but all predictions agree that warming sea temperatures will make them more intense and destructive. And as people of Madagascar's east and west recover from cyclones Fanele, Eric and Jade, drought ravages the south — no one is sure how the rains will change, only that change is coming. Politicians within Madagascar have little say in the negotiations of Copenhagen, but they have the same problem of balancing short-term advantage over long-term gain. Do they want to spend their time only in political manoeuvers for their parties' gain? If so, they will be remembered for letting people go hungry and allowing the destruction of Madagascar's extraordinary natural heritage. Rosewood export from the national parks and lemur sale as bushmeat are theft from the people of Madagascar, and from the people's future. Even hungry farmers look to the future. A farmer must be at the last extremity before he or she eats the seed they have saved for next year's planting. Can the politicians of Madagascar and the wider world look beyond this year, beyond this round of elections or negotiations? Do they wish to be remembered as the mothers and fathers who protected their countries' people and the world's heritage of nature, or else like politicians of Europe before the great World Wars, as murderers of the future?PRÉFACEUne lettre sur la politique Avant la Première Guerre mondiale, les politiciens des grandes puissances se déchaînaient les uns contre les autres en pensant défendre les intérêts de leurs nations. Aujourd'hui on se rappelle d'eux pour leur responsabilité dans la mort de 15 millions de personnes. Avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, l'Allemagne et le Japon estimaient avoir été spoliés de la place qui leur revenait dans le monde, attitude qui engendrera leurs régimes expansionnistes. Soixante-dix millions de personnes sont mortes. À Copenhague aujourd'hui, des politiciens de pays riches et de pays pauvres revendiquent leur droit de répandre le carbone planétaire dans l'atmosphère. Mais il y a une différence, car ceux qui négocient aujourd'hui à Copenhague savent que s'ils échouent, ils seront responsables, non pas de quelques millions de morts, mais de centaines de millions de morts et de la misère de milliards d'hommes, de femmes et d'enfants. Madagascar est un endroit parmi tant d'autres où les gens mourront du changement climatique. La dernière décennie a été marquée par deux vrais cyclones par an en moyenne, et quelques deux-quatre tempêtes tropicales importantes. Il subsiste bien encore quelques doutes pour prouver scientifiquement dans quelles mesures les tempêtes et les cyclones augmenteront en fréquence mais toutes les prévisions s'accordent au moins pour admettre que l'augmentation de la température des océans les rendra plus intenses et plus destructeurs. Et alors que les gens de l'Est et de l'Ouest de Madagascar se remettent des cyclones Fanele, Éric et Jade, que la sécheresse ravage le Sud, personne ne sait comment les pluies évolueront mais tous s'accordent à reconnaître que changement il y aura. Les politiciens de Madagascar ont peu de poids dans les négociations de Copenhague, mais sont confrontés au même problème qui consiste à faire la part des avantages à court terme par rapport aux gains à long terme. Veulent - ils se borner à quelques manoeuvres politiques pour en faire profiter leurs partis ? Si c'est le cas, on se rappellera d'eux comme ceux qui ont laissé les famines s'installer dans leurs pays et permis la destruction du patrimoine naturel extraordinaire de Madagascar. L'exportation des bois précieux des parcs nationaux et la vente de lémuriens comme gibier sont des vols commis contre les citoyens de Madagascar et contre le futur de l'humanité. Même les fermiers affamés envisagent l'avenir. Un fermier ou une fermière doit être au bord du désespoir avant de manger les graines qui devraient servir de semences aux plantations de la saison suivante. Les politiciens de Madagascar et du monde peuvent-ils regarder au delà de cette année, au delà de cette série d'élections ou de négociations ? Souhaitent - ils rentrer dans les mémoires comme les mères ou les pères qui ont protégé les citoyens et le patrimoine naturel mondial de leur pays, ou comme les politiciens de l'Europe avant les Grandes Guerres, comme des meurtriers du futur ?

Comparing the six countries of the Alpine arc, from France to Slovenia allows for studying more globally the place of geoheritage within traditional heritage while showing its role as a support for local development. At first a chronology of political, legal and social events is analysed in order to highlight how differences in the appropriation of these new heritages explain the institutional specificities observed in each country studied. Although initially only Germany and Italy were involved in this nascent patrimonial field, during the past few years the remaining countries have been quickly catching up. To confirm these first results on the field, a specific indicator was used geotourism, on top of which was built a typology of enhanced geosites. An inventory of geotourism offers was then carried out based on this typology. A corpus of 388 sites dedicated to geotourism was built, which analysis showed an organization along two axis. On the one hand, interpretive trails pertaining to a nature-oriented form of tourism and associating hiking to a more naturalist approach of geoheritage. On the other hand, a museographic nebula pertaining to a more culturally-oriented tourism. Mines, quarries, caves and canyons complete this inventory, even so their contribution is comparatively modest in number. Further differences between countries have recently appeared. Germany, Austria and some Swiss cantons built their offers in situ around caves, canyons, mines, quarries and geotrails, emphasizing country-specific taste for a direct interaction with geological objects. By contrast, France, Italy and some Swiss cantons have developed an ex situ offer based on various museums categories and illustrating a more cultural approach to natural heritage. It is likely that this difference stems from the origin of the actors involve in geotourism development. Each geotouristic site studied was designed with the specific goal of promoting a territory. Interestingly, they can also be seen as illustrating the events from the ante-Alpine and Alpine geological history. To illustrate the best mediation and valorization practices observed in the field, about one hundred sites were selected from the corpus and organized into a chronological history path of the Alps. Concurrently, an internet site was developed so that to materialize the relationship between each geosite thus selected. Since local actors are now aware of development projects linked to geological heritage, it seems this is the right time to create a network of scientific and technological competencies, extending beyond the boundaries of discipline and countries and supporting these local initiatives. ; L'étude comparative des six pays de l'arc alpin, de la France à la Slovénie interroge la place occupée désormais par les géopatrimoines au sein du champ patrimonial ainsi que leur rôle comme support de développement local. Une première analyse portant sur la chronologie des événements politiques, juridiques et sociaux permet de mettre en évidence des différences d'appropriation de ces nouveaux patrimoines expliquant les particularités institutionnelles observées dans chacun des pays considérés. Ainsi, l'Allemagne et l'Italie semblent davantage investies dans ce nouveau champ patrimonial. Depuis quelques années cependant, les autres pays, comblent rapidement leur retard. Afin de vérifier ces premiers résultats sur le terrain, un indicateur spécifique a été retenu : le géotourisme. Il permet d'établir une typologie des géosites mis en valeur, typologie à partir de laquelle un inventaire de l'offre touristique a été réalisée. Un corpus de 388 géosites touristiques a alors été constitué. Son analyse montre que les deux formes principales d'offre géotouristique s'organisent autour de deux pôles : les sentiers d'interprétation qui relèvent d'un tourisme de nature et associent la randonnée à une approche naturaliste des géopatrimoines et la nébuleuse muséographique qui relève davantage d'un tourisme culturel. Mines, carrières, grottes et gorges, bien que moins nombreux complètent cette offre. De nouvelles différences apparaissent entre les pays, L'Allemagne, l'Autriche et certains cantons suisses appuient leur offre touristique sur des géosites in situ : grottes, gorges, mines, carrières et sentiers d'interprétation montrant l'attirance du public dans ces pays pour la confrontation directe avec les objets géologiques. La France, l'Italie et certains cantons suisse ont davantage développé une offre ex situ qui s'appuie sur différentes catégories de musées, illustrant ici une approche davantage culturelle des patrimoines. Ce fait s'expliquant certainement par l'origine des acteurs ayant participé à la mise en valeur des géopatrimoines. Chacun des sites géotouristique identifié a été développé dans le but de promouvoir un territoire. Ils peuvent aussi être considérés comme illustrant des événements de l'histoire géologiques anté-alpine et alpine des Alpes. Dans le but de mettre en valeur les meilleures pratiques de médiation et de valorisation observées sur le terrain, il a été choisi de sélectionner dans le corpus établi une centaine de sites permettant de retracer de façon chronologique cette histoire. Parallèlement à ce travail un site internet a été développé afin de matérialiser la mise en réseau des géosites retenus. Alors que les acteurs locaux semblent désormais attentifs aux projets de développement liés au patrimoine géologique, il apparaît que le moment est désormais favorable à la constitution d'un réseau de compétences scientifiques et techniques international et transdisciplinaire capable de soutenir ces actions locales.

In this article an attempt is undertaken to study the federal and regional legislation which regulates the problems of territorial reformations, and related to it the problems of the formation of the local government and state administration within the subjects of the Russian federation as well. We make stress on legal collisions caused by the legislative mixture of procedures of dividing the territory of a Federation subject into municipal formations and into administrative and territorial formations. These collisions are used by some regional leaders to "create" new mechanisms of the territorial redistribution to satisfy political preferences and subjective understanding of comfortable governing in the appropriate territory and it leads to inefficiency both in municipal and state management. Particularly, there is the situation where the Russian federation subjects, using their authorities in administrative and territorial structure, simultaneously try to engage in the reorganization of municipal formations, that takes into account the population's opinion according to the Constitution of the RF and the Federal legislation. The author, comparing the principles of "deconcentration" and "decentralization" of power, shows a distinct difference between the division of the territory of a RF subject into municipal formations and administrative and territorial units. It is of interest, that the decentralization system, being in force in modern federative Russia with its local government, by no means abolishes the possibility of deconcentration aimed at the comfortable management for any level of public authorities. This is actively used by the federal bodies, rarely by municipal. At the same time, as a result of legislation gaps (the absence of the definition of such notions as "administrative and territorial formations" and "administrative and territorial structure"), and because of maintaining the former traditions of administration, there arises the danger of incorrect regulation of the problems of the administrative and territorial management. Thus, they create the conditions for infringing the citizens' right for local government. According to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation it is possible to divide the territory of a RF subject not only into municipal formations, but also into administrative and territorial units with the state power. Moreover, the borders of both of them can coincide or not. But one should not forget, that the bodies formed within them, have different competence. Of principal difference are the goals, the legal basis and the very procedure of the municipal power bodies' formation and subdivisions of the state power of the Federation subjects. Thus, the aim of establishing the status of municipal formations in appropriate territories is the implementation of the process of the power decentralization, whereas the aim of the creation of administrative and territorial formations (units) is the power deconcentration. Different aims suggest a dif ferent order of carrying out appropriate procedures. That is why, according to the Constitution of Russia and the Federal law № 131-FL the changing of the borders of municipal formations territories is made only with taking into consideration the population's opinion of the given territory. It is of principle importance, that now the federal legislation does not contain any conditions for the formation of territorial subdivisions or the municipal power. On the regional level there is the increasing of legal gaps of the federal level and of the imperfection of procedures in force of the territorial reorganization of the local government. Thus, for example, there are no legal mechanisms for the rising "in the open field" of new municipal formations (for example, cottage villages, whose population would like to acquire the status of a settlement, in other words, not of a populated area, but one of the types of municipal formations), for changing the status of city districts onto the status of municipal areas, and for other territorial changes as well. The absence of the legislative procedures in many Federation subjects, adequate to the modern state formation is of special concern, likewise the procedures, which set borders of the territories of municipal formations and administrative and territorial units, and arising here the problems of creation of appropriate structures for the decentralization and deconcentration of power (administration). That is, if a subdivision of the state power body is formed, then, even more so logic is the necessity of defining the territory, where it is supposed to be in force. And on the contrary, why should one create the administrative and territorial formation, if the appropriate subdivision of the state power body is not provided? The analysis of the regional legislation showed the existence of the law about the administrative and territorial structure almost in every subject of the RF. At the same time, there aren't regional laws about the system of executive power bodies in every RF subject. There are still fewer regions, where in the adopted laws about the system of executive bodies of the state power of a RF subject, the existence of the territorial subdivisions of these bodies is provided. It is known, that the creation of such subdivisions is provided only in 16 Federation subjects of 77. The monitoring of the regional legislation related to the given problem is presented here. The situation in Krasnoyarsk, Perm and Khabarovsk territories, Moscow and Kaliningrad regions is illustrated in detail. The recommendations are given.

[Resumen, en español, English below] El presente trabajo intenta ser un análisis crítico de algunas contradicciones éticas en la misma ética y en las responsabilidades sociales en el seno de la bibliotecología. Evidencia que de todos los profesionales de la información documental (PIDs) cuyos trabajos se analizaron muestran un análisis sobre el fenómeno de la ética fundamentado exclusivamente desde la filosofía, o alguna ciencia social, o desde la filosofía combinada con una ciencia social, pero en todos los casos ninguno incluye un análisis desde las ciencias naturales como la biología, o la neuropsicología. Dicha exclusión se considera aquí como generadora de sesgos, fallos y falacias epistemológicas. Se sostiene, según evidencias y pruebas desde la biología y la neuropsicología evolutivas, que la moral no se norma culturalmente, sino que ya es innata a los humanos, y a los primates no humanos, y que en todo caso si se normase, debería hacerse después de que se obtenga un entendimiento más completo, crítico e integral de la naturaleza humana en general y particularmente en cuanto a sus rasgos morales innatos. Para subsanar ese vacío, aquí se intenta abordar el fenómeno de la ética en las responsabilidades sociales desde un análisis conceptual crítico, integral y evolutivo materialista que intente abarcar y triangular en un todo analítico nociones tanto de las humanidades (e.g. filosofía, literatura), de las ciencias del espíritu (e.g. bibliotecología, sociología) y de las ciencias naturales (e.g. biología, neuropsicología). Éste no sólo no evade el carácter conflictivo y contradictorio entorno al fenómeno estudiado como lo hacen los otros enfoques parcializados y aparentemente "neutrales", sino que además lo evidencia, desacraliza y lo pone en el contexto donde se manifiesta para que a partir de dicha realidad material, naturaleza humana, se analice si es posible crear códigos éticos. Propone también que los PIDs asuman responsabilidades sociales hacia la transformación política de la sociedad buscando socializar la humanidad, humanizar la sociedad, la igualdad social, la justicia, la democracia y las libertades civiles a favor de las clases dominadas y haciéndole frente de resistencia común junto con el resto de la humanidad pensante a la dominación de las clases dominantes; no cómo un precepto ético, sino con fundamento en la propia evolución humana donde la vida comunal y en cooperación es más antigua, abundante y determinante en la historia de la vida terrestre y humana. NB: Derechos de autoría moral. 2006.11.26. Zapopan Martín Muela Meza, Sheffield, Gran Bretaña. [English abstract, resumen en español arriba] This study (Ethical contradictions in the social responsibilities in librarianship/library science) intends to be a critical analysis of some ethical contradictions even in the same ethics and in the social responsabilities in the field of librarianship/library science. It shows evidences on the fact that the professionals of the documental information (PDIs, included librarians) which works were analized that they only show an analysis of the ethical phenomenon exclusively from philosophy, or from a social science, or from philosophy and combined with a social science, but in all the cases none of them include an analysis from the natural sciences such as biology or neuropsicology. Such exclusion is considered here as generator of epistemological biases, flaws and fallacies. It is underpinned, according to the evidences and proofs provided from evolutive biology and neuropsychology, that morality cannot be prescribed culturally, but that it is already innate to humans, and to non human primates, and that in such a case that could be prescribed, it should be done so only after people have a more complete, critical and integral understanding of human nature in general and particularly about its moral innate features. To bridge that gap, here it is intended to approach the ethical phenomenon in the social responsabilities from a conceptual analysis of a critical, integral, and evolutionary materialistic type that intends to cover and triangulate in an analytical whole notions of the phenomenon from the humanities (i.e. philosophy, literature); social sciences (i.e. library science, sociology) and natural sciences (i.e. biology, neuropsychology). This analysis not only does not evade the conflicting and contradictory character around this phenomenon like other partialized and aparently "neutral" approaches analysed here, but also puts it in evidence, demystifies it, and puts it in the context in which it is manifested so that by taking it from such material reality, human nature, it could be analysed if it may be possible or not to create prescriptive ethical codes. It also proposes that the PDIs should take social responsibilities towards the political transformation of society looking for the socialization of humankind, for the humanization of society, for the social equality, for justice, for democracy and for civil liberties in favor of the dominated classes and making a common front of resistance along with all the rest of the thinking humanity to the domination of the ruling classes; not as an ethical precept, but as a foundation from the evolution of the human nature where the communal and cooperative features of human life it is found in this study as the most ancient, abundant and determinant in the history of terrestrial life, and human life. NB: Moral rights of authorship. 2006.11.26. Zapopan Martín Muela Meza, Sheffield, U.K.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-269). ; Terrence Malick is a unique director in contemporary film, an enigmatic and resolutely independent filmmaker who operates successfully within the studio system of Hollywood. His unusual career - which includes a twenty-year 'sabbatical' during which he appeared to have dropped out of the industry altogether - has produced comparatively little in the way of academic research, though there has been increased activity since the release of The Thin Red Line in 1998. The title - 'Seeking the Other Shore' - provides a thematic approach to the central exploration of the thesis: myth and history in Malick's films. As I argue in the introduction, Malick's characters constantly seek new shores within historical realities, but in so doing they imagine returns to mythic spaces that are either in the past or unattainable in the present. The films themselves provoke us to reconsider particular myths and their historical context. The Introduction includes a brief synopsis of Malick's career and a critical overview of both journalistic and academic writing. A major feature of his films - their intertextuality, from poetry and novels to visual art and music - is also introduced as it plays an important part in all the subsequent chapters. With the release of The New World (2005), I argue that the two recent films should be seen not only as continuing the major themes of historical reality and mythic quest in his 1970s films (Badlands, 1973, and Days of Heaven, 1978), but also as expanding those themes to include colonial encounters with strangeness which underpin the emergence of America as a modem cultural and political entity. Chapter One sets out the historical and mythic terrain upon which all of Malick's films are built, particularly America's nineteenth-century, post-independence character, the idea that America is a nation constantly seeking to renew itself but is never able to outrun the terrors of its previous incarnation, the sins of its fathers. In the section, 'Manufacturing Myth' I use definitions by Claude Levi-Strauss and Richard Slotkin to begin the conversation between history and myth, finding that myth is constructed, laid claim to, and used continuously, and whose claims and uses are inevitably contested. Myths based in history, are, in Richard White's words, "historical creations", and it is this ideological tension between myth and history that one finds in Malick's films. History provides the context for explorations of America's mythic character, myths of innocence, renewal, ambition, and robust individualism. Chapters Two through Five examine the feature films in chronological order. Badlands is discussed in terms of its hybrid genre (drawing on the western and the road movie), before I investigate Holly and Kit's "competing fantasies"- their different views of their adventure and the land through which they travel. Days of Heaven represents a complex examination of the Turnerian myth of the frontier and its transformation at the turn of the twentieth century. Malick's use of period photography is observed as is the influence of American literary naturalism. However, a more significant discussion emerges around the art of Edward Hopper and his modernist interpretation of America coming to terms with its twentieth-century character. The analysis in this section includes Badlands, and illuminates the influence of Hopper on both early films. The Thin Red Line poses something of a problem as it appears to depart from the first two films and The New World, which follows eight years later. As a combat film, it is part of a fairly well-defined and fiercely debated genre, while it's largely male cast and multiple voiceovers differ from the single adolescent female voiceovers of Holly and Linda. However, it challenges the norms of the combat genre in significant ways, particularly in its balancing of personal experience (Malick's screenplay is a subtle adaptation of James Jones's war novels) with historical context (the viewer is alerted, as one rarely is in this genre, to the world outside of the battle). In The New World, Captain John Smith literally seeks the other shore and, like Private Witt in the previous film, encounters a division within himself. In reaffirming the mythic romance between Smith and Pocahontas, Malick opposes the ambition of Enlightenment discovery (m the turbulent heart of Smith) with the sure sense of humanity's relationship with nature (m the calm spirit of Pocahontas). Once again, the film's historical context is the bedrock for its examination of myth, though as the revelatory conclusion, shows, Malick reaches for more spiritual meaning than affirming or revising the historical record. The four feature films that constitute Malick's directorial career thus far are all concerned with fundamental American myths; however, they are also unusual interpretations these myths. Young girls narrate the stories of violent men possessed by the possibilities of a frontier that has passed while young men struggle to come to terms with the extreme violence of battle and the overwhelming strangeness of their surroundings, no matter how 'right' the cause. These are myths born out of history and rendered as cinematic revelations by Terrence Malick.

Since the early 1990s, the Estonian health sector has been undergoing a number of reforms. At the same time, a number of legislative acts have also been established, forming a new legal basis for the health system. The introduction of a social health insurance in 1992 was the first reform in the Estonian health sector reorganisation, followed by a primary health care (PHC) reform, a hospital reform and a number of public health reforms. The aim of this thesis is to analyse these health sector reforms in Estonia, focusing on the outcomes of the health system from the population's perspective. Proceeding from this general aim, the specific objectives of the thesis are as follows: 1) To analyse the PHC reform in terms of the access to the health services and the acceptability and satisfaction with these services. 2) To analyse the health insurance reform in terms of the acceptability and satisfaction with the new system. 3) To analyse the public health reforms and their impact on the health of the population. The empirical data were gathered with the following research methods: reviews of official health statistics and population surveys in 1998, 2002 and 2005 based on face-to-face interviews using structured questionnaires. The main results can be summarised in relation to the objectives of the thesis: 1) The primary health care reform has been implemented and most of the objectives have been achieved. In general, people accept the changes in the PHC system and the satisfaction with the family doctors has increased. Access to the PHC services is good. Based on the results of a population study in 2002 and 2005, more than half of the respondents could see the family doctor on the same day they made an appointment. Almost a half of the respondents (49%) were satisfied with the access to the health services. Satisfaction with the PHC services and family doctors were found to have positive effects on satisfaction with access to health services. Although people with chronic conditions were less satisfied with the access to the health services they did not experience organisational barriers in their access to such services. 2) The health insurance reform has been implemented and a high level of financial protection has been maintained. The solidarity principle of the health insurance system guarantees access to health services for all the insured people. About half of the population is satisfied with the present system. Compared to 2002, the percentage of satisfied people has increased in 2005, while the percentage of very dissatisfied persons has decreased. The most important predictor of satisfaction with the health insurance was the satisfaction with the existing PHC system. The satisfaction with the health insurance was higher in 2002 as well as 2005 among those respondents who had visited a family doctor or a specialist or were admitted in a hospital during the last 12 months before the survey, but lower among those who had visited a dentist. A small majority preferred the solidarity principles and comprehensive financing of health service by health insurance. The attitudes regarding financing principles were related to the personal contacts with the health services. The respondents who had used the PHC or ambulance services preferred a more comprehensive financing of health services, while those who had had contacts with a specialists or dentists would prefer less comprehensive financing if the waiting lists were short. More than three quarters of the respondents were informed about their rights concerning the access to the health services. Personal contacts with family doctors and specialists had positive impact on the level of awareness. 3) Some progress has been made in connection with the public health reforms. A number of national programs and projects to prevent the most essential health risks have been initiated. As a result, there is some evidence of a positive impact on the health of the population – positive trends in dietary habits and decreasing infant mortality, number of abortions, and incidences of sexually transmitted infections and tuberculosis. At the same time, however, the proportion of smokers and consumers of strong alcohol has not decreased. Moreover, there has been an explosive increase of new cases of HIV-infections in 2000, which is one of the most serious public health problems today. Greater progress has been achieved in the areas where health promotion and health education activities have been supported by political decisions to make a healthy choice for the population easier. However, a comprehensive national health policy and strategy is still lacking in Estonia. In public health, this is evidenced by a lack of long-term planning and understanding of the significance of intersectoral co-operation. Discussion. Up to now, the major reforms in the Estonian health system have been implemented. However, the environment is changing and the health system has to respond to these changes. The next step should therefore be to reach a public agreement about the common values of the health system and setting long-term health policy goals. To improve the effectiveness of policy implementation and reform, the importance of systematic research and evaluation should also be stressed.

VTT Symposium 191 ; Energian ja ympäristön leikkauskohdassa on viime vuosina tapahtunut suuria mullistuksia. Energiamarkkinat ovat vapautuneet ja osana kestävään kehitykseen pyrkimystä ekologinen ajattelu on saanut jalansijaa myös perinteisessä markkinataloudessa, tyyppiesimerkkinä vihreän sähkön käsite ja kierrätys. Ympäristöproblematiikassa on siirrytty megasarjaan, esimerkiksi ilmastokysymyksessä eletään suurten päätösten aikaa. Energia- ja ympäristöteknologian myynnissä myyjältä vaaditaan yhä enemmän osaamista. Tuotteiden käytön pitkäaikaiset ympäristöominaisuudet vaikuttavat ratkaisevasti kaupan syntyyn. Perinteisen kovan teknologian rinnalle tarvitaan uutta innovatiivista pehmoteknologiaa. SIHTI-ohjelma on paneutunut näihin kysymyksiin niin sanotuilla strategisilla selvityksillään. Ympäristönsuojelun ohjaukseen tarvittavaa tietoutta on luotu lukuisissa ympäristövaikutusten arvottamiseen liittyvissä hankkeissa sekä talouden ja ympäristönsuojelun optimia hakevissa selvityksissä. Yritystasolla tehtävää ympäristölaskentaa varten on luotu uusia työkaluja ja menetelmiä ja päästöpörssien monulotteisia vaiktuksia on analysoitu. Poliittisen päätöksenteon tueksi on kehitetty kasvihuonekaasujen kehitystä kuvaavia indikaattoreita ja analysoitu vaihtoehtoisten päästörajoitustekniikoiden kustannuksia ja tehokkuutta. SIHTI-ohjelmassa savukaasujen puhdistustekniikka-alueelle on syntynyt oma vahva tutkimuskokonaisuutensa, jonka ympärille on kehittynyt kansainvälisestikin arvostettuja tutkimusryhmiä. Pienhiukkasten tärkeimpiä päästölähteitä on kartoitettu, koostumuksia ja kokojakaumia mitattu ja erilaisia keinoja vaikuttaa pesureitten ja sähkösuodattimien erotustehokkuuteen tutkittu. Tutkimusryppääseen on kuulunut sekä teoreettisia mallinnuslaskelmia, laboratoriomitan laiteteknistä kehitystyötä että täyden mitan koetoimintaa. Osoituksena onnistuneesta panostuksesta on, että tutkimustuloksia on jo voitu hyödyntää kaupallisesti ja täyden mittakaavan laitetoimituksia ulkomaille on jo toteutettu. Uusia innovatiivisia teknisiä ratkaisuja ympäristöpäästöjen mittaamisella on myös kehitetty. Metsäteollisuuden ympäristövaikutusten hallinnan parantamiseksi on ohjelman puitteissa perusteellisesti mitattu ja mallinnettu haitallisten aineiden kulkeutumista eri virroissa ja prosessiyksiköissä sekä tutkittu ja kehitetty uusia säästävän teknologian ratkaisuja mm. sellutehtaan vesikiertojen sulkemiselle, viherlipeäsakan ja tuhkan hyödyntämiselle sekä siistauslietteen ja jätepaperin poltosta syntyvän tuhkan kierrättämiselle. Turvetuotannon valumavesien sekä pöly- ja melupäästöjen paremmalle hallinnalle on kehitetty uusia menetelmiä ja ohjeita, joita on jo otettu käyttöön. Vaihtoehtoisia ratkaisuja käytettyjen turvetuotantoalueiden jälkikäytölle on niin ikään tutkittu. Poikkitieteellisen lähestymistavan takia SIHTI-ohjelma on pyrkinyt tiedottamaan tutkimustuloksistaan mahdollisimman laajasti. Ohjelman vuosiseminaari ja sen yhteydessä pidettävät istunnot energiantuotannon päästöjen ympäristövaikutuksista, pienhiukkasten erottamisesta ja kiinteiden jätteiden hyötykäytöstä suovat oivallisen tilaisuuden niin esitelmänpitäjille kuin kuulijoillekin antaa oman panoksensa meitä kaikkia hyvin läheisesti askarruttavaan kysymykseen, mikä on oikea tie ja etenemistapa kestävään energiantuotantoon. ; Great revolutions have taken place in the intersection of energy and environment in recent years. The energy market has been liberated, and in part of sustainable development, an ecological pattern of thought has gained a footing in traditional market economy, typical examples being green electricity and recycling. As regards environmental problems, we have moved towards a mega-league; for example, we are living an era of great resolutions on environmental issues. More diversified knowhow is required from the sellers of energy and environmental technology. Long-term environmental impacts of the use of products are of decisive significance in business transactions. New innovative soft-line technology is required in addition to conventional hard technology. The Finnish National SIHTI Programme has attended to these issues via so-called strategic surveys. Knowledge required for the control of environmental protection was created in a number of projects on evaluation of environmental impacts and in assessments searching an optimum for economy and environmental protection. New tools and methods were developed for environmental accounting in enterprises, and diversified impacts of emission exchange were analysed. Indicators describing the development of greenhouse gases were developed and costs and efficiency of alternative technologies for limiting emissions were analysed to support political decision-making. In the SIHTI Programme, a strong research integrity was formed in the field of flue gas cleaning technology, and research groups with a high international esteem were also formed. Most significant emission sources of particulates were surveyed, their composition and particle size distributions were measured, and different tools of improving the separation capacity of scrubbers and electrical precipitators were studied. This research integrity included both theoretical modelling calculations, laboratory-scale equipment-technical development and full-scale testing. An indicator of successful focusing is that research results have already been utilised commercially, and industrial-scale equipment commissions have been executed. New innovative technical solutions for measuring emissions to the environment have also been developed. To improve the control of environmental impacts of the pulp and paper industry, the transportation of detrimental substances in different flows and process units were measured and modelled, and new solutions of non-waste technology were developed for closed water cycles in pulp mills, for the use of green liquor sludge and ash and for the recovery of ash from the combustion of deinking sludge and waste paper. In peat production, new methods and instructions were developed and introduced for the control of drainage waters and for dust emissions and noise problems. After-use alternatives for exhausted peat production fields were also studied. Due to the interdisciplinary approach, the SIHTI Programme has disseminated information about research results as widely as possible. The Annual Seminars of the Programme, and sessions on environmental impacts of emissions from energy production, separation of particulates, and utilisation of solid wastes have offered excellent opportunities to the lecturers and to the audience to bring their own contribution to the issue occupying our mind: what would be the right way of approaching sustainable energy production.

1991 Abuja OAU summit: ;A Commemorative Handbook · ; It has been said many times that Africa is the centrepiece of Nigeria's foreignpolicy objectives-in fact, it has been said too many times that the impact and significance of that solemn declaration tends to slide into banality and thecommon place. Yet, nothing can ever replace the resolve of Nigeria, her people and her leaders to ensure that Africa does not only escape from her multifaceted sad problems, but also to rise above the other continents of the world. The radiant smile of the people of any nation or region of Africa has never ceased to gladden the hearts of Nigeria. Every celebration of victory, independence or freedom in any comer of Africa is also celebrated by Nigeria. Nigeria's joy at the independence of Namibia, the continent's newest independent nation is still radiant Our prayers over the eventual and total freedom for all the races in South Africa and the enthronement of majority rule, has notebbedin frequency or intensity. It is our conviction that no Nigerian can consider him or herself happy and contented until every child in Sudan be assured of a secure present and a hopeful future. And since one out of every five Africans is a Nigerian, how can he not regard every comer of the continent as home? How can she not worlc for the prosperity, peace and stability of every part of the continent?. Thus, if Nigeria has decided to show leadership role in the resolution of conflicts everywhere on the continent, even at the expense of the blood and tears of her people (as is the case in Liberia), it is in the belief that Africa should be kept peaceful and stable to ensure development and progress. There is no doubt, therefore, that 1991 was a special year both for Nigeria and Africa. The significance of the Summit of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU)thattookplaceinAbuja,Nigeria'snewcapital,takesalongwithitachain of symbols. First,justlikeAbujais,asymbol ofunityforthe90million Nigerians, the OAU Summit there represented another occasion for the reaffirmation of Africa's unity, especially in these trying times. That reaffinnation was underlined by the.many epoch-making resolutions that were unanimously adopted at the summit The most prominent and outstanding being the African Economic. Community Treaty, the ratification and implementation of which will ensure Africa's recovery and advancement · The Ahuja Summit, also took place at the time of great political changes both in Africa and almost everywhere else within the world, especially with the wind of democracy blowing across the globe. Nigeria is proud to be on the threshold . ofthesedevelopmentsandequallyproudtohavchostedanOAUSummitwhere 17 Africans unanimously resolved to be a part of this global wind of change. More importantly, the 1991 OAU summit at Abuja was a fitting tribute to our beloved President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida whose record of assistance to the needy African states is unparalled, just as his roles in conflict resolution on . the continent is unprecendented. The Abuja Summit was, therefore, Nigerias', and by extension President Babangida's fmest hour. Further, the Summit was a great tribute to his foresight and determination to work together with other African leaders and patriots, ih a noble attempt to leave a better future for our children. It is also significant that Abuja played host to Africa before the movement of the seat of government of Nigeria to this resplendent capital. This symbolises President Babangida Administration's commitment to the centrality of African interests in our national affairs - interests which Nigeria is always willing to promote at the expense of her own interest and comfert. There is therefore no greater way to ensure that the epoch-making 1991 OA U Summit at Abuja and all that it means in concrete and symbolic terms, are passed on from generation to generation, than through a careful and systematic documentation of the words and deeds of the actors at the summit- a document that gives a historical glance on the OAU itself,dwellson the 1991 SummitatAbuja, and projects into the future of Africa and her people. Our children and those yet unborn have an inalienable right to know how far their parents struggled in the fight to win the body and soul of Africa for Africans. The Commemorative Handbook on the 1991 Abuja OAU Summit attempts to do all th.ese and more . . More importantly, it is a glowing recognition of the achievements of the Ibrahim Babangida' s Administration in the arena of international relations. The Handbook pays tribute to the towering performance of President Babangida, when he took Africa's case to the 46th Session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York in 1991 and received a standing ovation for his brilliant presentation of Africa's case. · It is my hope that this Commemorative Handbook on the events at the Abuja Summit will aid in the greater understanding and appreciation of the great lengths to which the Ibrahim Babangida Administration has gone to ensure self-respect for Africa. 18 Alhaji Aliyu Mohammed (Wazi

En su vuelta del exilio el Grupo Ukamau (GU) produce Las banderas del amanecer (1983), un film singular con dos rasgos hasta ese momento inéditos y que no volverán a repetirse en la trayectoria del grupo: ser realizado en codirección –entre Jorge Sanjinés y Beatriz Palacios–, y responder enteramente a los caracteres del documental. De forma cronológica y a través de distintas formas de testimonio, entrevistas, registros in situ y material de archivo, la película recupera variadas experiencias de resistencia y oposición durante las dictaduras bolivianas y las democracias frágiles que marcaron la transición. De esa forma configura una cartografía diagnóstica que describe y explica la Bolivia golpeada pero en ebullición de fines de los setenta y principios de los ochenta, protagonizada por un sujeto colectivo heterogéneo. El film, que se presentó en el V Festival Internacional del Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano donde ganó el Gran Premio Coral en la Sección Documental, continúa con la inconfundible perspectiva de intervención política que cultivara el colectivo desde los 60, incorporando interrogantes ligados a los derechos humanos y la democracia, elementos que se desarrollarán en el período inmediatamente posterior. Tras la ubicación del film en la obra del grupo y la descripción de sus condiciones de posibilidad, este trabajo analiza las formas de representación del dolor y el duelo, y las modalidades de denuncia impugnadora del ejercicio de la fuerza dictatorial. Nos proponemos reconstruir y caracterizar el trabajo de memoria que el documental plantea: una memoria tejida –como la wiphala– de voces heterogéneas que hacen visible y audible el recuerdo de masacres e injusticias, pero también la capacidad de organización, lucha, compromiso y solidaridad de los sectores populares. ; On his return from exile, the Ukamau Group (GU) produces The Flags of the Dawn (1983), a unique film with two previously uncharted features that will never be repeated in the group's history: to be performed in a co-direction –between Jorge Sanjinés and Beatriz Palacios–, and to respond entirely to the characters of the documentary. Chronologically, through different forms of testimony, interviews, on-site records and archival material, the film recovers varied experiences of resistance and opposition during the Bolivian dictatorships and the fragile democracies that marked the transition. In this way, it presents a diagnostic cartography that describes and explains the battered but boiling Bolivia of the late 1970s and early 1980s, which was carried out by a heterogeneous collective subject. The film, which was presented at the V International Festival of New Latin American Cinema, where it won the Coral Grand Prize in the Documentary Section, continues with the distinct perspective of political intervention that the collective has cultivated since the 1960s, incorporating issues related to the human rights and democracy, elements that will be developed in the immediately following period. After the location of the film in the work of the group and the description of its conditions of possibility, this work analyzes the forms of representation of pain and mourning, and the modalities of denouncing the exercise of the dictatorial force. We propose to reconstruct and characterize the work of memory that the documentary raises: a woven memory –like the wiphala– of heterogeneous voices that make visible and audible the memory of massacres and injustices, but also the capacity for organization, struggle, commitment and solidarity of the popular sectors. ; En la seua tornada de l'exili el Grupo Ukamau (GU) produeix Las banderes del alba (1983), un film singular amb dos trets inèdits fins a aquell moment i que no tornaran a repetir-se en la trajectòria del grup: ser realitzat en codirecció –entre Jorge Sanjinés i Beatriz Palacios– i respondre enterament als caràcters del documental. De manera cronològica i a través de diferents formes de testimonis, entrevistes, registraments in situ i material d'arxiu, la pel·lícula recupera experiències variades de resistència i oposició durant les dictadures bolivianes i les democràcies fràgils que van marcar la transició. D'aquesta manera configura una cartografia diagnòstica que descriu i explica la Bolívia colpejada però en ebullició del final dels setanta i principi dels huitanta, protagonitzada per un subjecte col·lectiu heterogeni. El film, que es va presentar en el V Festival Internacional del Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano en el qual va guanyar el gran Premio Coral en la secció documental, continua amb la inconfusible perspectiva d'intervenció política que va conrear el col·lectiu des dels seixanta, incorporant interrogants lligats als drets humans i a la democràcia, elements que es desenvoluparan en el període immediatament posterior. Després de la ubicació del film en l'obra del grup i la descripció de les seues condicions de possibilitat, aquest treball analitza les formes de representació del dolor i el dol, i les modalitats de denúncia impugnadora de l'exercici de la força dictatorial. Ens proposem reconstruir i caracteritzar el treball de memòria que el documental planteja: una memòria teixida –com la wiphala– de veus heterogènies que fan visible i audible el record de massacres i injustícies, però també la capacitat d'organització, lluita, compromís i solidaritat dels sectors populars. ; Fil: Aimaretti, Maria Gabriela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras; Argentina

Queremos visibilizar la existencia en la producción histórica y antropológica de los pueblos originarios de la Patagonia argentina de una serie de rótulos –verdaderas fronteras epistemológicas- utilizados para describir rituales que reflejaban el lugar de las mujeres en la sociedad, tanto en las actividades reproductivas y productivas (en especial el tejido) y en las relaciones parentales, que dificultan la comprensión de los procesos que intentan explicar. En este sentido, consideramos que prácticas culturales como: suttee (inmolación de una mujer por la muerte de su esposo), "casa bonita" (para denominar una ceremonia de menarquía) e identificación del "derecho materno" (organización social mapuche antes de la conquista hispánica, que se asocia a determinados rituales), son demasiado complejas para usarlas como categorías con capacidad explicativa para dar cuenta de las relaciones de sexo/género entre los pueblos originarios mapuche, rankülches y tehuelche. Para desarticular esta lectura de la historia llegamos al feminismo poscolonial, que se ha centrado en la deconstrucción del saber ilustrado colonial y de la carga del feminismo "blanco", de origen anglosajón. Pero esta opción no es una caja cerrada, no es un marco que define taxativamente que incluye y que excluye, por el contrario, creemos que tenemos que pensar desde qué presupuestos teóricos y prácticas de investigación se llega a este lugar. El feminismo poscolonial se originó como respuesta a las imposiciones de la episteme colonizadora, desde ugares del mundo que fueron colonizados. Esta deconstrucción también es un amplio camino, es una forma de desandar y de cruzar de múltiples maneras las fronteras que dejó el colonialismo con todas sus opresiones (de clase, raza, etnia, sexo y género) a las que intentaremos pensarla analizando sus genealogías teóricas. Nos interesa especialmente profundizar en los aportes teóricos de Judith Butler a la teoría poscolonial, en especial sobre su teoría de la reificación de la universalidad del patriarcado. Esta autora y muchas pensadoras poscoloniales cuestionan muy firmemente el uso del concepto "patriarcado" tal como lo venía haciendo el feminismo, consideran que la transculturalidad del patriarcado es una estrategia epistemológica colonizadora y que podemos pensar en la existencia de sociedades no patriarcales, e incluso sin género. Por último, también queremos tener en cuenta la metáfora de "sujetos nómades" acuñada por Rosi Braidotti, porque consideramos que esta ficción política nos permite poner en cuestión una nueva visión de la subjetividad femenina. Esta subjetividad femenina se vincula de otra manera –diferente a la de Butler- con el feminismo de la diferencia sexual, poco reconocido por el poscolonial. ; We want to make visible the existence in historical and anthropological production of indigenous peoples of Patagonia Argentina-true of a number of labels used to describe epistemologicalborders rituals that reflect the place of women in society, both reproductive and productive activities (especially weaving) and parental relationships, that hinder the understanding of the processes that try to explain. In this regard, we believe that cultural practices such as suttee (immolation of a woman on the death of her husband), "nice house" (to name a ceremony of menarche) and identification of the "mother right" (Mapuche social organization before Spanish conquest, which is associated with certain rituals), are too complex to use as categories with explanatory power to account for the sex / gender between indigenous Mapuche and Tehuelche peoples, rankülches. To dismantle this reading of history arrived at the post-colonial feminism, which has focused on the deconstruction of knowledge illustrated colonial and load "white" feminism, of Anglo-Saxon origin. But this option is not a closed box, there is a framework which defines specifically that includes and excludes, however, believe that we must think from what theoretical and practical research budgets you get to this place. The postcolonial feminism originated in response to the impositions of colonial episteme, from around the world who were colonized. This deconstruction is also a long way, it is a way to retrace and crossing multiple ways the borders left by colonialism with all its oppression (class, race, ethnicity, sex and gender) to which try to think of it analyzing their theoretical genealogies . We especially deepen the theoretical contributions of Judith Butler to postcolonial theory, especially on his theory of reification of the universality of patriarchy. This author and many postcolonial thinkers question very strongly the use of the term "patriarchy" as it had been doing feminism, believe that patriarchy is a transcultural colonizing epistemological strategy and we can think of the existence of non-patriarchal societies, and even without gender. Finally, we also want to consider the metaphor of "nomadic subject" coined by Rosi Braidotti, because we believe that this political fiction allows us to question a new vision of female subjectivity. This feminine subjectivity is linked to another-different to that of Butler with feminism of sexual difference so little recognized by the postcolonial. ; Fil: Hernandez, Graciela Beatriz. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur; Argentina

Knowledge networks have two contradicting demands increasing flow and decreasing cost Maximizing the sum of these demands will result in an optimized network On the basis of the evolutionary optimization algorithm we suggest a quantitative way to produce an optimized technological knowledge network where optimality is defined as the maximization of overall benefit Applied to Korea s ICT network such a network results in a total knowledge flow increase of up to 75% in absolute measures and 150% with due regard to cost Our result supports the notion that self-organizing networks can be far from optimal and thus active intervention by policymakers or managers is necessary to take full advantage of the potential benefits Finally with clear-cut suggestions about where to add new links and remove old ones according to potential benefits this study sheds light on future policies with regard to evolutionary technology networks (C) 2010 Elsevier Ltd All rights reserved ; Kwasnicki W, 1996, TECHNOL FORECAST SOC, V52, P31 ; 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The author, who travelled in southern Arabia during the winter 1958/59 together with Prof. H. v. Wissmann and Colonel D. van der Meulen, attempts in this contribution to demonstrate the changes in population and economic geography which have occured in Hadramaut during recent decades. Ḥaḍramaut as now understood forms the major part of the British Eastern Aden Protectorate. It consists of three physical regions: 1. The coastal area, occupied by sand and pebble deserts, the Harra surfaces of recent volcanic origin and a marginal mountain chain of pronounced relief. 2. The Djöl, a raised platform consisting mainly of early Tertiary limestone which in the west, opposite the highland of Yemen, commences with a clear scarp and submerges northwards under the sands of the Ruh' al-Khälï. 3. According to physical character the wadies which are incised in the Djöl and which collect in the Wädï Ḥaḍramaut, a vale of 2—4 Km width running in a west-easterly direction, must be taken as a physical region in its own right. The potentialities for farming in the Hadramaut are very limited; they only exist in the oases of the coastal region and in the wadies whereas most of the Djöl merely serves as a passage for the Bedouins. Thus Ḥaḍramaut, even under optimum conditions, has only been able to feed about a quarter of its inhabitants with home produced foodstuffs. These unfavourable natural conditions early forced the Hadärim to emigration. Initially it was to nearby areas on the Red Sea coast and in Eastern Africa where South Arabic settlement colonies existed as early as the time of the birth of Christ. From the beginning of the last Century onwards, however, South-East Asia, in particular Singapore, Java and Sumatra, became the most favoured destinations for migration. As a result before World War II the number of Arabs from Ḥaḍramaut in the Dutch East Indies had reached about 90,000. Since the emigrants always aimed to return eventually to their homeland after years of absence, the dose links with Indonesia have found a clear reflection in Ḥaḍramaut itself. It is apparent in the architecture of the urban settlements, in eating habits and also anthropologically in considerable Malayan traces amongst many families of the economically most successful upper classes. These contacts with the outside world, however, weakened the authority of the religious leaders, the "Seyyids", descendants of Mohammed, who by means of successful business in foreign countries had themselves amassed the greatest wealth. They were neither any longer able to mediate in the numerous feuds which the vendetta made flare up again and again, nor to stem the continuing loosening of the tribal structure and to put an end to the internal disunion of the country which nearly amounted to a latent state of war. Only the truce of 1937, achieved with British help, brought an end to these troubles and provided the possibility of undertaking various development schemes, e. g. the improvement of communications. The most important consequence was the opening of the access to the Wädï Ḥaḍramaut which the conservative and strongly anti-foreign Population had prevented so far. A period of drought during World War II, which reached catastrophic proportions, and a recession of emigration, which because of the changed political Situation could no longer be resumed on the former scale even after the war, have eventually forced Hadramaut to take all measures to use the indigenous possibilities to a greater degree and increase agricultural production. Irrigation, both by utilisation of the episodic floods (seyls) and permanent irrigation by means of wells, has especially been developed. Many newly built dams utilise the floods; the success achieved by this means in Ḥaḍramaut itself is only modest whereas, in Abyan, about 50 Km to the east of Aden it was possible to develop seyl irrigation on a large scale resulting in considerable progress. By means of compact installations for distribution of the water and an extensive network of irrigation ducts which are safeguarded against "seyl erosion" it was possible to expand the cultivated area, especially for cotton growing, to 18,000 ha and to provide the basis of existence for 5,000 farm units. In the case of the development of irrigation from wells it was less the construction of new installations but the introduction of technological improvements for lifting the ground water, viz. the installation of diesel pumps into the existing well shafts. At the end of 1958 about 1,000 wells, approximately half the total of the Wädi Ḥaḍramaut, were used that way. As a consequence the oasis economy of the Wädi Ḥaḍramaut experiences not only an increase of its area but also a shift towards cultivation of crops with higher yields in which process wheat comes to dominate agricultural production to a higher degree than hitherto. High production costs are, however, a handicap to the development of agriculture. They are a consequence of the still inadequate communications and the unhealthy social conditions of the agricultural population; these arise from the share cropping and tenant farm Systems of the Middle East and further from the contempt in which agricultural work is held by large sections of the population.

Threats To International Peace And Security. The Situation In The Middle East ; United Nations S/PV.8233 Security Council Seventy-third year 8233rd meeting Saturday, 14 April 2018, 11 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Meza-Cuadra . (Peru) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren Poland. . Mr. Radomski Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-10891 (E) *1810891* S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 2/26 18-10891 The meeting was called to order at 11.10 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Spanish): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to warmly welcome His Excellency Secretary-General António Guterres, to whom I now give the floor. The Secretary-General: I have been following closely the reports of air strikes in Syria conducted by the United States, France and United Kingdom. Last night at 10 p.m. New York time, the United States President announced the beginning of air strikes with the participation of France and the United Kingdom, indicating they were targeting the chemical-weapons capabilities of the Syrian Government to deter their future use. The statement was followed by announcements from Prime Minister May and President Macron. The air strikes were reportedly limited to three military locations inside Syria. The first targets included the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Centre at Al-Mazzah airport in Damascus, the second an alleged chemical-weapons storage facility west of Homs and the third an alleged chemical-weapons equipment storage site and command post, also near Homs. The Syrian Government announced surface-to-air missile responsive activity. Both United States and Russian sources indicated there were no civilian casualties. However, the United Nations is unable to independently verify the details of all those reports. As Secretary-General of the United Nations, it is my duty to remind Member States that there is an obligation, particularly when dealing with matters of peace and security, to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations, and with international law in general. The Charter is very clear on these issues. The Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. I call on the members of the Security Council to unite and exercise that responsibility, and I urge all members to show restraint in these dangerous circumstances and to avoid any act that could escalate matters and worsen the suffering of the Syrian people. As I did yesterday (see S/PV.8231), I stress the importance of preventing the situation from spiralling out of control. Any use of chemical weapons is abhorrent, and the suffering it causes is horrendous. I have repeatedly expressed my deep disappointment that the Security Council has failed to agree on a dedicated mechanism for ensuring effective accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. I urge the Security Council to assume its responsibilities and fill that gap, and I will continue to engage with Member States to help to achieve that objective. A lack of accountability emboldens those who use such weapons by providing them with the reassurance of impunity, and that in turn further weakens the norm proscribing the use of chemical weapons, as well as undermining the international disarmament and non-proliferation architecture as a whole. The seriousness of the recent allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Douma requires a thorough investigation using impartial, independent and professional expertise. I reaffirm my full support for the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic in undertaking the required investigation. The team is already in Syria. I am informed that its operations plan for visiting the site is complete and that the Mission is ready to go. I am confident it will have full access, without any restrictions or impediments to its performance of its activities. To repeat what I said yesterday, Syria represents the most serious threat to international peace and security in the world today. In Syria we see confrontations and proxy wars involving several national armies, a number of armed opposition groups, many national and international militias, foreign fighters from all over the world and various terrorist organizations. From the beginning, we have witnessed systematic violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international law in general, in utter disregard of the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. For eight long years, the people of Syria have endured suffering upon suffering. They have lived 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 3/26 through a litany of horrors, atrocity crimes, sieges, starvation, indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, the use of chemical weapons, forced displacement, sexual violence, torture, detention and enforced disappearances. The list goes on. At this critical juncture, I call on all States Members to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including the norms against chemical weapons. If the law is ignored, it is undermined. There can be no military solution to the crisis. The solution must be political, and we must find ways to make real progress towards a genuine and credible political solution that meets the aspirations of the Syrian people to dignity and freedom, in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). I have asked my Special Envoy to come to New York as soon as possible to consult with me on the most effective way to accelerate the political process. The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the Secretary-General for his valuable briefing. I shall now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Russia has called this emergency meeting of the Security Council to discuss the aggressive actions of the United States and its allies against Syria. This is now our fifth meeting on the subject in a week. President Putin of the Russian Federation made a special statement today. "On 14 April, the United States, with the support of its allies, launched an air strike on military and civilian infrastructure targets in the Syrian Arab Republic. An act of aggression against a sovereign State on the front lines in the fight against terrorism was committed without permission from the Security Council and in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms and principles of international law. Just as it did a year ago, when it attacked Syria's Al-Shayrat airbase in Syria, the United States took a staged use of toxic substances against civilians as a pretext, this time in Douma, outside Damascus. Having visited the site of the alleged incident, Russian military experts found no traces of chlorine or any other toxic agent. Not a single local resident could confirm that such an attack had occurred. "The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has sent experts to Syria to investigate all the circumstances. However, a group of Western countries cynically ignored this and took military action without waiting for the results of the investigation. "Russia vehemently condemns this attack on Syria, where Russian military personnel are helping the legitimate Government to combat terrorism. "The actions of the United States are making the already catastrophic humanitarian situation in Syria even worse, inflicting suffering on civilians, for all intents and purposes enabling the terrorists who have been tormenting the Syrian people for seven years, and producing yet another wave of refugees fleeing the country and the region in general. The current escalation of the Syrian situation is having a destructive effect on the entire system of international relations. History will have the last word, and it has already revealed the heavy responsibility that Washington bears for the carnage in Yugoslavia, Iraq and Libya." Russia has done everything it could to persuade the United States and its allies to abandon their militaristic plans threatening a new round of violence in Syria and destabilization in the Middle East. Today, and at the Council meeting we called yesterday (see S/PV.8231), the Secretary-General expressed his concern about how events are developing. Washington, London and Paris, however, preferred to let the calls for sanity go unheard. The United States and its allies continue to demonstrate a flagrant disregard for international law, although as permanent members of the Security Council they have a special duty to uphold the provisions of the Charter. It was a disgrace to hear an article of the United States Constitution cited as justification of this aggression. We respect the right of every State to honour its own fundamental law. But it is high time that Washington learned that it is the Charter of the United Nations that governs the international code of conduct on the use of force. It will be interesting to see how the peoples of Great Britain and France react to the fact that their leaders are participating in unlawful military ventures that invoke the United States Constitution. These three countries constantly lean towards neocolonialism. They scorn the Charter and the Security Council, which they attempt, shamelessly, to use for their own unscrupulous purposes. They do no serious S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 4/26 18-10891 work in the Council. They refuse to consult with us, while falsely assuring everyone of the opposite. They are undermining the Council's authority. The alleged use of chemical weapons in the Syrian city of Douma has been cited as the excuse for this aggression. After an inspection by our specialists, Russia's representatives stated unequivocally that no such incident took place. Moreover, people were found to have taken part in staging the incident, which was inspired and organized by foreign intelligence services. After the matter emerged, the Syrian authorities immediately invited experts from the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to try to establish all the circumstances through a field mission to Douma. The visa formalities were dealt with quickly and security guarantees given. As the air strikes began, the specialists were already in Syria and preparing to begin their work. I would like to remind Council members and everyone else that on 10 April (see S/PV.8228), when our draft resolution (S/2018/322) on ensuring the security of the work of the OPCW's special mission was blocked, we were assured that there was no need for such a document. They said that no additional effort on the part of the Security Council was necessary to ensure that the mission could reach Douma and conduct an investigation of the chemical incident. Now, however, we can see that we were absolutely right. Yesterday, some of our colleagues — some out of naivety and others out of cynicism — told us that this situation had allegedly arisen owing to the lack of an independent investigative mechanism. The aggression today has shown, as we said, that this had nothing whatever to do with it. The OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mission (JIM) was in place during last year's attack on the Al-Shayrat airbase, but that did not stop the United States from launching a missile attack. After that, the JIM spent six months tailoring its conclusions to justify the strike. We have said over and over again that they do not need any investigations. They did not need them then and they do not need them now. The organizers of the aggression did not even wait for the international organization that is authorized to establish the basic facts to do so. Apparently they had established and instantly identified the perpetrators, after disseminating rumours about them through social networks with the help of the militias they sponsor and the non-governmental organizations that are their clients. This was backed up by mythical secret intelligence. Their masks — or rather the White Helmets — have come off once again. We have become accustomed to the fact that their efforts to achieve their dubious geopolitical aims, the aggressor countries deliberately blame the so-called Assad regime for every evil. There has been a trend recently to shift the blame onto Russia, which, as they tell it, has been unable to restrain Syria's so-called dictator. All of this goes according to a tried-and- true formula, whereby a provocation results in a false accusation, which results in a false verdict, which results in punishment. Is that how these people want to conduct international affairs? This is hooliganism in international relations, and not on a petty scale, given that we are talking about the actions of key nuclear Powers. Several missiles were aimed at the research centre facilities in Barzeh and Jamraya. There have been two recent OPCW inspections there with unrestricted access to their entire premises. The specialists found no trace of activities that would contravene the Chemical Weapons Convention. Syria's scientific research institutions are used for strictly peaceful activities aimed at improving the efficiency of the national economy. Do they want Syria to have no national economy left at all? Do they want to kick this country — only a few years ago one of the most developed in the Middle East — back into the Stone Age? Do they want to finish whatever their sanctions have not yet accomplished? And yet they still contrive false breast-beating about the sufferings of ordinary Syrians. But they have no interest in ordinary Syrians, who are sick of war and glad about the restoration of the legitimate authorities in the liberated territories. Their aggressive actions merely worsen the humanitarian situation that they claim to care about so deeply. They could end the conflict in Syria in the space of 24 hours. All that is needed is for Washington, London and Paris to give the order to their tame terrorists to stop fighting the legitimate authorities and their own people. The attacks were aimed at Syrian military airfields that are used for operations against terrorist organizations, a highly original contribution to the fight against international terrorism, which, as Washington never tires of saying, is the sole reason for its military presence in Syria, something that we are extremely doubtful about. Rather, it is becoming increasingly clear that those in the West who hide 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 5/26 behind humanitarian rhetoric and try to justify their military presence in Syria based on the need to defeat the jihadists are in fact acting in concert with them to dismember the country, a design confirmed by the categorical refusal of the United States and its allies to assist in the restoration of the areas of Syria that have been liberated by Government forces. Their aggression is a powerful blow and a threat to the prospects for continuing the political process under the auspices of the United Nations, which, despite the real difficulties, is moving forward, albeit at varying speed. Why do they bother endlessly pinning all their hopes on the Geneva process when they themselves are driving it straight towards yet another crisis? We urge the United States and its allies to immediately halt their acts of aggression against Syria and refrain from them going forward. We have proposed a brief draft resolution for the Council's attention on which we request that a vote be held at the end of this meeting. We appeal to the members of the Security Council. Now is not the time to evade responsibility. The world is watching. Stand up for our principles. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing today. This is the fifth Security Council meeting in the past week in which we have addressed the situation in Syria. A week has gone by in which we have talked. We have talked about the victims in Douma. We have talked about the Al-Assad regime and its patrons, Russia and Iran. We have spent a week talking about the unique horror of chemical weapons. The time for talk ended last night. We are here today because three permanent members of the Security Council acted. The United Kingdom, France, and the United States acted not in revenge, not in punishment and not in a symbolic show of force. We acted to deter the future use of chemical weapons by holding the Syrian regime responsible for its crimes against humanity. We can all see that a Russian disinformation campaign is in full force this morning, but Russia's desperate attempts at deflection cannot change the facts. A large body of information indicates that the Syrian regime used chemical weapons in Douma on 7 April. There is clear information demonstrating Al-Assad's culpability. The pictures of dead children were not fake news; they were the result of the Syrian regime's barbaric inhumanity. And they were the result of the regime's and Russia's failure to live up to their international commitments to remove all chemical weapons from Syria. The United States, France and the United Kingdom acted after careful evaluation of those facts. The targets we selected were at the heart of the Syrian regime's illegal chemical-weapon programme. The strikes were carefully planned to minimize civilian casualties. The responses were justified, legitimate and proportionate. The United States and its allies did everything they could to use the tools of diplomacy to get rid of Al-Assad's arsenal of chemical weapons. We did not give diplomacy just one chance. We gave it chance after chance. Six times. That is how many times Russia vetoed Security Council resolutions to address chemical weapons in Syria. Our efforts go back even further. In 2013, the Security Council adopted resolution 2118 (2013), requiring the Al-Assad regime to destroy its stockpile of chemical weapons. Syria committed to abiding by the Chemical Weapons Convention, meaning that it could no longer have chemical weapons on its soil. President Putin said that Russia would guarantee that Syria complied. We hoped that this diplomacy would succeed in putting an end to the horror of chemical attacks in Syria, but as we have seen from the past year, that did not happen. While Russia was busy protecting the regime, Al-Assad took notice. The regime knew that it could act with impunity, and it did. In November, Russia used its veto to kill the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, the main tool we had to figure out who used chemical weapons in Syria. Just as Russia was using its veto (see S/PV.8107), the Al-Assad regime used sarin, leading to dozens of injuries and deaths. Russia's veto was the green light for the Al-Assad regime to use these most barbaric weapons against the Syrian people, in complete violation of international law. The United States and our allies were not going to let that stand. Chemical weapons are a threat to us all. They are a unique threat — a type of weapon so evil that the international community agreed that they must be banned. We cannot stand by and let Russia trash every international norm that we stand for, and allow the use of chemical weapons to go unanswered. Just as the Syrian regime's use of chemical weapons last weekend was not an isolated incident, our response is part of a new course charted last year to deter future use of chemical weapons. Our Syrian strategy has not changed. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 6/26 18-10891 However, the Syrian regime has forced us to take action based on its repeated use of chemical weapons. Since the April 2017 chemical attack at Khan Shaykhoun, the United States has imposed hundreds of sanctions on individuals and entities involved in chemical-weapons use in Syria and North Korea. We have designated entities in Asia, the Middle East and Africa that have facilitated chemical-weapons proliferation. We have revoked the visas of Russian intelligence officers in response to the chemical attack in Salisbury. We will continue to seek out and call out anyone who uses and anyone who aids in the use of chemical weapons. With yesterday's military action, our message was crystal clear. The United States of America will not allow the Al-Assad regime to continue to use chemical weapons. Last night, we obliterated the major research facility that it used to assemble weapons of mass murder. I spoke to the President this morning, and he said that if the Syrian regime should use this poison gas again, the United States is locked and loaded. When our President draws a red line, our President enforces the red line. The United States is deeply grateful to the United Kingdom and France for their part in the coalition to defend the prohibition of chemical weapons. We worked in lock step; we were in complete agreement. Last night, our great friends and indispensable allies shouldered a burden that benefits all of us. The civilized world owes them its thanks. In the weeks and months to come, the Security Council should take time to reflect on its role in defending the international rule of law. The Security Council has failed in its duty to hold those who use chemical weapons to account. That failure is largely due to Russian obstruction. We call on Russia to take a hard look at the company it keeps, live up to its responsibilities as a permanent member of the Council, and defend the actual principles the United Nations was meant to promote. Last night, we successfully hit the heart of Syria's chemical weapons enterprise, and because of these actions we are confident that we have crippled Syria's chemical weapons programme. We are prepared to sustain this pressure if the Syrian regime is foolish enough to test our will. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): These are uncertain times and today we deal with exceptional circumstance. Acting with our American and French allies, in the early hours of this morning the United Kingdom conducted coordinated, targeted and precise strikes to degrade Al-Assad's chemical weapons capability and deter their future use. The British Royal Air Force launched Storm Shadow missiles at a military facility some 15 miles west of Homs, where the regime is assessed to keep chemical weapons in breach of Syria's obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. A full assessment has not yet been completed, but we believe that the strikes to have been successful. Furthermore, none of the British, United States or French aircraft or missiles involved in this operation were successfully engaged by Syrian air defences, and there is also no indication that Russian air defence systems were employed. Our action was a limited, targeted and effective strike. There were clear boundaries that expressly sought to avoid escalation, and we did everything possible, including rigorous planning, before any action was undertaken to ensure that we mitigated and minimized the impact on civilians. Together, our action will significantly degrade the Syrian regime's ability to research, develop and deploy chemical weapons and deter their future use. The United Kingdom Prime Minister has said that we are clear about who is responsible for the atrocity of the use of chemical weapons. A significant body of information, including intelligence, indicates that the Syrian regime is responsible for the attack we saw last Saturday. Some of the evidence that leads us to this conclusion is as follows. There are open source accounts alleging that a barrel bomb was used to deliver the chemicals. Multiple open source reports claim that a regime helicopter was observed above the city of Douma on the evening of 7 April. The opposition does not operate helicopters or use barrel bombs. And reliable intelligence indicates that Syrian military officials coordinated what appears to be the use of chlorine in Douma on 7 April. No other group could have carried out this attack. Indeed, Da'esh, for example, does not even have a presence in Douma. The Syrian regime has been killing its own people for seven years. Its use of chemical weapons, which has exacerbated the human suffering, is a serious crime of international concern as a breach of the customary international law prohibition on the use of chemical weapons, and that amounts to a war crime and a crime against humanity. Any State is permitted under international law, on an exceptional basis, to 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 7/26 take measures in order to alleviate overwhelming humanitarian suffering. The legal basis for the use of force for the United Kingdom is humanitarian intervention, which requires that three conditions to be met. First, there must be convincing evidence, generally accepted by the international community as a whole, of extreme humanitarian distress on a large scale, requiring immediate and urgent relief. I think that the debates in the Council and the briefings we have had from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and others have proved that. Secondly, it must be objectively clear that there is no practicable alternative to the use of force if lives are to be saved. I think that the vetoes have shown us that. Thirdly, the proposed use of force must be necessary and proportionate to the aim of relief of humanitarian suffering. It must be strictly limited in time and in scope to this aim. I think we have heard both in my intervention in Ambassador Haley's how that has also been met. The history of the Syrian conflict is a litany of threats to peace and violations of international law. The Security Council has met 113 times since the Syrian war started. It was therefore not for want of international diplomatic effort that we find ourselves in this position today. After a pattern of chemical-weapons use since the outbreak of the conflict, Al-Assad defied the international community in 2013 by launching a sarin gas attack on eastern Ghouta, which left more than 800 people dead. Despite the adoption of resolution 2118 (2013) and despite four years of patient engagement, Syria continues to use chemical weapons against its people and has failed to answer a long list of serious questions. The only conclusion we can reach is that Syria has not declared or destroyed all of its chemical weapons, despite its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. This is not assertion on our part but a matter of record, and I draw the Russian Ambassador's attention to his points about Barazan and Jimrya. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) still has unanswered questions and discrepancies. He knows this. We all know this. The Council was briefed by the OPCW Director-General. Resolution 2118 (2013) decides in the event of non-compliance to impose measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. Yet on 28 February 2017, when the United Kingdom together with France, proposed a draft resolution (S/2017/172) taking measures under Chapter VII short of the use of force, Russia vetoed (see S/PV.7893). The very least the Security Council should have been able to do was to follow up on the findings of the report of the Joint Investigative Mechanism by extending its mandate. Yet four times Russia vetoed different proposals from different Council Members to do just that. The Syrian regime and it supporters are responsible for the gravest violations of international humanitarian law in modern history. They have used indiscriminate weapons, notably barrel bombs and cluster munitions, against civilians, and they have deliberately targeted medical facilities and schools, as well as humanitarian personnel and civilian objects. They have used sieges and starvation as methods of warfare, accompanied by attacks on opposition-held civilian areas. The regime has persistently obstructed humanitarian aid and medical evacuations. Tens of thousands of people have been illegally detained, tortured and executed by the regime. This is one of the most serious challenges to the international non-proliferation regime we have ever faced. A State party has violated the Chemical Weapons Convention, it has defied the Security Council, and it has broken international law. Repeated attempts over several years to hold them to account have been met with Russian obstruction and resistance. In the Security Council, we have repeatedly attempted to overcome this obstruction without success. We are faced with a litany of violations, no sense of guilt, no sense of regret, no sense of responsibility, a shameful record, wrapped in a mix of denial, deceit and disinformation. I would invite those like the Russian Ambassador who speak about the Charter to consider the following. It is hard to believe that it is in line with the principles and purposes of the Charter to use or condone the use of chemical weapons, and in the United Kingdom's view it cannot be illegal to use force to prevent the killing of such numbers of innocent people. I will take no lessons in international law from Russia. Despite all the foregoing, we would like to look forward. The United Kingdom, together with France and the United States, will continue to pursue a diplomatic resolution to the Syrian crisis. My French colleague will say more about our work in a few moments. We believe that it must comprise four elements. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 8/26 18-10891 First, Syria's chemical weapons programme must be ended and the chemical weapons stockpiles destroyed once and for all. Secondly, there must be an immediate cessation of hostilities and compliance with all Security Council resolutions, including those that mandate humanitarian access. Thirdly, the regime must return to the Geneva talks and agree to engage on the substantial agenda put forward by the United Nations Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura. Fourthly and finally, there must be accountability for the use of chemical weapons and other war crimes in Syria. The Secretary-General rightly highlighted the political process. We propose that, as we members of the Security Council will all be together next weekend in the retreat with the Secretary-General very kindly hosted by Sweden, we use that opportunity to reflect on next steps and the way back to the political process. And with our allies, we stand ready to work with all members of the Security Council towards this end. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): A week after the chemical massacre in Douma and a day after last night's strikes, I want to say again straight away to those who pretend to wonder that France has no doubt whatsoever about the responsibility of the Al-Assad regime in this attack. This morning we made public a notice comprising information collected by our intelligence services. We dismiss those who try once again to challenge what is obvious and to disguise the facts before the world. For years now, Bashar Al-Assad, with the active support of his allies, has been devising a strategy of destruction designed to crush any opposition with contempt for the most basic principles of humanity and at the cost of the lives of hundreds of thousands of civilians in Syria. We saw it in Aleppo, in Homs, in eastern Ghouta. For years, the Syrian regime has used the most terrifying weapons of destruction — chemical weapons — to massacre and terrorize its civilian population. We had another demonstration of this in Douma, as we had seen before in Khan Shaykhun, Sarmin, Telemens and Qaminas, where its responsibility was clearly established by the Joint Investigative Mechanism of the United Nations and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). No one can say he or she did not know. For years, the Syrian regime has systematically and repeatedly violated all its international obligations. The list of such violations is long; it is overwhelming. We all know them: violations of all international chemical-weapons obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention, to which Syria has been a party since 2013, and the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which prohibits the use of such weapons against civilians; violations of the very foundations of international humanitarian law, namely, the principles of distinction, precaution and proportionality; violations of successive Security Council resolutions 2118 (2013), 2209 (2015) and 2235 (2015) and, by the same token, of its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations; finally, the use of chemical weapons against civilian populations constitutes a war crime within the meaning of the Statute of the International Criminal Court. In August 2013, the Secretary-General even described the use of chemical weapons as a crime against humanity. In view of the repeated and proven violations by the Damascus regime of all the rules on which our security is based, France has consistently called for strong action by the international community. We have made every effort to ensure that these horrors do not remain without consequences at the United Nations and the OPCW and that they are stopped. The Security Council had undertaken by successive resolutions 2118 (2013), 2209 (2015) and 2235 (2015) to impose coercive measures within the meaning of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations in the event of new violations. It has been prevented from acting in conformity with its commitments because of the vetoes systematically used by Russia. By making such systematic use of its veto in the Security Council, Russia has betrayed the commitment it made to the Council in 2013 to ensure the destruction of the Syrian chemical arsenal. The Security Council's blockade of the mass atrocities committed in Syria is a deadly and dangerous trap from which we must escape. When it ordered the 7 April chemical attack, the Syrian regime knew exactly to what it was exposing itself. It wanted to once again test the international community's threshold of tolerance and it found it. In the face of this attack on the principles, values and rights that are the basis of United Nations action, silence is no longer a solution. We cannot tolerate the downplaying of the use of chemical weapons, which is an immediate danger to the Syrian people and to our collective security. We cannot let the deadly genie of proliferation out of its bottle. We had clearly warned Al-Assad's regime and its supporters that such a transgression would not remain without reaction. We have acted in 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 9/26 accordance with our role and responsibility. We have done so in a controlled, transparent framework, taking care to avoid any escalation with the actors present on the ground. The President of the Republic and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France have spoken on this subject. Some who for years have flouted the most elementary rules of international law now assert that our action is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. I would remind them that the Charter was not designed to protect criminals. Our action is fully in line with the objectives and values proclaimed from the outset by the Charter of the United Nations. The Organization's mission is "to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained". This action was indeed necessary in order to address the repeated violations by the Syrian regime of its obligations — obligations stemming from the law, treaties and its own commitments. Finally, our response was conceived within an proportionate framework, with precise objectives. The main research centre of the chemical weapons programme and two major production sites were hit. Through those objectives, Syria's capacity to develop, perfect and produce chemical weapons has been put out of commission. That was the only objective, and it has been achieved. My country, which knew at first hand the devastating effects of chemical weapons during the First World War, will never again allow impunity for their use. We will never stop identifying those responsible, who must be brought to justice. That is the purpose of the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, which we launched last January. Allow me to stress this point: last night's strikes are a necessary response to the chemical massacres in Syria. They are a response in the service of law and our political strategy to put an end to the Syrian tragedy. To be more specific, we have four imperatives on the Syrian issue that are in the immediate interest of Syrians, but also in the interest of the entire international community, as the Secretary-General reminded us, and I want to thank him for his briefing. Let me recall those four imperatives. First, the Syrian chemical-weapons programme must be dismantled in a verifiable and irreversible way. We must spare no effort to establish an international mechanism for establishing responsibility, to prevent impunity and to prevent any repeat attempts to the Syrian regime to use chemical. Secondly, terrorism must be eradicated by permanently defeating Da'esh. That is a long-standing commitment that still requires genuine effort to ensure a definitive victory. Thirdly, there must be a ceasefire throughout the Syrian territory and humanitarian access to the civilian populations, as required by Security Council resolutions. We need full and unhindered humanitarian access in order to help people in need, in accordance with resolution 2401 (2018). In particular, it is essential and urgent that humanitarian convoys safely reach eastern Ghouta on a daily basis. Fourthly, we need a crisis-exit strategy, with a lasting political solution. We can sustainably resolve the Syrian crisis only through an inclusive political solution on the basis of the full implementation of resolution 2254 (2015). We have been calling for that for seven years. It has never been so urgent to implement it and to relaunch genuine negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations with a view to achieving a political transition in Syria. Only that road map will allow us to finally emerge from the Syrian impasse. France is ready to tackle it, as of today, with all those who are ready to put all their efforts to that end. In that spirit, at the initiative of France and in line with President Emmanuel Macron's statement tonight, we will submit as soon as possible a draft resolution on those different aspects with our British and American partners. Today I ask Russia, first and foremost, to call on the Damascus regime to enter into a plan for a negotiated solution so that the long-lasting suffering of Syrian civilians can finally be brought to an end. Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. Just yesterday we were gathered in this Chamber for a meeting on the situation in Syria, during which China made clear its position on the issue of Syria, expressed profound concern about the further escalation of the tensions in Syria and made a clarion call for a political solution to the issue of Syria (see S/PV.8231). I would like to restate the following. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 10/26 18-10891 China has consistently stood for the peaceful settlement of disputes and against the use of force in international relations. We advocate respect for the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of all countries. Any unilateral military actions that circumvent the Security Council contravene the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, violate the basic norms enshrined in international law and those governing international relations, and would hamper the settlement of the Syrian issue with new compounding factors. We urge all the parties concerned to refrain from any actions that may lead to a further escalation of the situation, to return to the framework of international law and to resolve the issue through dialogue and consultation. China believes a comprehensive, impartial and objective investigation of the suspected chemical-weapons attack in Syria is necessary in order to arrive at a reliable conclusion that can withstand the test of history. Until that happens, no party must prejudge the outcome. There is no alternative to a political settlement in resolving the Syrian issue. The parties concerned in the international community should continue to support the role of the United Nations as the main mediator and should work together unremittingly towards a political settlement of the Syrian issue. I would like to restate that China stands ready to continue its positive and constructive role in the efforts to achieve a political settlement of the Syrian issue in the interests of peace and stability in the Middle East and in the world at large. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): Kazakhstan expresses its serious concern about the sharp escalation of the situation in Syria. We call on all parties to prevent further military escalation and take effective steps aimed at restoring confidence and establishing peace and ensuring security in the long-suffering land of Syria on the basis of the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. We called yesterday and the day before yesterday, and every time when we have observed increasing tensions, in this Chamber for responsible action in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Who else, if not Council members, should show the world an example of compliance with the principles and provisions of the Charter? We are telling others to strictly follow international law and order, but sadly, yesterday we witnessed a different example. Whatever action taken under whatever good pretext cannot and will not justify the military use of force. Violence carried out against violence will never bring about peace and stability. Kazakhstan's position has always been, and continues to be, that military action is the last resort, to be used only in cases approved by the Security Council. There was no approval by the Council of the military strikes that took place yesterday. "Humanity hoped that the twenty-first century would herald a new era of global cooperation. This, however, may turn out to be a mirage. Our world is once again in danger and the risks cannot be underestimated. The threat is a deadly war on a global scale. Our planet is now on the edge of a new cold war that could have devastating consequences for all humankind." (S/2016/317, annex, p.2) That is an exact quote from the manifesto of my President, entitled "The World. The Twenty-First Century", of 31 March 2016. Just yesterday Secretary- General António Guterres confirmed, to our regret, that the Cold War is back with a vengeance (see S/PV.8231). Kazakhstan appeals to the parties to adhere to both the Charter of the United Nations and international law. We think that the time has come for serious talks encouraging the United States and the Russian Federation, given their standing as the co-Chairs of the International Syria Support Group and their respective influence on the parties, to move actively in the direction of finding middle ground and a political settlement to the conflict in Syria. The United Nations has a vital role to play in convening those negotiations and helping the parties resolve their disputes. My delegation is also extremely concerned about recent developments and the lack of unity among Security Council members with regard to the chemical attack in Syria. From its early days of independence, through a series of practical steps, Kazakhstan has consistently promoted peace initiatives in the international arena to achieve disarmament, non-proliferation and the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction, including chemical weapons, and strongly condemns their development, testing and use. I repeat: Kazakhstan strongly condemns the use of chemical weapons. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 11/26 It is important to conduct a thorough, objective and impartial investigation into all aspects of the alleged chemical attack in Douma so as to enable the international community to render a fair verdict against the perpetrators, in full compliance with international law. The Government and other parties must thoroughly execute their obligations to comply with the relevant recommendations made by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the United Nations by accepting designated personnel, while providing for and ensuring the security of the activities undertaken by such personnel. We would like to remind the members of the Council that Kazakhstan's principled position is not only to condemn in the strongest terms the use of weapons of mass destruction by anyone, in particular against the civilian population, but also to resolve conflicts exclusively by peaceful means. President Nazarbayev stressed in his manifesto that the main tools for resolving disputes among States should be peaceful dialogue and constructive negotiations on the basis of equal responsibility for peace and security, mutual respect and non-inference in the domestic affairs of other States. Preventing the escalation of conflict and ending wars are the most challenging tasks; there are no other reasonable options. World leaders must treat such tasks as the highest priority on the global agenda. We must also respect the sovereignty of States Members of the United Nations and the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter. We urgently need a political solution. Only a political, diplomatic approach, dialogue and confidence-building measures in the spirit of the Charter and Security Council documents on preventive diplomacy and sustaining peace can bring about proper results. We therefore call upon the international community to show political will to overcome differences and resume negotiations, in the belief that only a United Nations-led political transition in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015) can end the Syrian conflict, which, in turn, can advance only if the Council is united. There is great need to continue to support the aims of the Astana talks and further the Geneva negotiations in order to see positive results. All parties at the international, regional and Syrian levels should support an immediate ceasefire and seriously and objectively move forward without any preconditions within the framework of the International Syria Support Group, under the auspices of the United Nations Office in Geneva. We believe that the Syrian people are capable of determining their own future. However, achieving their aspirations for democracy, reconstruction and stability is impossible without genuine international support to contain the negative impact of spoilers and to help Syrians combat terrorism and build their State on a firm and stable foundation. Kazakhstan has always stood for dialogue and the resolution of international conflicts. All parties must ensure that the situation does not further deteriorate. Military means will not work; only political solutions will succeed. My President warned that there will be no winners in any modern war, as everyone will be on the losing side. He proposed to work towards the total elimination of war and a world without conflict. Finally, we again call upon all relevant parties to persist in diplomatic efforts, seek political solutions, engage in dialogue and support the United Nations as the main mediation channel. Kazakhstan is ready to work with all colleagues to preserve peace and security on the basis of mutual understanding, goodwill and determination to make the world a safer place. Mr. Radomski (Poland): I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. Poland views the recent events in the context of repeated chemical-weapons attacks against Syria's civilian population as a consequence of the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators so far. The lack of an appropriate response encourages a greater number of attacks with the use of weapons that are both banned under international law and blatantly inhumane. In such circumstances the international community cannot remain passive. It should take all the necessary measures to prevent such attacks from being repeated in the future, in particular against a defenceless civilian population. At the same time, the competent international bodies should take decisions that will enable the perpetrators to be identified and brought to justice. We fully understand the reasons behind the action taken last night by the United States, the United Kingdom and France against Syrian chemical-weapons capabilities. We support that action, as it is intended to deter chemical-weapons attacks against the people of Syria. Let me underline that it is the primary responsibility of the Security Council to set up an S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 12/26 18-10891 investigative mechanism to examine the use of chemical weapons in Syria. In that context, we reiterate our disappointment with the politically motivated Russian veto on the proposal for establishing an independent, impartial investigative mechanism on the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Poland will continue its international efforts aimed at the complete elimination of chemical weapons. The use of such weapons is unacceptable and should be prosecuted vigorously in every instance and location in which they are used. Poland calls for refraining from actions that could escalate the situation. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I thank you, Sir, for convening today's important meeting. I also thank the Secretary- General for his briefing. The conflict in Syria is now in its eighth year. That is longer than the Second World War. President Al-Assad is responsible for one of the worst and most enduring humanitarian disasters of our time. From the beginning of the crisis, we have witnessed terrible violations and violence and a flagrant lack of respect for international law, in particular by Syrian Government forces. We must also never forget the atrocities committed by Da'esh. As the Secretary-General stated yesterday, we have witnessed "systematic violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international law tout court — in utter disregard for the letter and the spirit of the United Nations Charter". Indeed, there are numerous and flagrant violations of Security Council resolutions, international protocols and conventions Chemical weapons have been used repeatedly in Syria. The Joint Investigative Mechanism concluded that the Syrian authorities were responsible for four chemical-weapons attacks, and Da'esh for two. The use of such weapons is abhorrent, intolerable, a war crime and a crime against humanity. That is why, as has been noted here before, the international community banned their use in the international armed conflict more than a century ago. Subsequent developments have confirmed the prohibition of the use of chemical weapons as a norm of customary international law. We will spare no effort to end the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State or non-State actors anywhere in the world. Those responsible for such crimes must be held accountable; there can be no further impunity. The Security Council has the primary responsibility to act in response to threats to international peace and security. It is our joint responsibility to uphold the prohibition on the use of chemical weapons in armed conflict. It is our common legal and moral duty to defend the non-proliferation regimes that we have established and confirmed. That is best done through true multilateralism and broad international consensus. In that regard, we welcome the deployment of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapon's Fact-finding Mission to Syria and we look forward to its findings. It is regrettable that the Council was unable to come together and agree on a timely, clear and unified response to the repeated use of chemical weapons in Syria. We regret that Russia, again this week, blocked the Council from setting up a truly impartial and independent attribution mechanism. That has contributed to the situation in which we find ourselves now. The use of chemical weapons is a serious violation of international law and it constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Deterrence and prevention of their use is the concern of the entire international community. We therefore share the rage and anger and are appalled by the repeated use of such weapons in Syria. It is necessary to rid Syria of chemical weapons once and for all, and hold those responsible accountable. At the same time, as the Secretary-General said in his statement yesterday, there is an obligation, particularly when dealing with matters of peace and security, to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations, and international law in general. We are at a dangerous moment. We call for restraint and for avoiding any acts that could escalate, or further fuel, tensions. We need to avoid the situation spiralling out of control. Over the past few days, we have tried to ensure that all peaceful means to respond are exhausted. We worked tirelessly so that no stone was left unturned in efforts to find a way for the Council to shoulder its responsibility in accordance with the Charter. We have shared a proposal with Council members to achieve that objective by inviting the Secretary-General to come back to the Council with a proposal. In order to be successful, diplomacy needs to be backed by clear demands. The Secretary-General called on the Council to take action, but regrettably the Council could not unite. It was indeed a missed opportunity, but we stand ready to continue those efforts. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 13/26 In the light of all that has now happened, it is more critical than ever to avoid an escalation and revert to the track of diplomacy for a political solution in line with resolution 2254 (2015). We reiterate our total support for the United Nations-led political process, which urgently needs to be reinvigorated, as well as the efforts of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) for the cessation of hostilities. Humanitarian access can wait no longer. A sustainable political solution is the only way to end the suffering of the Syrian people. Let us all then rally around that objective. Let us redouble our efforts and put an end to the long, brutal and meaningless conflict once and for all. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): I would like to begin by thanking the Secretary-General for his briefing today. Both yesterday and today, he spoke of the litany horrors that the Syrian population has experienced in the past seven years, of which the chemical-weapons attacks are among the most gruesome. The world hardly needs reminding of the unspeakable suffering that countless Syrian men, women and children have endured. It is a suffering that comes at the hands of Al-Assad and his allies. The Syrian regime has left the world no doubt as to its willingness to unleash terror on its own population. The repeated use of chemical weapons counts as the most cynical expression of that campaign. Just a week ago, the world was yet again confronted with reports of chemical-weapons use — that time in Douma. All the while, the Russian Federation has made clear to the world its readiness to stand by Al-Assad every step of the way. It has blocked draft resolutions in the Council that could have stopped the violence. I call upon all members of the Security Council to support a collective, meaningful response to the use of chemical weapons. But even if the Council fails to act, it should be clear to the world that the use of chemical weapons is never permissible. Against the background of past horrors and the unabated risk of recurrence, the response by France, the United Kingdom and the United States is understandable. The response was measured in targeting a limited number of military facilities that were used by the Syrian regime in the context of its illegal chemical-weapons arsenal. The action taken by those three countries made clear that the use of chemical weapons is unacceptable. Last night's response was aimed at reducing the capabilities to execute future chemical attacks. But do not let the Syrian regime and the Russian Federation think for a moment that we will waver in our pursuit of full accountability for the perpetrators of past chemical attacks. We will not settle for anything less than an independent, impartial attribution mechanism, so that the culprits of those heinous attacks can be identified and held accountable. We call on the Russian Federation to stop opposing that. The use of chemical weapons is a serious violation of international law and may constitute a war crime or crime against humanity. The Kingdom of the Netherlands strongly believes that the international community must fully uphold the standard that the use of chemical weapons is never permissible. Impunity cannot, and will not, prevail. However, should the Council continue to suffer from the paralysis inflicted by a single permanent member, we must not forget that the United Nations is bigger than the Council alone. We have strong leadership at the top of the United Nations Organization, and we have a powerful General Assembly. Both have to consider all instruments to advance accountability for the use of chemical weapons. The Kingdom of the Netherlands welcomes every option to establish an independent and impartial mechanism, whether within the framework of the United Nations framework or of other relevant international organizations, as long as it results in a mechanism that can establish who is responsible, so that the perpetrators can subsequently be held to account. Any new mechanism should build upon the important work of the Joint Investigative Mechanism and the ongoing Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission. It is therefore crucial that the Mission have complete and unhindered access to all information and sites it deems necessary to conduct its investigations with regard to the attack with chemical weapons in Douma last weekend. The international norms against the use of chemical weapons must be respected, and the Syrian people must be relieved from the violence, hardship and injustice that has haunted them for so long. To that end, we call for a political solution and an immediate cessation of violence, as agreed upon earlier by the Council, as well as full, unhindered and immediate humanitarian access. We reiterate our determination to achieve justice for the victims. The need to collectively stand up for the fate of the Syrian people is now more apparent than ever. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation would like to thank the Secretary-General for his presence and participation S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 14/26 18-10891 in this meeting. Bolivia would also like to thank the Russian Federation for its initiative in convening this emergency meeting of the Security Council. Today is a dark day in the history of the Council. Three permanent members have made the decision, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations, to take unilateral action against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another State Member of the Organization. Bolivia would like to clearly and categorically express its condemnation of the use of chemical weapons or the use of chemical substances as weapons, as it is unjustifiable and criminal wherever and whenever it happens, by whomever, given it constitutes a serious crime against international law and international peace and security. Those responsible for committing such terrible and criminal acts must be identified, investigated, prosecuted and punished with the utmost rigour. Bolivia continues to demand a transparent and impartial investigation to determine who the culprits are. Aside from that topic, the purpose of this meeting is linked to the fact that, as I stated, three permanent members of the Council have used force in breach of the Charter. It is impossible to combat the alleged violation of international law by violating international law. Bolivia is surprised by the fact that, given that, they have a greater a greater responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, the permanent Council members bypass the United Nations when it suits them. They advocate for multilateralism as long as it serves their purposes and then simply discard it. When multilateralism is no longer in their interest, it no longer concerns them. This is not the only case in which, sadly, unilateral action has been used. We recall, and will not tire in recalling, such use in Iraq in 2003 and in Libya in 2011. Any such action must be authorized by the Security Council under the Charter of the United Nations. All unilateral actions run counter to international law, as well as to the values and principles of the Charter. Bolivia rejects the use and the threat of the use of force. Unilateral actions not only respond to the specific interests of those who carry them out, but are also measures that are — allow me to use the word — imperialist. It so happens that the empires that we mentioned earlier consider themselves morally superior to the rest of the world. They consider themselves exceptional and indispensable, and therefore believe that they are above the law and international law, but in reality the interest of those who unilaterally use force and violate the Charter is not to advance democracy or freedom or to combat the use of chemical weapons. Their goal is to expand their power and domination. What we have witnessed over the past few hours is an attack on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, which has not begun the work that was scheduled to begin today. A unilateral attack is an attack on multilateral organizations, such as the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. It is an attack on the Council and its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. It is an attack on the Charter, and it is an attack on the entire international community. I wonder, with regard to the permanent members that used force just a few hours ago, how much money have they invested in arming and training the armed groups in Syria? What natural resources are they after? With what moral authority will they be able invoke the Charter in the future? Sadly, the history of violating the purposes and principles of the Charter is a long one. We mentioned Libya and Iraq, which were recent cases. The unilateral decision concerning Jerusalem also sent another absolutely clear signal of the lack of respect for international law. Who are the ones selling weapons to those who are bombing civilians in Yemen? Who are the ones who rejected the Paris Agreement on climate change? Who are the ones who stepped away from the global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration? Who are the ones who build walls? We nevertheless believe that it is also important to talk about history over the long term. Above all, we have been experiencing the consequences of the havoc wreaked by some of the colonialist Powers and of their disdain for international law in the Middle East that dates back over 100 years. We are currently reliving the same scenario in Syria, characterized by total disregard for international law. To a certain extent, we relived it, for example, when the United Kingdom refused to return the sovereignty of the Malvinas islands to Argentina or when the Chagos Archipelago issue was not resolved. I hope that the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice concerning that matter will be respected. In other words, we are talking about a whole range of policies that are detrimental to international peace and security. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 15/26 The Permanent Representative of the United States said that the United States, her country, has its finger on the trigger — "locked and loaded". Of course, we clearly heard her words with a great deal of concern and sadness. We know that the United States has aircraft carriers, satellites, smart bombs and an arsenal of nuclear weapons, and we also know that it has nothing but scorn for international law. But we have this — we have the purposes and principles of the Charter, and ultimately, as history has shown time and again, those principles will prevail. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, we thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing at the beginning of this meeting. The State of Kuwait believes in and is committed to the Charter and principles of the United Nations, respect for the sovereignty of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations confers upon the Security Council the responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, whereby it can act on behalf of Member States to carry out that mandate. Article 25 stipulates that the Members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council. What we have witnessed in the Syrian crisis is an impasse concerning the international community's efforts and the flagrant violation of its resolutions. We have followed very closely and with great concern the dangerous developments in Syria relating to recent military operations in response to the use by the Syrian authorities of chemical weapons prohibited by international law. We underscore that those developments are the result of the impasse in the international community's efforts embodied by the Security Council to reach a political settlement to the bloody conflict in Syria, which has gone on for more than seven years. It has led to hundreds of thousands of casualties and millions of displaced Syrians and resulted in the major destruction of civilian infrastructure in several cities. The chemical weapons issue long enjoyed a unified approach in the Council, which condemned the use of all chemical weapons in Syria regardless of who uses such weapons. Moreover, the Security Council adopted resolution 2118 (2013) unanimously, imposing measures under Chapter VII of the Charter in case of the non-compliance of various parties with its provisions or the continued use in Syria of chemical weapons, which, as we have said, are internationally banned weapons. In order to ensure the implementation of that resolution, in August 2015 the Security Council adopted resolution 2235 (2015), established the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism to determine those responsible for any crime involving the use of chemical weapons in Syria. In fact, the Mechanism identified the perpetrators of such crimes on several incidents. The unfortunate divide in the positions of the Council encouraged the parties to the crisis to continue their violations of resolutions of international legitimacy, international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as well as relevant Security Council resolutions. The most recent resolution 2401 (2018), adopted unanimously, is another example of resolutions being violated. It calls for the immediate cessation of hostilities in order to allow for humanitarian access to the besieged areas. Unfortunately, that humanitarian resolution was not implemented, as we know. The State of Kuwait regrets this escalation and calls on members to overcome their differences within the Security Council and to restore the unity of the Council so that it can shoulder its responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. We also call on members to bridge the existing gap by establishing a new, independent, impartial and professional mechanism to investigate the use of any chemical weapons in Syria and to determine who is accountable for such crimes. We reiterate our full readiness to participate in any effort aimed at achieving a compromise among the positions of members of the Council so as to ensure that those who are responsible for these crimes will be held accountable and punished, and to preserve the non-proliferation regime. It is certain that there is no military solution to the Syrian crisis. Intensive efforts must be made to spare the Syrian people further suffering. We reiterate our principled and firm position regarding the Syrian crisis, which is in line with the position of the League of Arab States calling for the preservation of the unity, sovereignty and independence of Syria; putting an end to acts of violence and the killing; avoiding bloodshed; saving Syrian lives; and reaching a peaceful settlement under the auspices of the United Nations on the basis of the 2012 Geneva First Communique, and resolution 2254 (2015), through a process of political transition S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 16/26 18-10891 with the involvement of all Syrian parties so that the Syrian people can achieve their legitimate aspirations. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): I would like to thank the Peruvian presidency for responding quickly to the request for the holding of this meeting, and we would like to express our appreciation to Russia for making the request. It would have been a serious dereliction of duty on the part of the Council if it had failed to meet in the light of what transpired yesterday. We also thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and his presence today. For those of us who are elected members of the Security Council, the responsibility is indeed extremely heavy, to the point of being unbearable. Let us not forget that we are here representing 193 countries, to which, like permanent members, we have made solemn promises that are generally encapsulated in the Charter of the United Nations. For those of us who are members of the African Union, an organization that for obvious historical reasons attaches huge importance to scrupulous adherence to the principles of the Charter, the obligation that we have to tell the truth and to stand up and be counted for peace is also enormously heavy — all the more so when the parties involved, from our own national perspective, are friends. It was only yesterday that the Secretary-General urged Member States to act responsibility in these dangerous circumstances and stressed the need to avoid the serious situation from spiralling out of control (see S/PV.8231); indeed, he repeated the same sentiment today. We have also been repeatedly expressing our concern that the dynamic in Syria could lead to devastating consequences not only nationally, but regionally and internationally. No doubt, the strike undertaken by the three countries yesterday appears not to have led to the situation spiralling out of control. We do not take that lightly, even though it might be difficult to be consoled by that fact in the light of the potential danger we still face. That is why we call for maximum restraint, the exercise of wisdom and a quick return to dialogue among the major powers that have enormous influence on the current situation in Syria. As we stressed yesterday and previously, it is absolutely vital to resume the path of diplomacy. The alternative is without a doubt catastrophic beyond our imagination. We hope that no one wants to see that happen, but it could if we do not act together with a huge sense of urgency to defuse the current tension and reduce further military escalation. By no means do we overlook the genesis of this tragedy we are facing. It has to do with the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma. At least, that is what ratcheted up the tension, leading to what took place yesterday, which is difficult to defend as being consistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. But there is also one point that makes it difficult for us to understand what took place yesterday. The Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) is arriving, or, as just said by the Secretary-General, has already arrived in Syria to investigate the alleged use of chemical weapons, which is the cause of all this tension. In the light of that, you must excuse us, Mr. President, if we were a little perplexed. While the priority of the time is clearly to avert the further escalation of the latest development, we are not underestimating the importance of ensuring accountability for any confirmed use of chemical weapons in Syria. In that regard, the OPCW Fact-finding Mission should be allowed to conduct a thorough investigation to establish the facts related to the alleged chemical weapons attack in Douma. The sustainable way to end impunity, which we believe is extremely important, to deter and stop the use of chemicals as weapons is through united and concerted action, including through an attribution mechanism that the Council could and must set up. That has become all the more critical now, when, as we all know, truth is becoming very difficult to establish. An opportunity has been created for parties and even individuals to claim the veracity of their own facts. We know that we are all disappointed by the current deadlock, but that should not justify overlooking the obligation to adhere to the principles of the Charter. Let me conclude by referring to what the Secretary-General said yesterday. I wanted to refer to it again because it reflects the truth and is, therefore, worth repeating: "[T]he Cold War is back with a vengeance — but with a difference. The mechanisms and the safeguards to manage the risks of escalation that existed in the past no longer seem to be present." (S/PV.8231, p. 2) That is why we must appeal to the members of the Security Council, especially the Permanent Five, to help create a situation where diplomacy would have the upper hand and the primacy of politics will be our guide for coming out of what is a troubled moment in our 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 17/26 recent history. The Geneva process and Special Envoy de Mistura need the unqualified support of the Council. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I thank Secretary-General Guterres for his statement, which clearly illustrates the perspective of the United Nations on this issue. What took place last night was clearly not a surprise to any member of the Security Council. It remained to establish only the day and the time. In fact, as we said in our statement yesterday (see S/PV.8232), we are concerned about the rhetoric that we are hearing and where it will lead us. It has now led us to where we feared and did not want to go — military attacks against Syria. Yesterday in this Chamber, Secretary-General António Guterres spoke about the memory of the Cold War, which in fact returned with a vengeance in the early hours of the morning, reminding the peoples of the world of the conflict of interests that still exists between two blocs. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has followed with great concern the reports on the attacks carried out by the United States, with the support of the armed forces of France and the United Kingdom. According to estimates, the coalition fired more than 100 cruise missiles and air-to-ground missiles from two United States naval ships stationed in the Red Sea, as well as from tactical warplanes that overflew the Mediterranean and B-1B bombers from another area. The coalition launched a coordinated attack on three targets, which included a scientific research centre in an area of Damascus, a facility to the west of Homs and a command post near that facility. While surgical and very selective, last night's strikes are a violation of Chapter V of the Charter of the United Nations and of the principles and norms of international law. It is important to recall that, according to Article 24 of the Charter, the Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Members of the Council must therefore refrain from creating situations of insecurity and instability. The Security Council should not highlight or disregard the fact that those strikes may have unpredictable and potentially tragic consequences for the Middle East by encouraging or justifying the development of nuclear programmes in order to prevent any further aggression. Experts of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) are already in Douma to carry out investigations. Until we have reliable and irrefutable proof of the alleged chemical attack in Douma last week, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is of the view that no aggression can be justified. Our delegation also reiterates that, in accordance with Article 33 of the Charter, in the case of any dispute that is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, it is imperative to seek a solution first and foremost through negotiation, mediation or other peaceful means. History continues to show us that military interventions never resolves conflicts but, instead, cause them to proliferate and to continue, causing devastation and destruction. We must ensure that that does not happen again in the case of the Syrian Arab Republic. We again point out that the military intervention in Libya in 2011 and its consequences today should be a clear lesson to the international community. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea opposes the use of force in international relations. We accept its use only when it is in line with the principles of international law and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. As we have already said, in the case of Syria, it would not bring about any substantial change in the overall situation in the country. We reiterate that political agreement is the only viable way to find a lasting solution to the Syrian problem. All the parties involved must resolve their differences through dialogue, agreement and consultation. That process requires the support of the international community. The failure of diplomacy only exacerbates the suffering of the Syrian people and is the highest expression of the Security Council's failure. Equatorial Guinea continues to believe that, in order to fully clarify the 7 April events in Douma, a thorough, impartial and objective investigation must be carried out in order to reach a reliable conclusion. We urge the OPCW Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic to promptly carry out an investigation and to report to the Security Council on its conclusions as soon as possible. We also again reiterate the urgent need to establish, under the auspices of the Secretary- General, a professional, independent and transparent investigative body to attribute responsibility for and identify the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons so that those responsible, whoever they are, are brought to international justice. Only in that way can that thorny issue achieve consensus and unity among the members of the Security Council. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 18/26 18-10891 I conclude my statement by reiterating the unequivocal position of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, which is that we wholeheartedly condemned the use of chemical weapons by whomever. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): The delegation of Cote d'Ivoire would like to thank the Secretary-General for his presence and for his briefing on the latest developments in Syria following the air strikes carried out by certain members of the Security Council during the night of Friday, 13 April. Côte d'Ivoire requests all the actors involved in the Syrian conflict at the various levels to show restraint and not to further complicate the disastrous situation in which the Syrian people find themselves. Weapons and bombs have struck Syria too often in disregard for our collective action towards peace. Is it necessary to recall that, by signing the Charter of the United Nations in 1945, the founding Members sought to establish a new world order based on multilateralism and its resolve to make peace a universal common good, the maintenance of which was entrusted to the United Nations and the Security Council as its primary responsibility? The Secretary- General has just reminded us of that. In every situation in which the Charter of the United Nations has guided the action of the international community, respect for its principles has always enabled us to overcome the most inextricable challenges, thereby preventing many disasters for humanity. Based on its strong conviction in the virtues of multilateralism, my country therefore believes that resorting to force in order to maintain international peace and security must be authorized by the Security Council in order to preserve its essential legal authority and to thereby prevent any deviation or abuse. Only a Security Council that is strong and representative of our time will be able to mobilize all Member States of the United Nations in support of its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. Côte d'Ivoire would therefore like to express its deep concern over the inability of the Council to relaunch the dialogue in Syria and to sideline the supporters of a military solution. Côte d'Ivoire would like to take this opportunity to reiterate its unequivocal condemnation of the use of chemical weapons, no matter who is responsible, and we call for the establishment of a multilateral mechanism to attribute responsibility and to bring those responsible for the use of chemical weapons to justice in the appropriate international tribunals. In that context, my delegation reiterates its support for the investigation to be conducted by the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons in order to shed light on the allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Douma in eastern Ghouta. Côte d'Ivoire once again urges the members of the Security Council to unite with a view to putting an end to their differences and to effect the establishment of this mechanism to establish responsibility, which all the members of the Council would like to see set up. Côte d'Ivoire would like to reassert its conviction and its position of principle that the response to the crisis in Syria cannot be a military response. Quite to the contrary; it must be sought in the framework of dialogue and an inclusive political process, as envisioned in the road map set out in resolution 2254 (2015). The time has come to decisively give every opportunity for dialogue a chance and to make sure that the Council is in step with history. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Peru. Peru notes with great concern the developments in Syria. In the face of military action, as a response to information on the use of chemical weapons against the civilian population in the country, we reiterate the need to keep the situation from spiralling out of control and causing a greater threat to stability in the region and to international peace and security. Peru condemns any use of chemical weapons as an atrocity crime. For that reason, we have supported the urgent deployment to Syria of an Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission, as well as the establishment of a dedicated, independent, objective and impartial attribution mechanism. We regret the stalemate in the Security Council and our inability to take a decision on the issue. In that regard, Peru encourages the Secretary-General to redouble his efforts in accordance with the prerogatives entrusted to him in the Charter of the United Nations with a view to helping to resolve the stalemate in the Council and to establish the attribution mechanism. Peru believes that any response to the crimes committed in Syria, as well as a solution to the conflict in Syria overall, must be consistent with the Charter, with international law and with the Council's resolutions. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 19/26 As the Secretary-General has reminded us, the Council is the organ with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and it is up to its members to act in unity and to uphold that responsibility. Peru joins the Secretary-General's urgent appeal to all Member States to act with restraint in these dangerous circumstances and to avoid any act that could escalate the situation and worsen the suffering of the Syrian people. My delegation reaffirms its commitment to continue working in order to achieve sustainable peace in Syria, to guarantee protection for the civilian population, to ensure that there is no impunity for atrocious crimes, as well as to help defuse the situation. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United Kingdom has asked for the floor to make a further statement. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I should like to respond to the remarks made by the Ambassador of Bolivia about the United Kingdom. We have no doubt about the sovereignty of the United Kingdom over the Falkland Islands, South Georgia, South Sandwich Islands and surrounding maritime areas. Successive British Governments have made clear that sovereignty will not be transferred against the wishes of the Falkland Islands. The Falkland Islanders voted overwhelmingly to maintain their current constitutional arrangements with the United Kingdom. Turning to the Chagos archipelago, the United Kingdom is participating in the proceedings before the International Court of Justice, even as we disagree with jurisdiction in that case. The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the Plurinational State of Bolivia has asked for the floor to make a further statement. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): I will be very brief and limit myself to reading out what it says in the special declaration on the question of the Malvinas Islands, signed by all the Heads of State and Government of Latin America and the Caribbean. The Heads of State and Government: "Reiterate their strongest support for the legitimate rights of the Argentine Republic in the sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas, South Georgias and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas and the permanent interest of the countries of the region in the Governments of the Argentine Republic and of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland resuming negotiations in order to find — as soon as possible — a peaceful and definitive solution to such dispute, pursuant to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations .". That would include in particular General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX). The President (spoke in Spanish): I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I welcome the presence of the Secretary- General at this very important moment in the history and the work of the Security Council. In his important statement yesterday, the Secretary-General warned that the Cold War had returned (see S/PV.8231). That is exactly right. We all agree with the relevance of this remark. I take this opportunity to recall those who relaunched the logic of the Cold War. Of course, we all remember, following the collapse of the former Soviet Union, that a number of philosophical books were published here in this country, including The End of History and the Last Man, by Francis Fukuyama. Another author, American thinker Samuel Huntington, wrote an essay entitled The Clash of Civilizations. Those two works marked the return of the Cold War logic. Indeed, the message of those two books was as follows: To the people of the world, you must take the American approach and surrender to the American will or we will attack you. "My way or the highway", as the American saying goes. That marked the return of the Cold War philosophy. Lies serve no purpose. They serve the person who lies once and only once. Lies deceive only once. When a lie is repeated it becomes exposed and exposes the person who is lying. My colleague the Ambassador of France announced that the aggression of his country, along with the United States and the United Kingdom, was carried out on behalf of the international community. If that is the case, I wonder which international community my colleague the French Ambassador is speaking of. Is he speaking of a real international community that S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 20/26 18-10891 actually exists? Has the international community that he represents authorized this tripartite aggression against my country? Did their Governments obtain a mandate from this international community to attack my country? My American, French and British colleagues claimed that they have bombarded centres for the production of chemical weapons in Syria. If the Governments of these three countries knew the actual location of these production centres that they claim to have bombarded, why did they not share that information with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)? Why did they not share this information with the Fact-finding Mission in Damascus before attacking my country? It is just a question I am putting to the Security Council. Furthermore, I would like to assure Council members that the OPCW investigation team arrived today at noon. Obviously, the team was delayed for a full day getting from Beirut to Damascus before the attack, for reasons that we do not know, as though the team was asked not to go to Damascus until after the bombing took place. But the team did reach Damascus today at noon and will hold a meeting in two hours, at 7 p.m., Damascus time, with the local authorities. My Government will, of course, provide every support to the team so that it may carry out its mission successfully. The facility of the Barzah Research and Development Centre, the building that was targeted by the tripartite aggression, was visited twice last year by experts from the OPCW. They inspected it, after which they gave us an official document stating that Syria had complied with its obligations under the OPCW and that no chemical activities had taken place in the inspected building. If the OPCW experts gave us an official document confirming that the Barzah Centre was not used for any type of chemical activity in contravention to our obligations with respect to the OPCW, how do Council members reconcile that with what we have heard this morning? How do they reconcile that with all the accusations and claims that the aggression targeted a chemical-weapons production centre? My American colleague said that the time for discussion is over — that it was over yesterday (see S/PV.8231). If that is so, then what are we doing today as diplomats an ambassadors at the Security Council? Our mission here is to speak, to explain what happened, to shed light on all the issues. We are not here in the Security Council simply to justify an aggression. How can we state that the discussion is over? No, the discussion is continuing in this Chamber, if the idea is to put an end to aggressions or to implement the provisions of the Charter and international law. That is why we are here. My British and French colleagues spoke of a plan of action and have invited the Secretary-General to implement it before the Council and the Syrian Government have agreed to it. Their plan of action is in fact a very strange one. But I would like to present on behalf of my Government a counter plan of action, which, I assume, should have been presented today. First, we should read the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and define and recall the responsibilities of the three States in maintaining international peace and security, rather than threatening it. I happen to have three versions of the Charter, two in English and one in French. Perhaps these three States should read what the Charter actually states. Secondly, these three States must immediately stop supporting the armed terrorist groups that are active in my country. Thirdly, they should put an end to the lies and fabrications being used to justify their aggression against my country. Fourthly, these three States should realize that, after seven years of a terrorist war that was imposed on my country, Syria, a war carried out by these three countries and their agents in the region, their missiles, airplanes and bombs will not weaken our determination to defeat and destroy their terrorists. This will not prevent the Syrian people from deciding their own political future without foreign intervention. I will repeat this for the thousandth time — the Syrian people will not allow any foreign intervention to define our future. I promised yesterday that we will not remain inactive in the face of any aggression, and we have kept our promise. I will explain how we have kept our promise. Allow me now to address those States that remain committed to international law. I would tell them that the Syrian Arab Republic and its many friends and allies are perfectly capable of dealing with the brutal aggression that my country has had to face. But what we are asking the diplomats and ambassadors today who are committed to international legitimacy and the Charter to call on the United States, Britain and France to read the provisions of the United Nations Charter, in particular those pertaining to respect for 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 21/26 the sovereignty of States and to the non-use of force in international relations. Perhaps the Governments of these three countries will realize, if only once, that their role in the Security Council is to maintain international peace and security rather than to undermine it. As I just said, I have three copies of the Charter, and I would ask the Council's secretariat to distribute them to the three delegations so that they might enlighten or awaken themselves from their ignorance and their tyranny. In flagrant violation of the principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, the United States, Britain and France, at 3:55 a.m. on Saturday, 14 April, Damascus time, attacked the Syrian Arab Republic by launching some 110 missiles against Damascus and other Syrian cities and areas. In response to this terrible aggression, the Syrian Arab Republic has exercised its legitimate right in line with Article 51 of the Charter to defend itself, and we have defended ourselves against this evil attack. Syrian air defences were able to intercept a number of rockets launched by the tripartite aggression, while some of them reached the Barzah Centre in — not outside — the capital Damascus. The Centre in that location that includes laboratories and classrooms. Fortunately, the damage was only material. Some of those modern, charming and smart rockets were intercepted, while others targeted a military site near Homs, wounding three civilians. The Governments of these three States prepared for this evil attack by issuing aggressive statements through their senior officials, saying that their only excuse for preventing the advance of the Syrian Arab Army against armed groups was these allegations of the use of chemical weapons. Indeed, in a race against time, the armed terrorist groups did receive instructions from those aggressors to fabricate this charade of the use of chemical weapons in Douma. They found false witnesses and manipulated the alleged crime scene as they did before, which served as the pretext for this scandalous aggression. This can only be explained by the fact that the original aggressors — the United States of America, Britain and France — decided to interfere directly in order to avenge the defeat of their proxies in Ghouta. In fact, those who fabricated the charade of the chemical attack in Ghouta were arrested and admitted on television that it was a fabricated attack. We have a video of that if the presidency wishes to see it. I would like to draw the attention of those who align themselves with the Charter of the United Nations and international legitimacy to the fact that this evil aggression sends another message from those three aggressors to the terrorist groups that they can continue using chemical weapons in the future and committing their terrorist crimes, not against Syrian civilians only but in other countries. There is no doubt about that. In 146 letters we have drawn the Council's attention to the plans of the terrorist groups to use chemical weapons in Syria. There are 146 letters that have been sent to the Council and the Secretariat. Today, some Council members are suddenly reinventing the wheel. The Council knows that this aggression took place just as a fact-finding team from the OPCW was supposed to arrive in Syria at the request of the Syrian Government to examine the allegations of a chemical attack in Douma. Obviously, the main message that these aggressors are sending to the Council and to the world is that they are not actually interested in the Council's mandate and that they do not want a transparent and independent investigation. They are trying to undermine the work of the investigative mission and anticipating the results. They are trying to put pressure on that mission to conceal their lies and fabrications, just as happened six years ago, in 2013, when Mr. Sellström went to Khan Al-Assal from Damascus, as I have explained in a previous statement to the Council. This morning's attack was not just an attack on Syria, as my dear friend, the representative of Bolivia said; rather, it was an attack against the Charter, the Council, international law and 193 members of this Organization. The attempt by Washington, D.C., London and Paris to ensure the failure of the United Nations working groups and fact-finding missions is systematic. While those three States boast of their support for these bodies, behind the closed doors of the Organization they pressure and blackmail them not to carry out the mandates for which they were established. We recall what took place with the investigative missions in Iraq, Libya, Yugoslavia and Africa. No investigative mission can be successful if it is subjected to political blackmailing. It cannot succeed. Of the three aggressors, I say they are liars. They are compulsive liars. They are hypocrites. They are attempting to ensure the failure of any action of the Organization that does not serve their interests. Ever since the Organization was established, they have tried to undermine the efforts of international investigative bodies. They have tried to exploit them. I need only mention Iraq, Yugoslavia, Libya, Syria, and Africa. The aggressors exhausted the Council agendas for decades S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 22/26 18-10891 with their attempts to divert its attention from its role in the maintenance of international peace and security. They used the Council to pursue their aggressive policy of interference and colonialism. Yesterday, in the press of the United States and of the West, the main theme was lying in the context of a campaign that was claiming success, but they know it was a lie. While these three Governments were launching their evil aggression against my country, Syria, and while my country's air defence system was countering the attacks with a great deal of bravery — one hundred missiles were destroyed and did not reach their target — the American Secretary of Defense and the Army Chief of Staff were before the American and international press in an outrageous surrealist scenario. They were not actually able to answer objective questions. Millions of television viewers must have pitied those two men because they were like dunces, repeating phrases without any meaning, and were unable to respond to the legitimate questions of a journalist about their attempts to target chemical weapons facilities and the danger that posed to civilians if the alleged chemical weapons were to spread. They did not respond. They were also unable to respond to a journalist who asked the Secretary of Defense, "You said yesterday that you had no proof that the Syrian Government was responsible for the attack in Douma. What happened in the past few hours? What made you change your mind?" His answer was that he received confirmation from intelligence services. The Syrian Arab Republic condemns in the strongest terms this tripartite attack, which once again shows undeniably that those three countries pay no heed to international legitimacy, even though they repeatedly say they do. Those countries have revealed their belief in the law of the jungle and the law of the most powerful even as they are permanent members of the Security Council, an organ entrusted with maintaining international peace and security and with stopping any aggression, in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Charter. The Syrian Arab Republic is disgusted by the scandalous position of the rulers in Sheikhdom of Qatar, who supported this Western colonial tripartite aggression by allowing planes to take off from the American Al Udeid air base in Qatar. It is not surprising that the little boys of the Sheikhdom of Qatar took that position. They have supported terrorist gangs, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and others, in a variety of ways in order to destabilize Arab countries, including Syria. The Syrian Arab Republic is asking the international community, if it exists — we have heard a new definition of the international community today — and the Security Council to firmly condemn this aggression, which will exacerbate the tensions in the region and which is a threat to international peace and security throughout the world. I call upon those who are committed to international legitimacy to imagine with me the meeting in which the United States National Security Council decided to carry out this attack. I cannot help wondering what was said. "We have no legal basis for attacking Syria. We have no proof that a toxic chemical weapons attack took place in Douma, but let us set that aside. We did not need international legitimacy or any legal argument to conduct military interventions in the past." I am just imagining the discussion that might have taken place among them yesterday. "This military action is necessary for us and for our allies in order to distract public attention in our countries from the scandals involving our own political elite and ensure that the corrupt system in some Gulf States pays the price of such aggression. Most important is how to protect the terrorism that we have sponsored in Syria for years." The President (spoke in Spanish): Members of the Council have before them document S/2018/355, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by the delegation of the Russian Federation. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Russian Federation Against: Côte d'Ivoire, France, Kuwait, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 23/26 Abstaining: Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Peru The President (spoke in Spanish): The draft resolution received 3 votes in favour, 8 against and 4 abstentions. The draft resolution has not been adopted, having failed to obtain the required number of votes. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements after the voting. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): We voted against the draft resolution submitted by the Russian Federation (S/2018/355) because we believe that its language was unbalanced. It was not comprehensive and failed to address all of our concerns about the current situation. At the same time, we agree with the Secretary-General that actions must be consistent with the Charter of the United Nations and with international law in general. In our national statement delivered earlier today, we explained our view on the current situation in Syria and condemned the use of chemical weapons and the many other flagrant violations of international law in Syria. We also underscore the importance of a sustainable political solution. As members of the Security Council, we reiterate that we must unite and exercise our responsibility with regard to the situation in Syria. If there is any encouragement today, it is that it appears that everyone around the table insists on a sustainable political solution as the only way to end the suffering of the Syrian population. We therefore reiterate our full support for the United Nations political process, which must now be urgently reinvigorated, including through strong support for the efforts of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We would like to explain why we abstained in the voting on the draft resolution proposed by Russia (S/2018/355). We abstained not because the text does not contain a great deal of truth — indeed it does — or because it does not adhere to principles to which we should all adhere; it does. We abstained on the grounds of pragmatism. We know that even if it had received nine votes, it would have been vetoed. Therefore it would have had only symbolic value. Nonetheless, that is not unimportant. However, for us, it is critical to defuse tensions and prevent the situation from spiralling out of control. We would like to play a constructive role in that regard. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): Kazakhstan abstained in the voting today on draft resolution S/2018/355 because we believe that all disputes among States should be resolved through peaceful dialogue and constructive negotiations on the basis of equal responsibility for peace and security. As I mentioned in my statement earlier today, we call for all parties to refrain from actions that could aggravate tensions and cause the situation to spiral out of control. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): Our abstention reflects the frustration of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea with regard to the failure to adopt a resolution to establish an attribution and accountability mechanism to identify those responsible for the use of chemical weapons. We reiterate our call for a consensus-based resolution that would establish that mechanism and prevent a repeat of the action we witnessed yesterday. In that regard, we recall that the Swedish initiative was endorsed by the 10 elected members of the Council. We could introduce the required changes into the draft resolution to enable its adoption by consensus, which would allow the mechanism to be established under the auspices of the Secretary-General. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): The draft resolution submitted by Russia (S/2018/355) has just been categorically rejected. The result of the voting sends a clear message that the members of the Council understand the circumstances, reason for and objectives of the military action taken yesterday. The Council understands why such action, which has been acknowledged as proportional and targeted, was required. No one has refuted the fact that the use of chemical weapons cannot be tolerated and must be deterred. That is the key point. It is important that we now look towards the future. As I have just said, the air strikes were necessary and served to uphold international law and our political strategy to end the tragic situation in Syria. It is for that reason that, together with our American and British partners, France will work with all members of the Security Council to submit a draft resolution on the political, chemical and humanitarian aspects of the Syrian conflict with a view to devising a lasting political solution to the conflict. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): The Kingdom of the Netherlands voted against the draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 24/26 18-10891 (S/2018/355) because the text does not provide for the urgent action that the Security Council must take in response to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. It ignores the very essence of the action that must be taken by the Council. It should condemn the use of chemical weapons in Syria, protect its people and hold accountable those responsible. Today's draft resolution does none of the above. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): Kuwait voted against draft resolution S/2018/355. At the time when the State of Kuwait reiterates its adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which prohibits the threat or use of force as a means to settle disputes and requires them to be settled by peaceful means, yesterday's use of force was the result of efforts to disrupt the will of the international community, specifically by hindering the Security Council in its determination to take measures at its disposal to end the ongoing use of internationally prohibited chemical weapons in Syria. That is a flagrant violation of resolution 2118 (2013), which unequivocally expresses the Security Council's intention to act under Chapter VII of the Charter when one party or several parties fail to comply with its provisions or in the case of the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria. The Council must once again show its unity and bear its responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, in accordance with the Charter. It must agree on a new independent, impartial and professional mechanism for investigating any use of chemical weapons, bring those responsible for such crimes to account, and ensure that they do not enjoy impunity. We call for intensified efforts and a return to the political track, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the aim of reaching a peaceful settlement to the crisis based on the first Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and resolution 2254 (2015). Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): China has always opposed the use of force in the context of international relations. We advocate for respecting the sovereignty, independence, unity, and the territorial integrity of all countries. Any unilateral military action bypassing the Security Council runs counter to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, violates the principles of international law and the basic norms governing international relations and, in the present case, will further complicate the Syrian issue. Based on that principled position, China voted in favour of draft resolution S/2018/355, proposed by the Russian Federation. I would like to emphasize here that a political settlement is the only viable pathway to solving the Syrian issue. China urges the parties involved to remain calm, exercise restraint, return to the framework of international law and resolve issues through dialogue and negotiations We support the role of the United Nations as the main channel for mediation, and we will spare no effort to reach a political settlement of the situation in Syria together with the international community. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Today is the day when the Security Council and the world community should raise their voices in the defence of peace, security, the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Every delegation in this Chamber is a sovereign country, and no one should attempt to pressure or dictate to any of us how to interpret international law and the Charter of the United Nations, or how to consult our own consciences. We have never hesitated to vote in accordance with the dictates of international law, the Charter, our conscience and truth. Today's meeting confirms that the United States, Britain and France, all permanent members of the Security Council, continue to plunge world politics and diplomacy into a realm of myths, myths that have been created in Washington, London and Paris. That is dangerous work, representing a kind of diplomacy that traffics in myths, hypocrisy, deceit and counterfeit ideas. Soon we will arrive at the diplomacy of the absurd. These three countries create these myths and try to force everyone to believe in them. We counter their myths with facts and a true picture of what is going on. But they do not want to see or hear. They simply ignore what they are told. They have come up with a legend about Russia as a constant wielder of the Security Council veto whom they purposely provoke into using the veto so as to then present themselves in a favourable light, especially right now. They are distorting international law and replacing its concepts with counterfeits. They are unabashedly hypocritical. They demand an investigation, and before the investigation has even started they name and punish the guilty parties. Why did they not wait for the result of the investigation that they themselves all called for? The Security Council is paralysed because of these countries' persistent deceptions both of us 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 25/26 and the international community. They are not only putting themselves above international law, they are trying to rewrite it. They violate international law and try to convince everyone that their actions are legal. The representative of the United Kingdom gave three reasons justifying the missile strikes based on the concept of humanitarian intervention. They are trying to substitute them for the Charter. That is why we and other countries did not support it then and do not support it now, because we do not want it to become the justification for their crimes. We demand once again that that they halt this aggression immediately and refrain from the illegal use of force in the future. Today we once again showed the whole world how we play our underhanded games. In Soviet times there was a pamphlet entitled Where Does the Threat to Peace Come From? that described Washington and the NATO countries' military preparations. Nothing has changed. The threat to peace comes from exactly the same place. Look at what they say and listen to the war drums that they are beating in Washington today in the guise of hypocritical concern for democracy, human rights and people in general. The five-minute rule in the latest presidential note's rules of procedure (S/2017/507) will not allow me to list them, because the list is too long. I could cite other examples, as for example how the President of France showed interest in a conversation with President Putin in an investigation in Douma and was ready to send French experts there when that idea suddenly disappeared. Because a different algorithm was put forward. That is obvious. Today is a sad day. It is a sad day for the world, the United Nations and its Charter, which has been blatantly violated, and the Security Council, which has shirked its responsibilities. I should like to believe that will not see another day as bad as today. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make another statement in my national capacity. Peru abstained in the voting because we believe that the draft resolution did not adequately reflect the need to guarantee due accountability for the use of chemical weapons throughout Syrian terrority and because its language is imbalanced and would not help to restore the Council's unity, which is critical to addressing the events in Syria in a comprehensive manner. I now resume my functions as President of the Security Council. The representative of the United Kingdom has asked to make another statement. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I think it is obvious why we voted against the draft resolution. We support completely what the French representative laid out about next steps and we will work tirelessly to that objective, along with partners on the Council. The Russian Ambassador referred to myths. These are not our myths. The way forward in the Council has been blocked. The second of our own criteria for taking this action on an exceptional basis must be objectively clear. There is no practicable alternative to the use of force if lives are to be saved. In the 113 meetings of the Council on Syria, I think that has been demonstrated absolutely crystally clear. The United Kingdom believes that it cannot be illegal to prevent the use of force to save lives in such numbers as we have seen in Syria. The reason we took this action — our legal basis — was that of humanitarian intervention. We believe that that is wholly within the principles and purposes of the United Nations. The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the Syrian Arab Republic has ask for the floor to make a new statement. I now give him the floor. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I apologize for requesting the floor once again. The scene that we have just witnessed is quite sad. There are those in the Council who prefer to overlook an enormous elephant that we have spoken of before. The elephant is the direct American military occupation of one-third of my country's territory — a direct American military occupation of one-third of the Syrian Arab Republic territory. However, there are those who speak of minor details which they believe to be pivotal. No, the political scene is far more dangerous than that. We are a State whose sovereignty has been facing a direct military violation by a permanent member of the Council. That is the true scene, and not the allegations and the film prepared by the terrorist organization known as the White Helmets established by British intelligence. We need to focus on the main scene here. Some would claim that they are fighting Da'esh in Syria and Iraq. However they have given air cover to Da'esh. Whenever the Syrian Arab Army makes advances against Da'esh, United States, British and French war planes bombard our military sites. Why? To prevent our decisive victory against that entity. However, they failed S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 26/26 18-10891 and we were able to achieve victory against Da'esh with our brothers in Iraq in three years and not in thirty, as former President Obama predicted. We understand that the capitals of the three countries that launched the aggression against my country are frustrated. Some colleagues who voted against the Russian draft resolution (S/2018/355) claim to support a political settlement. We tell them now, after their shameful vote against the draft resolution, that those who voted against it are no longer partners of the Syrian Government in any political process. The British Ambassador explained things about the Malvinas Islands. That testimony reveals the facts about the imperialistic policies of Britain. I am actually the Rapporteur of the Special Committee on Decolonization (C-24) and I work under the agenda of the United Nations and the Secretary-General. My task and that of my colleagues in the C-24 is to end colonialism throught the world. The Malvinas are on the list of territories that do not enjoy self-governance. We are working in accordance with the United Nations agenda to end the British occupation of the Malvinas. As for my colleague the Ambassador of Kuwait, I remind him — although he and his Government are well aware of it — that when my country participated in the liberation of Kuwait, we did not justify our principled position to the people of Kuwait. Our position was a principled one. We did not need draft resolutions, meetings or any tripartite aggression. We did not look into the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations or undermine our national obligations to our brothers in Kuwait, nor did we join any bloc that was hostile to Kuwait. We fulfilled our national duty towards our brothers in Kuwait. The Ambassador of Kuwait will also recall that my country could have played a different role at the time and could have negatively impacted the peace, safety and security of Kuwait, but we chose not to do so. We acted pursuant to a national principled position that was not subject to negotiation or discussion. The meeting rose at 1.50 p.m.

From July 1915 onwards, leave granted to the front fighters allowed them to spend a few days in the rear. From 6 days in 1915, these leaves increased to 7 days in 1916, then to 10 days in October 1917. Approached from a global perspective, this research seeks to link the social and cultural history of war through the methods of cultural anthropology of social facts, without neglecting the political or military dimensions. The plan followed articulates three levels of analysis, the real, the symbolic and the imaginary, using a very varied corpus of sources. The research is based in particular on the analysis of 200 directories of police station reports in Paris (known as "mains courantes"), which have made it possible to build up a database of some 6,000 pass-holders and 6,000 deserters. Analyses of the social and cultural phenomena linked to permission in the capital use the quantitative study of this abundant source, which provides information on many aspects of the lives of individuals and Parisian neighbourhoods, and is not limited to delinquency. This source thus makes it possible to place the reflection in the perspective of social changes over time. The database has also made it possible to map certain phenomena, such as prostitution, desertion or the relations of soldiers on leave with civilians, women or allied soldiers. Finally, the police reports, which are often consistent, give flesh to an individualised social micro-history.The first part retraces the military, political and administrative construction of the permissions, as well as the logistical stakes of their transport by train, which is also studied from an anthropological perspective. It uses mainly classical military and political sources, but integrates testimonies and representations. The permissions regime set up in 1915 in France was marked throughout the war by permanent improvisation, but evolved and underwent a major reform in October 1916 when the French HQG made permissions a statutory allowance of seven days granted three times a year. Although decisions on permissions were the responsibility of the High Command, citizens and politicians played an important role in successive reforms by putting pressure on the government to grant fairer and longer permissions to men. The ideological stakes of permissions are evident in committees or in debates in the Assembly, in which left-wing MPs give a speech on the rights of republican citizens and the social stakes of recreational leave, which reinforces F. Bock's conclusions on the involvement of parliamentarians in the conduct of the war. At the individual level, the combatants have become involved through demands which show that for them there is a close relationship between the rights and duties of soldiers, and that their sacrifice is not without retribution, if only symbolic. In the context of a dehumanizing industrial war, leave had a great role to play in sustaining combatant morale over the long term. The calamitous management of the permissions in 1915 and 1916 explains the place taken by the permissions in the claims of the mutinees during Spring 1917, whereas they were now more regular and distributed with equity: it is especially as a symbol of the condition of the citizen-soldier and of his rights and duties that they are brandished by some combatants, confirming the study of L.V. Smith on the Vth ID. In this respect, leave is part of the evolution of the relations between the Army, the Republic and the citizens.It should be pointed out here that the theoretical weight of discipline is constantly called into question by the transgressive practices of furloughers, which are particularly evident during train journeys: defying authority, ridiculing employees, travelling first class in disregard of regulations, or seeking to illegally extend their leave.In the long term of the war, furloughs also provided a waiting horizon for a long overdue peace, and played a decisive role in men's ability to endure the war. The cycle of anticipation, experience and recollection of leave thus feeds into family letters or conversations between soldiers, and allows individuals to develop plans, even if the leaves arouse very ambivalent feelings. The second part focuses on the experience of being on leave in the capital, where Parisians rediscover a familiar world, while uprooted and isolated combatants from invaded regions, colonies or allied countries discover a mythical city as tourists. Paris was thus the main centre for furloughs in France, and probably of all the countries at war, receiving about 100,000 men per month, for a cumulative total of about 4 million furloughs between 1915 and 1918. The study conducted is based primarily on a statistical analysis of the directories of the minutes of the Paris police stations. The combatants' stay in the capital reveals the entrenchment of the combatant identity, confirming what is known about the importance of a specific culture born of shared experience, but it also combines with the signs of a lingering civilian identity. While political or working communities have not been studied, the strength of family ties, domestic habits, work gestures or neighbourhood sociability indicate that men are resettling into a familiar daily routine, despite the upheavals caused by the war in Paris. The subject lends itself to an analysis of gender identities through the reunion of couples and the confrontation of male and female communities. Relations between men and women have remained good, mainly thanks to the women in the family, but those of the couples are more tense, due to the suspicion that hangs over the companions. Generally speaking, male-female relations are part of banal practices whose cyclical dimension is mainly reflected in the symbolism surrounding certain gestures or words. The study of leave has also shown that female emancipation is limited, as indicated by women's resistance to the sexual solicitations of those on leave. Finally, the demographic stakes of furloughs can be seen in their impact on nuptiality, but their effects are more modest on the birth rate, which they do not compensate for. The relations of the soldiers on leave with the various components of Parisian society during the war (women, foreigners, allied soldiers) testify to the great credit enjoyed by the soldiers at the rear, even if the importance of theatricalization in Parisian space led them to sometimes violent transgressions of the social order, particularly towards police officers, underlining the redefinition of moral standards while invalidating the thesis of widespread "brutalization", since these practices were part of long-term conscriptive and popular Parisian traditions.The soldiers' stay was also an opportunity to identify the social and cultural circulation between the front and the rear, which contributed to the renewal of the distended links between civilians and combatants between 1914 and 1915. The expression of a need for recognition by the soldiers is coupled with a desire to forget the war, which underlines the complexity of individual reactions to the tension of war. Soldiers on leave sought to become exhilarated and to enjoy the pleasures of Parisian life such as the cinema, café-concert and prostitution, behaviours that contrasted with the puritanical norms of wartime. Permissions take their place here in the movement for the democratisation of leisure and holidays that has been underway since the end of the 19th century and confirm the relevance of drawing a parallel between the world of work and the war from the point of view of combatant mobilization factors. This question was explored in depth through the role of furlough in the mobilization of civilians and combatants. The stay of combatants in the rear presented risks from the point of view of controlling public opinion and the movements of soldiers. However, the complexity of the political and military stakes, particularly in 1917, the conditions for carrying out surveys on the state of mind of the Parisian population, and the weight of rumours during the war, made the study of public opinion delicate. On the other hand, permissions do appear to be one of the ways of desertion during the war, even if police sources do not allow for an exhaustive study of this subject, which is still poorly documented in France. The motivations put forward by the suspects indicate the wide variety of conditions in which men became deserters and it is difficult to say what effect the fear of punishment had on their actions. Police sources also make it possible to trace the modalities of the desertion experience, as well as the social profile of late deserters. The third part is devoted to the representations of furlough and furlough-holders that it confronts with the realities described above, based on the study of the press from the rear and the "newspapers from the front", postcards, novels, plays or songs, and with an emphasis on distinguishing the effects of transmitter and medium on the images produced. The stereotype of the combatant perceptible through the images of permission thus contributes to structuring the gap between civilians and combatants in a Parisian setting that crystallizes ambivalent representations. Indeed, soldiers on leave played an important role in the evolution of the wartime system of social representations by embodying the relationship between the combatant community and the civilian community. The figure of the permissionnaire illustrates the fundamental role of ethics in the identity processes of the First World War and in the construction of a social and cultural field specific to "combatants". The logics of civilian guilt on the one hand, and the need for recognition of combatants on the other, are articulated to give substance to combatant stereotypes. In many cases, the relationship of representation is perverted when the values for which combatants are recognized at the rear differ from those to which they aspire. Numerous, highly stereotypical and enduring, civilian representations carry the myths of heroism and virility attributed to warriors. Those constructed by the combatants are more intermittent and deferred, but their persuasive force is usually greater, due to the weight of the testimony between 1914 and 1918, which is perpetuated after the war, carried by the veterans' speeches. Several systems of representation thus coexist, become contaminated and evolve over the course of the war. In all cases, there is a great contrast between combatant myths and the social practices of the furloughers, particularly in their relations with women. ; A partir de juillet 1915, des permissions accordées aux combattants du front leur permettent de passer quelques jours à l'arrière. D'une durée de 6 jours en 1915, ces congés passent à 7 jours en 1916, puis à 10 jours en octobre 1917. Abordé dans une perspective globale, ce travail cherche à relier l'histoire sociale et l'histoire culturelle de la guerre grâce aux méthodes de l'anthropologie culturelle des faits sociaux, sans négliger les dimensions politiques ou militaires. Le plan suivi articule trois niveaux d'analyse, le réel, le symbolique et l'imaginaire, en utilisant un corpus de sources très varié. Celui-ci s'appuie en particulier sur l'analyse de 200 répertoires de procès-verbaux des commissariats parisiens (connus sous le nom de "mains courantes"), qui ont permis la constitution d'une base de données d'environ 6 000 permissionnaires et 6 000 déserteurs. Les analyses des phénomènes sociaux et culturels liés à la permission dans la capitale utilisent l'étude quantitative de cette source foisonnante, qui renseigne sur de nombreux aspects de la vie des individus et des quartiers parisiens, et ne se limite pas à la délinquance. Cette source permet ainsi d'inscrire la réflexion dans la perspective du temps long des évolutions sociales. La base de données a aussi permis la cartographie de certains phénomènes, comme la prostitution, la désertion ou les relations des permissionnaires avec les civils, les femmes ou les soldats alliés. Enfin, les comptes-rendus de la police, souvent consistants, donnent chair à une micro-histoire sociale individualisée.La première partie retrace la construction militaire, politique et administrative des permissions, ainsi que les enjeux logistiques de leur transport en train, qui est aussi étudié dans une perspective anthropologique. Elle utilise principalement des sources militaires et politiques classiques, mais intègre témoignages et représentations. Le régime des permissions mis en place en 1915 est marqué pendant toute la guerre par une improvisation permanente, mais évolue et connaît une réforme majeure en octobre 1916 lorsque le GQG fait des permissions une allocation réglementaire de sept jours accordée trois fois par an. Bien que les décisions en matière de permissions relèvent du Haut Commandement, les citoyens et les politiques ont joué un rôle important dans les réformes successives en faisant pression sur le gouvernement pour accorder des permissions plus équitables et plus longues aux hommes. Les enjeux idéologiques des permissions sont évidents dans les commissions ou lors des débats à l'Assemblée, au sein desquels les députés de gauche portent un discours sur les droits des citoyens républicains et les enjeux sociaux des congés de détente, qui conforte les conclusions de F. Bock sur la participation des parlementaires à la conduite de la guerre. A l'échelle individuelle, les combattants se sont impliqués par des revendications qui témoignent qu'il y a pour eux une relation étroite entre les droits et les devoirs des soldats, et que leur sacrifice ne va pas sans rétributions, ne seraient-elles que symboliques. Dans le contexte d'une guerre industrielle déshumanisante, les permissions avaient un grand rôle à jouer pour soutenir le moral combattant dans la durée. La gestion calamiteuse des permissions en 1915 et 1916 explique la place prise par les permissions dans les revendications des révoltés du printemps 1917, alors même qu'elles étaient désormais plus régulières et distribuées avec équité : c'est surtout comme symbole de la condition du soldat-citoyen et des droits et des devoirs de celui-ci qu'elles sont brandies par certains combattants, confirmant l'étude de L.V. Smith sur la Vème DI. A ce titre, les permissions s'inscrivent dans l'évolution des relations entre l'Armée, la République et les citoyens.Il faut souligner ici que le poids théorique de la discipline est constamment remis en cause par les pratiques transgressives des permissionnaires, qui sont particulièrement manifestes pendant les trajets en train : défiant l'autorité, tournant en ridicule les employés, voyageant en première classe au mépris des règlements, ou cherchant à prolonger illégalement leur permission.Dans le long terme de la guerre, les permissions ont aussi constitué un horizon d'attente qui s'est substitué à celui d'une paix qui se faisait attendre, et ont joué un rôle décisif dans la capacité des hommes à "tenir". Le cycle de l'anticipation, de l'expérience et de la remémoration des permissions alimente ainsi les lettres familiales ou les conversations entre soldats, et permet aux individus d'élaborer des projets, même si les permissions suscitent des sentiments très ambivalents. La seconde partie s'attache à l'expérience de la permission dans la capitale, où les Parisiens retrouvent un univers familier, tandis que les combattants déracinés et isolés, originaires des régions envahies, des colonies ou des pays alliés, découvrent en touristes une ville mythique. Paris est ainsi le principal centre de permissionnaires en France, et vraisemblablement de tous les pays en guerre, accueillant environ 100 000 hommes par mois, soit un total cumulé d'environ 4 millions de permissionnaires entre 1915 et 1918. L'étude s'appuie ici principalement sur l'analyse statistique des répertoires des procès-verbaux des commissariats parisiens. Le séjour des combattants dans la capitale révèle l'enracinement de l'identité combattante, confirmant ce que l'on sait de l'importance d'une culture spécifique née d'une expérience partagée, mais celle-ci se combine aussi aux signes d'une identité civile rémanente. Si les communautés politiques ou de travail n'ont pas été étudiées, la force des liens familiaux, les habitudes domestiques, les gestes du travail ou la sociabilité de voisinage, indiquent que les hommes se réinstallent dans un quotidien familier, malgré les bouleversements occasionnés par la guerre à Paris. Le sujet se prête à une analyse des identités de genre à travers les retrouvailles des couples et la confrontation des communautés masculines et féminines. Les relations entre hommes et femmes sont restées bonnes, principalement grâce aux femmes de la famille, mais celles des couples sont plus tendues, en raison du soupçon qui pèse sur les compagnes. D'une manière générale, les relations hommes – femmes s'inscrivent dans des pratiques banales dont la dimension conjoncturelle se traduit surtout par la symbolique qui entoure certains gestes ou paroles. L'étude des permissions a aussi permis de montrer que l'émancipation féminine est limitée, comme l'indiquent les résistances des femmes aux sollicitations sexuelles des permissionnaires. Enfin, les enjeux démographiques des permissions se manifestent dans l'incidence de celles-ci sur la nuptialité, mais leurs effets sont plus modestes sur la natalité, dont elles ne permettent pas de compenser la chute. Les relations des permissionnaires avec les différentes composantes de la société parisienne du temps de guerre (femmes, étrangers, militaires alliés) témoignent du grand crédit dont bénéficient les soldats à l'arrière, même si l'importance de la théâtralisation dans l'espace parisien les conduit à des transgressions parfois violentes de l'ordre social, notamment envers les agents de police, soulignant la redéfinition des normes morales tout en infirmant la thèse d'une "brutalisation" généralisée, puisque ces pratiques s'inscrivent dans des traditions conscriptives et des traditions populaires parisiennes de long terme. Le séjour des soldats est aussi l'occasion de repérer les circulations sociales et culturelles entre le front et l'arrière, qui contribuent à renouer entre civils et combattants des liens distendus entre 1914 et 1915. L'expression d'un besoin de reconnaissance par les soldats se double d'une volonté d'oublier la guerre qui souligne la complexité des réactions individuelles à la tension de la guerre. Les permissionnaires cherchent à se griser et à profiter des plaisirs de la vie parisienne comme le cinéma, le café-concert ou la prostitution, des comportements qui contrastent avec les normes puritaines du temps de guerre. Les permissions prennent ici place dans le mouvement de démocratisation des loisirs et des vacances engagé depuis la fin du XIXème siècle et confirment la pertinence d'une mise en parallèle du monde du travail et de la guerre du point de vue des ressorts de la mobilisation combattante. Cette question a été approfondie à travers le rôle de la permission dans la mobilisation des civils et des combattants. Le séjour de combattants à l'arrière présentait des risques du point de vue du contrôle de l'opinion publique et des mouvements des soldats. La complexité des enjeux politiques et militaires, notamment en 1917, les conditions de réalisation des enquêtes sur l'état d'esprit de la population parisienne ou encore le poids des rumeurs pendant la guerre, rendent toutefois l'étude des opinions publiques délicates. En revanche, les permissions apparaissent bien comme une des voies de la désertion pendant la guerre, même si les sources policières ne permettent pas une étude exhaustive de ce sujet, encore peu documenté dans le cas français. Les motivations avancées par les suspects indiquent la grande diversité des conditions dans lesquelles les hommes deviennent déserteurs et il est difficile de se prononcer sur l'effet de la peur de la sanction sur leurs actes. Les sources policières permettent aussi de retracer les modalités de l'expérience de la désertion, ainsi que le profil social des permissionnaires en retard. La troisième partie est consacrée aux représentations de la permission et des permissionnaires qu'elle confronte aux réalités précédemment décrites en se fondant sur l'étude de la presse de l'arrière et des "journaux du front", des cartes postales, des romans, des pièces de théâtre ou des chansons et en s'attachant à distinguer les effets d'émetteur et de support sur les images produites. Le stéréotype du combattant perceptible à travers les images de la permission contribue ainsi à structurer le fossé entre civils et combattants dans un cadre parisien qui cristallise des représentations ambivalentes. En effet, les permissionnaires jouent un rôle important dans l'évolution du système de représentations sociales du temps de guerre en incarnant les relations de la communauté combattante à la communauté civile. La figure du permissionnaire illustre le rôle fondamental de l'éthique dans les processus identitaires de la Première Guerre mondiale et dans la construction d'un champ social et culturel propre aux "combattants". Les logiques de la culpabilité des civils d'une part, et du besoin reconnaissance des combattants, d'autre part, s'articulent pour donner corps aux stéréotypes combattants. Dans bien des cas, la relation de représentation est pervertie quand les valeurs pour lesquelles les combattants sont reconnus à l'arrière diffèrent de celles auxquelles ils aspirent. Nombreuses, très stéréotypées et durables, les représentations civiles drainent avec elles tout le poids des mythes de l'héroïsme et de la virilité attribués aux guerriers. Celles construites par les combattants sont davantage intermittentes et différées, mais leur force de persuasion est a priori plus grande, en raison du poids du témoignage entre 1914 et 1918, qui se perpétue après guerre, porté par les discours anciens combattants. Plusieurs systèmes de représentations coexistent donc, se contaminent et évoluent au fil de la guerre. Dans tous les cas, on relève un grand contraste entre les mythes combattants et les pratiques sociales des permissionnaires, en particulier dans leurs relations avec les femmes.