Suchergebnisse

Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la "teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el "Nunca Más", suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el "Nunca Más" no suscribe la "teoría de los dos demonios" sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del "Nunca Más" presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la "teoría de los dos demonios". Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del "Nunca Más" coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial. Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín's administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín's presidency (1983 – 1989), "the theory of the two demons" is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- "Nunca Más" (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, "Nunca Más" does not subscribe to the "theory of the two demons" but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín's documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the "Nunca Más" prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP's president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to "the theory of the two demons". We conclude that even though Alfonsín's proposal and the original "Nunca Más" prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism.

В статье рассматривается развитие советско-японских туристических связей в 1920-1930-е гг. Выявляется, что туристические поездки в Японию совершали как обычные путешественники, так и представители интеллигенции Советского государства. Японских туристов того периода можно разделить на две группы: первую составляли люди, интересовавшиеся русской культурой и целенаправленно посещавшие СССР, вторую проезжающие транзитом. Поездки представителей художественной и научной интеллигенции рассматриваются как культурный туризм, который позволял путешественникам знакомиться со своеобразием японской и русской культуры. Опираясь на архивные документы и материалы периодической печати, автор раскрывает влияние художественной интеллигенции СССР и Японии на развитие музыкальной, театральной, танцевальной культуры обеих стран. Анализируются деятельность туристических компаний Японии («Джапан турист бюро», агентство КУК в г. Кобе) и работа представительства ВАО «Интурист» в Токио. Автор полагает, что туристические связи способствовали формированию толерантности и этнорелятивизма у определённой части японского и советского общества. В работе выделяются факторы, сдерживавшие развитие туристических контактов и препятствовавшие сближению народов: неудовлетворительное обслуживание туристов в Советском государстве, негативная реакция правых сил Японии на поездки в СССР, языковой барьер, политический сыск в Стране восходящего солнца. Туристические контакты двух государств, активизировавшись в 1920-е гг., развивались до середины 1930-х гг. Однако во второй половине 1930-х гг. их интенсивность начала резко снижаться из-за напряжённых отношений между странами и пограничных конфликтов. Автор приходит к выводу, что положительным результатом туристических контактов было формирование образа «чужой» культуры в сознании представителей интеллигенции, которые стали культурным «мостом», связавшим СССР и Японию. ; The article analyses the development of Soviet-Japanese tourist relations in the 1920s-1930s. It was revealed that ordinary travellers as well as intellectuals of the Soviet Union made tourist trips to Japan. Japanese tourists of that period can be divided into two groups: the first one consisted of people who were interested in Russian culture and visited the Soviet Union purposefully; the second one consisted of transit tourists. The trips of the artistic and scientific intellectuals are viewed as cultural tourism which allowed travellers to get acquainted with cultural identity of Japanese and Russian cultures. Basing on archive documents and materials of periodical press, the author demonstrates the influence of the artistic intelligentsia of the USSR and Japan on musical, theatrical, dancing evolution of the countries. The research studies the activity of the travel companies of Japan ("Japan Tourist Bureau", the agencies in Kobe), the work of the representative office "Intourist" in Tokyo. The author assumes that tourist relations of the countries promoted tolerance and ethnic relativism in a certain group of Japanese and Soviet society. The paper describes the factors which restrained the development of tourist contacts of both countries and prevented rapprochement between people: unsatisfactory service of tourists in the Soviet Union, negative reactions of the right-wing forces of Japan on the trips to the USSR, a language barrier, political investigation in the land of the rising sun. The author mentions that tourist contacts of two countries became more active in the 1920s and developed until the middle 1930s. But in the latter half of the 1930s, their intensity plunged as a result of strained relations between the countries and boundary disputes. The author concludes that a positive result of tourist contacts was achieved due to image-building of the "foreign" culture in perception of the intellectuals who became a cultural "bridge" and united the USSR and Japan.

Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Maestría en Derecho ; From the decade of the 90s, the problem of security in Mexico has evolved and the crime rate has increased. Criminal organizations most frequently used violence and challenge the institutions of security and justice. A reference institution in the administration of justice in Mexico is the Attorney General's Office, which is responsible for the investigation of crimes, among other things, on the federal level and is attached to the Executive Branch, as provided in Article 102 of the Constitution. What was seen as an advantage of being in dependence on that power, now you have a situation contrary to be an institution which is designated to be used for political purposes and not to respond to the needs of society. Today we are in full transition from an Attorney General's Office with dependence executive to Prosecutor General's Office with autonomy, so it is important to analyze both situations to determine whether reform that creates the prosecution actually allows you be autonomous and able to remove the Executive Power held by the institution or one that makes it dependent on other powers. The autonomy of such an important institution as it is to seek justice cannot be trapped in the game of power, citizens urged them exists a state of real and effective right to be reflected in everyday life in Mexico. The proposal made in this thesis aims to bring the issue to achieve, through a balanced participation of the three branches, empower the law enforcement institution in our country. ; A partir de la década de los años 90, el problema de seguridad en México ha evolucionado y el índice de delitos se ha incrementado. Las organizaciones criminales utilizan con mayor frecuencia la violencia y desafían a las instituciones de seguridad y justicia. Una institución referente en la procuración de justicia en México es la Procuraduría General de la República, que tiene a su cargo la investigación de los delitos, entre otras funciones, en el ámbito federal y se encuentra adscrita en el Poder Ejecutivo, según lo dispone el artículo 102 vigente de la Carta Magna. Aquello que se veía como una ventaja de estar en dependencia de ese poder, hoy día tiene una situación contraria al ser una institución que es señalada de ser utilizada para fines políticos y por no responder a las necesidades de la sociedad. Hoy día nos encontramos en plena transición de una Procuraduría General de la República con dependencia del Poder Ejecutivo a una Fiscalía General de la República con autonomía, por lo que es relevante analizar ambas situaciones para determinar si la reforma que crea la fiscalía en realidad le permite ser autónoma y logra que el Poder Ejecutivo saque las manos de esa institución o solo la hace dependiente de ese y otros poderes. La autonomía de una institución tan importante como lo es la de procurar justicia no puede quedar entrampada en el juego de poder, a los ciudadanos les urge que en México exista un estado de derecho real y efectivo que se refleje en la vida diaria. La propuesta que se hace en la presente tesis pretende aportar al tema para lograr, mediante una participación equilibrada de los tres poderes, dar autonomía a la institución de procuración de justicia en nuestro país.

Este artigo tem como problema central o fenômeno das Empresas Militares e de Segurança Privada e seu papel no uso da força. O objetivo é analisar os processos de regulação para controlar este setor que floresceu a partir da década de 1990. Analisar-se-ão duas propostas negociadas internacionalmente: o "Projeto de Convenção" do Grupo de Trabalho sobre Mercenários das Nações Unidas que configura uma opção pelo controle tradicional através de tratado multilateral; e o "Documento de Montreux", projeto de iniciativa suíça que congrega Estados e integrantes do setor privado para a criação de um Código Internacional de Conduta. A hipótese do artigo aponta que países exportadores de serviços de segurança, notadamente Estados Unidos e Reino Unido, favorecem uma saída de regulação pró-mercado que beneficia a iniciativa privada. Ao apoiar a iniciativa suíça, os Estados exportadores conduzem o debate e indicam que estas empresas não serão desmobilizadas, senão que este mercado crescerá nas próximas décadas apesar das preocupações sobre os efeitos da alienação do monopólio estatal do uso da força e suas conseqüências sobre os direitos humanos e accountability democrático. Para conduzir a análise, proceder-se-á uma observação detalhada dos principais documentos que formam a constelação de propostas de regulação, assim como notas sobre os processos decisórios através dos quais estes marcos foram elaborados e votados. Será possível apreciar como o tema da regulação das EMSPs não é somente um problema de natureza técnica ou jurídica, e sim um debate político onde prevalecem interesses econômicos e estratégicos que dominam a segurança internacional contemporânea.Palavras-Chave: Empresas Militares e de Segurança Privada; Mercenários; Segurança Internacional. Abstract: This article faces the problem of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and their role in the use of force. The objective is to analyze the regulation projects that aim to control this sector that has flourished since 1990. Here, two main international proposals will be analyzed: the United Nations' Project sponsored by the Working Group on the use of Mercenaries, an option that emphasizes control through a conventional multilateral treaty; and the "Montreaux Document" originated from the Swiss Initiative and that congregates States and private sector in order to create an International Code of Conduct. The hypothesis of this article points that countries that are major exporters of security services, notably the United States and United Kingdom, prefer the Montreaux option and its pro-market character. By sponsoring the Swiss initiative, the exporting states lead the debate and indicate that these companies will not be demobilized and the market will grow in the coming decades, despite concerns about the effects of these companies on the state monopoly on violence and on human rights and democratic accountability. To achieve these objectives, we will conduct a detailed observation of the key documents that form the constellation of regulatory proposals, as well some notes about the decision-making processes by which these projects were drafted and voted. By doing this, it will be possible to understand how the issue of regulation of PMSCs is not only a problem of technical or legal nature, but a political debate where economic and strategic interests related to international security become visible. Keywords: Private Military and Security Companies; Mercenaries; International Security.DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n2p273-299

Vivimos en una realidad compleja, multidimensional y cambiante, donde el cumplimiento de los derechos de las personas es incompleto. Genera consecuencias indeseables entre las que destaca la inequidad en el acceso a la salud. Dispuestos a intervenir en tal problemática, se hace necesario comenzar por un análisis que incluya el respeto por las diferencias y considere de manera sustantiva la construcción intercultural e interdisciplinar. A nivel universal, las políticas sociales y económicas han generado una sociedad fragmentada. En el área de la salud, se asocia la inequidad referida a la oportunidad para acceder a la atención de la salud y ofrecer a todos condiciones similares ante la posibilidad de enfermar, sufrir discapacidades o morir. La desigual distribución del poder y del saber, se traduce en dificultades que enfrentan algunos grupos sociales para acceder a la información acerca de la salud propia y de la comunidad, tomar decisiones y actuar en consecuencia. Para postular una salud paratodos de calidad cabe sostener una mirada desde el paradigma de la complejidad. Esto exige reformular los postulados y desarrollos capitalistas, con su consecuente jerarquización de poder desde la estrategia de la Atención Primaria. Plantear cambios de paradigmas sanitarios sin contemplar cuestiones como "equidad" y "accesibilidad", es imposible. La población general debe co-construir con los agentes en salud un sistema de salud más integral y real, no por ello utópico. Esto posibilitará a los trabajadores de la salud (salud mental en la cola del tren) brindar un servicio asistencial (diferente del asistencialismo) donde los receptores, los que requieran atención, de la mano de los encargados de desempeñar la labor sean quienes marquen el rumbo. ; We live in a complex, multidimensional and changing reality, where there prevails the complete fulfillment of the rights of persons, with the consequences that this entails in various areas. One is the unequal access to health. If what we propose is to intervene in this problem, we need to start with an analysis in which prime the perspective of intercultural and interdisciplinary construction, emphasizing on respect for differences. At an universal level, social and political policies have generated a fragmented society. In the area of health inequity is associated with the opportunity of access to health attention and to be able to offer to all, similar conditions in front of the possibility of sickness, suffering, disability or death. The unequal distribution of power and knowledge is translated into difficulties into which some social groups are faced with, to access the information about personal and community health, to make decisions and to act in consequence. To postulate "health for all" demands a higher and complex look. This requires rebuilding developments and postulates of capitalism with its inevitable categorization of power from Primary Care strategy. To offer sanitary changes without contemplating factors like equity and accessibility is impossible. The general population must co-build a health system wholesome but not utopic in conjunction with health personnel. This will allow health workers (mental health in the train queue) to offer services where the patients, those requiring attention, will lead the change hand in hand with those in charge of their care. ; Facultad de Psicología

The main objective of this work is to study the legislative changes that has experienced domestic violence in our Spanish legal system from the point of forensic view. Forensic medicine and forensic medicine should play a leading role in the study of gender violence and be present in the social debate about a problem that has transcended the technical and professional level to be at the heart of citizens' concerns and political agenda, circumstances that should lead to understand their special characteristics, especially its close relationship with cultural factors that have allowed its historic presence through justification and led to understand as normal within relationships. We must find the reasons that hinder the understanding of this issue and confuse gender violence with other violence that end in the same result or share the stage, the role of forensic medicine and forensic medicine is key, and therefore have Forensic strengthened Integral Value Units. In the attention to women in situations of domestic violence, health professionals must have always present the ethical principles of action and the rights that women have as patients.The specific situation of abuse and the vulnerability of women in these relationships characteristics as well as their children, need to pay special attention to these aspects.One of the most difficult situations and conflicts to which health professionals arising from the collision of legal obligations and ethical principles that govern the actions of health workers face. ; El objetivo fundamental de este trabajo es realizar un estudio de los cambios legislativos que ha ido experimentando la violencia de género en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico español desde el punto de vista médico-legal. La medicina forense y la medicina legal deben ocupar un papel protagonista en el estudio de la violencia de género y estar presentes en el debate social de un problema que ha trascendido el ámbito técnico y profesional para situarse en el centro de las preocupaciones ciudadanas y de la agenda política, circunstancias que deberían llevar a entender sus especiales características, sobre todo su estrecha relación con los factores culturales que han permitido su presencia histórica a través de la justificación y han llevado a entenderla como algo normal dentro de las relaciones de pareja. Hay que buscar las razones que dificultan el conocimiento de este problema y confunden la violencia de género con otro tipo de violencias que terminan en el mismo resultado o comparten escenario, el papel de la medicina forense y la medicina legal es clave, y por ello han de reforzarse las Unidades Forenses de Valoración Integral. En la atención a las mujeres en situaciones de violencia de género, los profesionales sanitarios debemos tener siempre presentes los principios éticos de actuación y los derechos que las mujeres tienen como pacientes. Las características específicas de la situación de maltrato y la vulnerabilidad de las mujeres que viven en estas relaciones, así como de sus hijas e hijos, requieren poner especial atención en estos aspectos. Una de las situaciones de mayor dificultad y conflicto a la que se enfrentan los profesionales sanitarios derivan de la colisión de las obligaciones legales y los principios éticos que rigen las actuaciones del personal sanitario.

Design History: Culture and Contexts Design in it's widest definition, cannot exist within it's own paradigm. There are many thing that effect design. However, design influences and is influenced by other creative disciplines and within wider culture. Historical, societal and political events have an effect on design and vice versa. This visual timeline covers the periods of Modernism to Postmodernism and various design styles and influences contained with in each era and shows how interactions of style and influences relate to each other. This poster is a visual representation of major design milestones of the 20th and early part of the 21st century and identifies key design practitioners active and influential in each decade. It identifies the multidisciplinary nature of design and highlights major design disciples including: Vehicle Design; Architecture; Product & Industrial Design and Visual Communication & Graphic Design. This is a infographic charts design's relationship with culture and history. Literature from national and international sources were investigated in order to develop a multi-disciplinary approach in identify key moments in design history and how this relates to current world and national historical events, and events within poplar culture. These influences are mapped against key design artefacts of the period and how colour is utilised within each decade. The time line looks at design in both an international and and Irish context and charts key design moments from the foundation of the state right up to the Year of Irish Design (ID 2015). Once visualised, patterns themes and influences can be identified. Notably, from an international view, the Influence of Dieter Rams' work on Jonathan Ive and how in Ireland, government reports on the design sector had lead to representation and action within industry. The example here of Scandinavian report in 1962 which led to the foundation of Kilkenny Design Workshop in 1963 and Enterprise Ireland's Opportunities in Design in 1999 led to Design Ireland being founded a year later. With 2015 being designated as Year of Irish Design, it begs the question, what will it's lasting legacy be? This poster visualises how design is constantly evolving, and how the different design disciplines are responding to the environment in which is lives and is part of. Here we see the visual representation of the link between design history, it's culture and contexts. Finish size 594mm X 3000mm approx. Bibliography and Sources: Design Museum (2009) Fifty Cars that Changed the World Pub. Conran Eiseman, L. and Recker, K. (2011) Pantone: The Twentieth Century in Color Pub. Chronicle Books Fiell, C. (2013) 1000 Chairs Hardcover Pub. Taschen King, L. & Sissons, E. (2011) Ireland, Design and Visual Culture: Negotiating Modernity 1922-1922 Pub. Cork University Press Meggs, P.B., and Purvis, A. (2001) Meggs' History of Graphic Design Pub. John Wiley & Sons Pivot Dublin (2010) Pivot Dublin: World Design Capital Bid Pub. Dublin City Council Read, H. and Stangos, N. (1994) Dictionary of Art and Artists Pub. Thames & Hudson Toscani, O. (2000) 1000 Objects Pub. Taschen Websites: http://www.autoblog.com/photos/historys-10-bestselling-cars-of-all-time http://www.popularmechanics.com/cars/g93/the-100-hottest-cars-of-all-time http://www.creativebloq.com/architecture/famous-buildings-around-world-10121105 http://www.greatbuildings.com/greatest_hits.html http://www.militaryarchives.ie

Сегодня во многих странах мира существуют государственные программы, ориентированные на кибернетизацию и автоматизацию управленческих процессов, которые в свою очередь касаются вопросов разработки и внедрения электронного правительства. С началом нового тысячелетия и с переходом от индустриального к постиндустриальному обществу с превалирующей сферой услуг и компьютерных технологий работа всех государственных структур начала предусматривать автоматизированную поддержку. Концепция e-government приобрела огромную популярность, а ее продвижение стало основным приоритетом развитых государств. Понятие «Электронное правительство» в современном научном сообществе трактуется неоднозначно. Учитывая специфику происхождения данного термина от английского «e-government», что дословно означает «электронное государство», мы подразумеваем организацию управления всего государства при помощи информатизации управленческих процессов, электронных ресурсов и технических средств. В современном английском языке, например, в международно-правовых документах, в частности в решениях Европейского Суда по правам человека, термин «goverment» применяется для обозначения государства как политического института в целом, представленного тремя ветвями власти, а не только центральным органом исполнительной власти (правительством). При тесном контакте государства и гражданина, коммерческого предпринимательского сектора, некоммерческих организаций, международных концернов и холдингов система поддержки государственных услуг по средствам удаленного доступа стала наиболее актуальна. В России аналоговая система начала внедряться еще в восьмидесятые годы двадцатого века, но основной пик работы по информатизации управленческих процессов государственных органов власти пришелся только на 2008 г. Основная цель исследования проанализировать основные этапы становления системы электронного государства в СССР и Российской Федерации в хронологическом порядке с момента возникновения первичной идеи и заканчивая текущим состоянием. ; Today in many countries of the world there are state programs focused on the cybernation and automation of administrative processes which in turn concern questions of development and deployment of the electronic government. From the beginning of the new millennium and with transition from industrial to post-industrial society with the prevailing services sector and computer technologies work of all government institutions started providing the automated support. The concept of e-government gained huge popularity, and its advance became the main priority of the developed states. The concept «Electronic Government» of modern scientific community is ambiguously. Considering specifics of an origin of this term from English «e-government» that literally means «the electronic state», the author mean the organization of management of all state by means of information support of administrative processes, electronic resources and technical means. In modern English, for example, in international legal documents, in particular in decisions of the European Court of Human Rights, the term «government» is necessary to designation of the state as the political institute in general presented by three branches of the power, and not just the central executive authority (government). At close contact of the state and the citizen, the commercial business sector, non-profit organizations, international concerns and holdings the system of support of the state services in means of remote access became most actual. In Russia the analog system started taking root still in the 1980s of the twentieth century, but the main peak of work on information support of administrative processes of government bodies of the power fell only on 2008. The main objective of research is to analyze the main stages of formation of system of the electronic state in the USSR and the Russian Federation in a chronological order from the moment of emergence of primary idea and finishing with current state.

В статье рассмотрены проблемы регулирования экономических отношений различными отраслями законодательной системы в соответствии с их классификацией. Проанализированы выходные юридические положения каждой систематизационной законодательной системы как комплекса источников экономического права о специфике регулирования экономических отношений. С помощью системного анализа установлено, что каждый отраслевой бизнес-комплекс является единым законодательным механизмом со своей специфической классификацией экономических отношений в данной отрасли ; Ensuring legal regulation of social and economic relations is very topical issue not only current socio-economic, but also social and political life of the state. This is due to qualitatively new phenomena, structural changes in the economy of Ukraine and its development towards the formation in Ukraine a socially oriented market economy and points to the need to study the role of law in regulating economic relations. An important achievement in the analysis of the nature of economic relations, the need for legal support for the implementation of these relations and the role of globalization and integration processes on sources of economic law have made outstanding scientists, business executives such as: V. K. Mamutov, O. M. Vinnyk, D. V. Zadyhaylo,G. L. Znamenskii. Also involved in the analysis of science P. G. Skrypnyck, V. A. Ystimenko and more. But these scientists have not paid sufficient attention is systemic view on forming nature of economic relations and developing strategies to ensure the formation of modern legal relations of the economic system according to the specific nature of the system is economic relations. The article is an analysis of the content of legislative activity in the area of economic rights of different approaches to regulation in Ukraine and foreign countries The regulation of economic relations in a market economy is through the various branches of law and related sources which precisely recognize the specific legal nature and respective relationships. Initial legal provisions separately each set of economic relations as functional for its intended use, and with the industry at the micro and macro levels need to ensure both public interests and private interests. Therefore, individually sectoral business complex is the only legal mechanism with its specific classification of economic relations in accordance with the industry. The structure, a complex nature, different functional orientation of economic relations, as well as providing private and national interests in them, require comprehensive systematic legal terms for their functioning. Developing a single economic globalization policies on the establishment, operation and is systematizing economic and legal sources into a single legal chain, as well as establishing uniform criteria and levels of display on private and public interests, ensure balanced development on all economic industrial complexes both national and international. The issue of economic relations lies in the dynamics of integration processes in both its functional complexes, and in the industry, making it impossible to fully regulate relations only with legislative support, but also other legal regulators legal customs, international treaties, economic and legal doctrine at all. The complexity of the implementation of substantive regulation of certain economic relations branch-only approach caused legal integration processes in the law and the emergence of new inter-industry legal systems, in this context it should be noted that the systematization sources regulating economic relations should unite relevant economic, agricultural, financial, labor, security and social institutions is through this process as unification

Проведен анализ факторов, обусловливающих возникновение и эскалацию вооруженного конфликта в Украине. Раскрыта сущность международных организаций безопасности. Исследована деятельность Организации Объединенных Наций и Организации по безопасности и сотрудничеству в Европе по урегулированию внутреннего вооруженного конфликта в Донецкой и Луганской областях. Разработаны предложения по улучшению деятельности этих международных организаций ; Armed conflict in the Donetsk and Lugansk regions led to significant losses as personnel of military units and special law enforcement agencies of Ukraine and civilian casualties Ukraine. Under these conditions, according to most politicians and political scientists to modern standards of international law crisis management in Ukraine is possible only through the mediation of international organizations. International organizations have a tool for early detection, warning and conflict prevention and crisis management and post-conflict rehabilitation, they are engaged in a wide range of security issues, including arms control, preventive diplomacy, confidence-building measures, human rights, monitoring elections, economic and environmental security and so on. In the literature of recent years certain issues affecting the regulatory and legal framework of international organizations in the field of security. However, scientific research towards the place and role of international organizations in resolving the internal armed conflict in research paid insufficient attention. The article is to examine the nature of international security organizations, evaluating the effectiveness of their work to resolve the situation in the Donetsk and Lugansk regions and providing relevant proposals. The primary place in the order of settlement of the armed conflict in the South East Ukraine has a key intergovernmental international organizations dealing with peace and security in the world the United Nations (UN) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The new National Security Strategy of Ukraine of 05.06.2015 p. Indicated that the aggression of Russia against Ukraine increased the urgency of reforming the Security Council. As part of the UN General Assembly will focus the government of Ukraine will support such initiatives to reform the UN Security Council, which will provide an adequate response to its violations of international law, even if the offender is a permanent member of this body. The main role in resolving the armed conflict currently owned OSCE. The feature is the presence of its field operations acting directly in some participating States, upon request and provide necessary assistance. Decisions in the OSCE adopt by consensus. Currently, there is a problem in meeting the personal safety of observers. The forces of law and order are the following main objectives: personal safety SMM OSCE during their surveillance in the territory controlled by Ukraine; support the SMM OSCE in the demilitarized zone with the ability to provide shelter in special equipment and engineering facilities in the alleged attacks; property protection equipment and CMM OSCE in their locations of the territory controlled by Ukraine. The only security support among international organizations in the settlement of the armed conflict in the South East of Ukraine (except for economic sanctions against the "aggressor country") is an unarmed civilian OSCE SMM. OSCE needs serious reform, the creation of a new model of its operation, which takes into account the new situation in Europe, the dramatic changes the security environment, the emergence of new challenges and threats. Areas for further scientific studies will be used to research legal and organizational-tactical bases of improvement of international organizations in resolving the armed conflict.

Деятельность блока стран БРИКС (англ. BRICS сокращение от Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa группа из пяти стран: Бразилия, Россия, Индия, Китай, Южно-Африканская Республика) свидетельствует о значительных успехах этой организации в качестве института межгосударственного сотрудничества, который затрагивает все более широкий круг проблем как в рамках «G20», члены которого выступают от имени всех развивающихся стран, так и в отдельном формате. В целом, необходимо отметить, что такой успех можно объяснить неспособностью действующих международных институтов обеспечить развивающимся государствам паритетное положение и, следовательно, ответить на новые вызовы в финансовой и прочих сферах, возникающие еще с 2008 года. БРИКС это многосторонний институт, который в своем развитии опирается на следующие параметры: степень участия, повестка дня, членство и интенсивность сотрудничества. Степень эффективности саммитов БРИКС демонстрирует устойчивый рост по многим показателям глобального управления. К основным причинам роста эффективности БРИКС необходимо отнести неспособность организаций, возникших в 1940-х гг., Хайлигендаммского процесса на полях саммита «G8» и первых саммитов «G20» предоставить ведущим развивающимся государствам равные права, которые будут соответствовать их растущим возможностям и возрастающей степени открытости, необходимые для ответа на новые вызовы современного мира. Другой, не менее важной причиной является углубляющаяся институционализация БРИКС в качестве блока государств, ограниченного определенным кругом участников, в котором рациональные устремления к сотрудничеству постепенно модифицировались в личные связи между членами объединения. Таким образом, можно наблюдать преобразование данной организации в серьезный экономический и политический союз, который представляет совершенно иную модель глобальных отношений. ; Activity of the block of the countries of BRICS (BRICS reduction from Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa group of five countries: Brazil, Russia, India, China, the Southern African Republic) testifies to considerable progress of this organization as institute of interstate cooperation which mentions more and more wide range of problems as within «G20» which members act on behalf of all developing countries, and in a separate format. In general, the author noted that inability of the operating international institutes to provide to the developing states parity situation and, therefore, to answer new calls in financial and other spheres, arising since 2008 can explain such success. BRICS is a multilateral institute which in the development relies on the following parameters: extent of participation, agenda, membership and intensity of cooperation. Degree of efficiency of the BRICS Summits shows steady growth according to many indicators of global management. It is necessary to refer inability of the organizations which arose in the 1940s to the main reasons for growth of efficiency of BRICS of Hayligendammsky process on the sidelines of the summit of «G8» and the first summits of «G20» to grant to the leading developing states the equal rights which will correspond to their growing opportunities and the increasing openness degree necessary for the answer to new calls of the modern world. The going deep institutionalization of BRICS as the block of the states limited to a certain circle of participants in which rational aspirations to cooperation gradually were modified in a personal contact between members of association is other not less important reason. Thus, it is possible to observe transformation of this organization to the serious economic and political union which represents absolutely other model of the global relations.

Мнение историков искусства относительно картин из среднеазиатской серии (Туркестанский цикл) русского живописца и литератора В. В. Верещагина (1842-1904) сильно разнятся. Так, в советском искусствознании за Верещагиным закрепилась репутация прогрессивного художника-антимилитариста. В последние годы стало модно рассматривать Туркестанский цикл в рамках ориенталистского дискурса, где Верещагин предстает в образе художника, находившегося в авангарде имперской пропаганды. Видится целесообразным выяснить, как же современники Верещагина отозвались на первые выставки работ туркестанской серии. Это поможет взглянуть на творчество живописца с разных точек зрения и понять историческую обоснованность каждой из них. Проанализировав отзывы прессы на две первые российские выставки Туркестанского цикла, можно заключить, что самые яростные критики художника сотрудничали с изданиями правоконсервативного толка («Русский мир», «Московские ведомости», «Современные известия»). Это факт, заставляющий усомниться в том, что данные работы Верещагина были восприняты как часть государственного (кауфмановского) проекта представления Туркестана и истории его завоевания. Отчасти можно согласиться и с приверженцами трактовки Туркестанского цикла в рамках постколониального дискурса. То, что Верещагин впервые посетил Среднюю Азию в качестве художника, состоявшего при генерал-губернаторе края, его участие в Туркестанской выставке 1869 г. и характер большинства работ, представленных на ней, может свидетельствовать о том, что изначально действительно планировалось сделать произведения Верещагина частью государственного проекта репрезентации среднеазиатских владений империи. Анализ публикаций, сопровождавших первые выставки туркестанских работ Верещагина, не только вводит в научный оборот неизвестные или малоизвестные публикации художественных критиков второй половины XIX в., но и позволяет лучше понять исторический контекст, в котором был создан Туркестанский цикл, наметить его взаимосвязи с течениями политической и общественной мысли России того периода. ; Vasily Vereshchagin visited Turkestan twice in 1867 and then in 1869. His first visit to Turkestan was on special commission from the Governor General of Russian Turkestan Konstantin Kaufman. Vereshchagin's well-known Turkestan series is based on images created during these trips. There is no single opinion about how to interpret this cycle among art historians. On the one hand, in Soviet times Vereshchagin's reputation was that of a progressive artist and a pacifist. On the other, contemporary scholars prefer to locate the Turkestan series within the Orientalist discourse, and the artist himself, in the vanguard of imperialist propaganda. In order to re-examine the works of the painter from multiple perspectives, it is thus important to understand how Vereshchagin's contemporaries responded to the first exhibitions of his Turkestan series. Our analysis of media responses to the first two of such exhibitions has shown that Vereshchagin's main opponents published their articles in right-wing papers (The "Russkiy Mir", "Moskovskie Vedomosti", "Sovremennye Izvestiia" ). It is thus highly doubtful that the Turkestan cycle was perceived as part of the official colonial project. Nevertheless, the postcolonial interpretation of the cycle does have a reason. Vereshchagin's commission from the Governor General, his participation in the Turkestan Exhibition of 1869, as well as the paintings he exhibited there all of these factors leave some ground for speculating that his works could have been planned to form a part of Kaufman's project for Central Asia as part of the empire. We can conclude that the analysis of the publications discussing Vereshchagin's first exhibitions of the Turkestan series both puts little-known works of art criticism in the limelight and helps us understand the historical context of the series and locate it within Russia's political and social thought of the time.

В статье представлена философско-аналитическая позиция А.С. Панарина по те трем ключевым вопросам: 1) о причинах и факторах, которые привели к распаду страны (в этой связи Панарин ставит нетривиальный вопрос о том, кто же потерпел поражение в холодной войне СССР или Россия?); 2) об изоляции России от окружающего мира или, как определяет это феномен Панарин, её глобальное одиночество (здесь Панарин излагает свою оценку отношений России с «сообществом цивилизованных государств», прежде всего в контексте современного ему этапа строительства Европейского дома); 3) о качествах правящей элиты, её интересах и намерениях. Статья представляет собой несколько сокращенный текст одного из последних публичных выступлений Панарина доклада, прочитанного преподавателям и студентам Государственной академии славянской культуры, научного и образовательного центра, в создании которого Панарин принимал самое деятельное участие. Текст подготовлен к печати В.Н. Расторгуевым по стенограмме. ; Electronic Scientific Almanac Space and Time presents Alexander Panarin's article devoted to estimating contemporary political situation around Russia. This is text of one of the latest Panarin's lecture at State Academy of Slavic Culture (this scientific and educational center was established through Panarin's active involvement). In his speech (and in this article respectively), Panarin raises three key problems of understanding the current geopolitical moment and analyzed them based on his civilizational paradigm. The first key problem is causes and factors that led to the disintegration of Soviet Union. In this respect, Panarin asks nontrivial question: who lost in the Cold War, the USSR or Russia? Answering his own question, Panarin criticizes an idea of democracy's victory in its 'uncompromising battle against totalitarianism' (under this approach, communism is one of the most dangerous forms of totalitarianism). The second key theme is the isolation of Russia from the outside world, or as Panarin defines this phenomenon, Russia's global loneliness (this theme run like a golden thread through the last Panarin's books Orthodox Civilization in a Globalized World and Strategic Instability of the Twenty-First Century ). It is impossible to conceal this loneliness from those who penetrate into Russian history and tries to estimate the relationship between Russia and the "community of civilized states", especially at the present stage of the European House construction. Finally, the third theme is an assessment of the quality of ruling elite, its interests and intentions. Panarin conclude the Liberal program was a fiasco. It proved to be utopia, more absurd than the communist one. Liberal presumption of welfare (underlying this program and grounded in aspiration to turn all into owners) is absolutely untenable, even in theory. A liberal society is a society of minorities. Therefore, the main question is how to rehabilitate the poorest majority of the world, how to return to those who are not owners, human dignity and social rights. Panarin emphasizes that the old archetype of Russia (an old Russian idea) is that Russians are with poor, with the oppressed majority. This is an old Russian idea, and our future lies with this idea. Without this idea the world will turn into a new slavery, and it will be new barbarism for Russia. Russian idea, which requires to rehabilitate the weak and to return them human dignity, is a world-historical idea. This idea has no alternative, if humanity does not want to die. Therefore, Russian mission will be demanded, Panarin says. Based on Panarin's lecture verbatim, Prof. Valery N. Rastorguev finalized it for publication.

Международная организация «Альянс цивилизаций» сыграла важную роль в развитие партнерских отношений в межцивилизационных отношениях Запада и Востока. В рамках дискуссий была выработана мусульманская стратегия диалога с международным сообществом, что имеет высокую значимость в ситуации столкновения тенденций глобализации и традиционализма в современном мире. На примере программных документов международных организаций «Альянса цивилизаций», Лиги арабских государств, Организации Исламской конференции сотрудничества систематизированы философские и политические предпосылки возникновения и принципы мусульманского проекта «диалога цивилизаций» как нормативного подхода к новому справедливому многополярному международному мироустройству. Важнейшими принципами диалога являются: мирное и стабильное развитие цивилизаций на основе сотрудничества и взаимообогащения, комплиментарность цивилизационного опыта Востока и Запада, включенность традиционных ценностей в систему международного законодательства, институционализация диалога цивилизаций в мировом гражданском сообществе, усиление системы международной и национальной безопасности государств. Стратегия мусульманского проекта «диалога цивилизаций» направлена на рост цивилизационного самосознания, единства и идентичности мусульман во всем мире в связи с вызовами глобализации и вестернизации; укрепление миротворческого движения в борьбе с экстремизмом, терроризмом и развязыванием войн; преодоление исламофобии в культурном диалоге и средствах массовой информации; гуманизации имиджа мусульманского мира в глазах мирового сообщества; усиление эффективной роли мусульман в международной политике. Ключевым вопросом в диалоге цивилизаций является взаимопонимание между цивилизационными проектами глобализма и традиционализма, межцивилизационный консенсус между ценностями инклюзивного либерального общества Запада и ценностями эксклюзивного нелиберального общества Востока, имплементация системы прав и свобод международного законодательства в традиционную систему общества при сохранении сакрального ядра ценностей, выработанных мировыми религиями. ; The international organization «Alliance of Civilizations» has played an important role in the development of partnerships in the relations between civilizations of East and West. The discussion was developed Muslim strategy of dialogue with the international community, which is highly significant in a situation of collision trends of globalization and traditionalism in the modern world. For example, the program documents of international organizations the «Alliance of Civilizations», the League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference Cooperation systematized philosophical and political preconditions for the emergence of Islamic principles and the project of the «dialogue of civilizations» as a new regulatory approach to international fair multipolar world order. The main principles of dialogue are: the peaceful and stable development of civilizations on the basis of cooperation and mutual enrichment, c. mplementarity and civilizational experience of East and West, the inclusion of traditional values in the system of international law, the institutionalization of a dialogue of civilizations in global civil society, strengthening the system of international and national security. The strategy of the Muslim of the «dialogue of civilizations» aimed at the growth of civilizational identity, unity and identity of Muslims all over the world in connection with the challenges of globalization and Westernization; strengthening the peace movement in the fight against extremism, terrorism and the outbreak of war; overcoming Islamophobia in the cultural dialogue and the media; humanization of the image of the Muslim world in the eyes of the world community; Muslims gain an effective role in international politics. A key issue in the dialogue of civilizations is an understanding between the civilizational project of globalism and traditionalism, c. vilizations consensus between the values of inclusive liberal societies of the West and the values of the exclusive non-liberal societies of the East, the implementation of the rights and freedoms of international law in the traditional system of society, while maintaining the sacred core values, developed the world's religions.

En Bogotá, D.C, se aprobó un mínimo vital de agua que garantiza recibir seis metros cúbicos mensuales de agua potable a los usuarios pertenecientes a los estratos socio-económicos uno y dos, de uso residencial y mixto, sin perjuicio de que tengan el servicio suspendido por falta de pago o mora en la cancelación de la factura. El sustento fundamental se basa en que el Distrito garantizará con ello a los beneficiaros una vida digna que permita satisfacer sus necesidades. De igual manera, que la Asamblea General de la Organización de Naciones Unidas, reconoció el acceso al agua como un derecho humano básico. Además, Colombia suscribió la Cumbre del Milenio (2000) y ratificó su compromiso con especial énfasis en garantizar la sostenibilidad ambiental, para cuyo propósito estableció como meta la reducción a la mitad del porcentaje de personas que carezcan de acceso sostenible al agua potable para el año 2015. El objetivo de esta investigación es determinar si los movimientos sociales que impulsaron el referendo por el agua fueron determinantes para la materialización de la política pública de un mínimo vital de agua potable en Bogotá D.C, a partir de la expedición del Acuerdo Distrital # 347 de 2008, que establece los lineamientos para la Política Pública Distrital del Agua y documentar de qué manera la democracia permite nuevas formas de participación y cómo a través de procesos políticos no propiamente electorales, los movimientos sociales logran poner en la agenda pública de Bogotá el tema del mínimo vital gratuito de agua a través de las discusiones que se generaron en el debate suscitado por los promotores del referendo por el agua. ; In Bogotá, D. C, it was approved a minimum vital consumption of water which ensures receive six cubic meters of potable water monthly to users belonging to the socio-economic levels one and two, of residential and mixed use, regardless they have the service suspended for lack of payment or delay in the cancellation of the bill. A key support is based on the fact that the District will ensure with this to the beneficiaries a dignified life that allow them to meet their needs. Similarly, the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization recognized the access to water as a basic human right. In addition, Colombia has signed the Millennium Summit (2000) and ratified its commitment with special emphasis on ensuring environmental sustainability, for which purpose established as goal to halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water by 2015. The aim of this research is to determine if the social movements that drove the referendum by the water were decisive for the materialization of the public policy of a minimum vital of drinking water in Bogotá D. C, from the date of issue of the District Agreement 347 of 2008, which establishes the guidelines for the District Public Policy of Water and documenting how democracy allows new forms of involvement, and how through political processes that are not electoral really, the social movements are able to put in the public agenda in Bogotá the issue of a minimum vital free of water through the discussions that were generated in the debate provoked by the promoters of the referendum for water.