Suchergebnisse

A review essay on books by (1) Steven Everts, Shaping a Credible EU Foreign Policy (London: Centre European Reform, 2002); (2) Christopher Hill & Karen E. Smith (Eds), European Foreign Policy: Key Documents (London: Routledge, 2000); (3) Hazel Smith, European Foreign Policy: What It Is and What It Does (London: Pluto, 2002); & (4) Brian White, Understanding European Foreign Policy (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2001).

TODAY WE ARE MOST LIKELY IN AN "INTERWAR" PERIOD, NOT JUST IN THE POST-COLD WAR PERIOD. THAT WE MUST BE PREPARED FOR WHATEVER COMES NEXT AND MUST ENSURE THAT THE UNITED STATES RETAINS ABSOLUTE AEROSPACE SUPERIORITY SO THAT U.S. MILITARY POWER REMAINS UNCHALLENGED IS THE CONTENTION OF THE AUTHOR. HE EXPLORES THE RESTRUCTURING OF THE AEROSPACE INDUSTRY AND ADVOCATES SMARTER DOWNSIZING, THEN OFFERS TEN POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS.

Adapted from his book entitled, The United Nations and U.S. foreign policy.

Abstract
Iran nuclear negotiations, which resulted in an agreement in Vienna on the 14 July 2015 after signing The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, and its aftermath is one of the key topics of inquiry in recent decade. The density of the debate is primarily emanating from concerns related to the security questions of the Middle East and to the sensitivity of Israeli security situation. Moreover, it arises from the complexity of the whole negotiation process. Such issues like Supreme Leader's Ali Khamene'i's fatwa designating sinfulness to the nuclear capacity, his after-deal speech, calling for the enmity between Iran and the United States, Iran's declared aim to implement global justice and other cases are not customary acts of the state and the study of Iranian foreign policy is not substantive using customary instruments of analysis of International Relations. The article refers to the problem of knowledge production on Iran, and suggests that it mainly resulted from the lack of exchange between International Relations and Middle Eastern studies. This article aims to point at the authority of the ideas in Iran's foreign policy that Islam or Islamic ideologies like Khumaynism produce. Therefore the article focuses on the main narratives of the First Supreme Leader Ruhullah Khumayni's concept of justice in order to, first, explain the key points in Iran's position during negotiations and its aftermath and, second, to introduce the study of the concept of justice as a productive source of information and an approach for further analysis of Iranian foreign policy.

Since Narendra Modi came to power, there has been an upswing in the strategic ties between India and the United States. Historically, non-alignment and, later, strategic autonomy in India's foreign policy discourse have been defined in opposition to the United States. India's foreign policy has been held back from pursuing greater strategic alignment with the United States due to its anti-American prejudice. The paper contends that, Modi has redefined the ideological framework of strategic autonomy from non-alignment to issue-based alignment, which also entails cooperating closely with the United States pertaining to the strategic threats it confronts from China in the wider Indo-Pacific region. The paper argues that Modi believes pursuing closer strategic alignment with the United States enhances India's "strategic autonomy," vis-à-vis the strategic threats that it confronts. Modi has also abandoned the practice of taking ideological stands and instead redefined strategic autonomy in terms of pursuing India's national interests. The major finding of the paper is that Modi has redefined the strategic autonomy on purely realistic grounds and has strengthened the strategic ties with the United States.

The People's Republic of China's (PRC's) policy
towards Africa in the
1990s has its roots in the crisis surrounding the Tiananmen Square
crackdown on 4 June 1989, and the heavy and persistent criticism by
the developed world levelled against Beijing's human rights record

since that date. Previous to this, the importance of the African
continent to China had become less and less important in the 1980s, as

the Cold War underwent a thawing process and China's modernisation

project demanded foreign investment and technological assistance.
Though Chinese officials paid rhetorical lip service to such issues as

South–South co-operation, the reality of the situation was that Beijing

was mainly interested in maintaining intimate relations with those
countries from which it could benefit economically. In stark contrast to

China's position in the 1960s and 1970s, exhortations and propaganda

grounded in Maoist foundations disappeared, for the 'socialist
modernisation' project of Deng Xiaoping demanded economic investment

and a non-conflictual approach to international politics. As a
result, non-ideological relations with the United States, Western
Europe and Japan based on expanding trade links and co-operation
took a priority in China's foreign policy formulation.