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This chapter will explore the question of how the European far-right, the heir of a backward-looking ideological tradition, has managed to survive for a period straddling three centuries, currently forming a permanent fixture of European politics. This persistence is all the more impressive if one considers the twin but conflicting imperatives the far-right has struggled with in its historical trajectory: the imperative to maintain a profile of opposition to secular social and political progress – what I will call the reaction imperative; and the imperative to keep a parochial critique relevant by engaging with the constant evolution of the dominant ideas attached to political and economic rule – what I will call the modernisation imperative. These conflicting imperatives normally should have hindered the development and survival of the far-right, but its persistence suggests that it has juggled them with success. What has made this success possible? Following the focus of this volume, I will treat this question by emphasizing two aspects in the study of the far-right: First, as is the case with most contributions here, I will employ a longue durée historical perspective of the far-right's evolution. Second, I will focus on the role of the 'international as constitutive of the identity and orientation of the far right' at various points in time, particularly because I share with the contributors of this volume the idea that the international forms an important asset of the far-right, being framed invariably as 'fear, hostility and opportunity'.

Topographical and geographical accounts, together with antiquarian and archaeological documentation changed perceptions of the coastal regions of Northern Scotland, particularly during the eighteenth century, mapping territories previously perceived as peripheral and part of Nordic, rather than Scottish or British mental maps. New political and social contexts required a redefinition of these Northern areas, from under-explored and politically insignificant, to regions of both commercial and cultural interest. Northern map production thus formed part of a complex re-negotiation of coastal space and place, communicated through both national and regional Scottish, British and Dano-Norwegian cartography. This article examines the shared eighteenth century chorographical approaches (representations of regional space and place) in Northern Scotland and Western Norway in both topographical descriptions and historical maps. Using examples from the Scottish Northern Isles and Western Norway, it argues that the practices of mapping and charting provided both a unifying visual vocabulary, but also an opportunity for the continuation and visual representation of diverse regional coastal identities during the eighteenth century. The close link between chorography and historiography will be investigates, and related to other motivations and narratives (such as commerce or travel literature), which impacted on the practice of mapping and cartographic work. The paper uncovers both transnational and regional aspects of the cultural-historical processes of re-negotiating space and place in Northern Scotland, and demonstrates how perceptions of coastal regions were constructed and represented through cartographical narratives on both sides of the North Sea.

Purpose - This paper attempts to replace the understanding of public sector accountability as a linear and hierarchical process with one in which accountability occurs within a network of social relationships. It associates the former approach with the introduction of New Public Management principles in Australian public administration. It investigates the effect of this on the ability of Australia's indigenous people both to access democratic accountability as citizens, and to develop their community organisations as service providers. Design/methodology/approach - The paper is based on field experience with aboriginal community organisations and critical assessment of the literature on this aspect of Australian public administration. Findings - The paper finds that New Public Management approaches in Australian public administration have not led to greater political accountability but the reverse. As a disadvantaged, culturally distinct minority, aboriginal people are the subject of, rather than partners in, accountability regimes which mire their community service organisations in reporting requirements at the expense of practical activity. In some respects Aborigines are dealt with as individual citizen/clients, at other times as a disadvantaged minority group, and third, as culturally distinct polities. Each of these approaches implies different forms of accountability both by Aborigines to the state and by the state to them. Research limitations/implications - This analysis is inherently interpretative rather than exclusively empirical. However, greater efficiency as well as culturally appropriate outcomes can be found by instituting regional regimes of reciprocal accountability. Originality/value - The analysis of developments in public administration is rarely brought to bear on Australian indigenous affairs.

Purpose - This paper attempts to replace the understanding of public sector accountability as a linear and hierarchical process with one in which accountability occurs within a network of social relationships. It associates the former approach with the introduction of New Public Management principles in Australian public administration. It investigates the effect of this on the ability of Australia's indigenous people both to access democratic accountability as citizens, and to develop their community organisations as service providers. Design/methodology/approach - The paper is based on field experience with aboriginal community organisations and critical assessment of the literature on this aspect of Australian public administration. Findings - The paper finds that New Public Management approaches in Australian public administration have not led to greater political accountability but the reverse. As a disadvantaged, culturally distinct minority, aboriginal people are the subject of, rather than partners in, accountability regimes which mire their community service organisations in reporting requirements at the expense of practical activity. In some respects Aborigines are dealt with as individual citizen/clients, at other times as a disadvantaged minority group, and third, as culturally distinct polities. Each of these approaches implies different forms of accountability both by Aborigines to the state and by the state to them. Research limitations/implications - This analysis is inherently interpretative rather than exclusively empirical. However, greater efficiency as well as culturally appropriate outcomes can be found by instituting regional regimes of reciprocal accountability. Originality/value - The analysis of developments in public administration is rarely brought to bear on Australian indigenous affairs.

Publikacja poświęcona została wyborom do Parlamentu Europejskiego w oparciu o kampanię wyborczą na Lubelszczyźnie. Rozdziały kolejno poświęcone zostały genezie i specyfice Parlamentu Europejskiego, ukazaniu wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego jako miernika rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce, nakreśleniu aksjologicznego tła analizowanej kampanii, pokazaniu rywalizacji wyborczej przez pryzmat problematyki ukraińskiej, problematyce kreacji wizerunku liderów list wyborczych do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie, perswazji retorycznej ukazanej na tle innych sposobów kreowania wizerunku, prezentacji kandydatów na łamach prasy regionalnej, w mediach społecznościowych, a także przy użyciu wizualnej reklamy zewnętrznej oraz reklamy w internecie. Wieloaspektowe ujęcie tematu kampanii wyborczej do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie w 2014 roku, zdaniem redaktorki, pozwala na lepsze zrozumienie specyfiki tej kampanii. ; The publication was devoted to the elections to the European Parliament on the basic of the election campaign in Lublin voivodeship. The chapters are devoted to the genesis and specifications of the European Parliament, showing the elections to the European Parliament as a measure of the development of civil society in Poland, outlining the axiological framework of the analysed campaign, showing the election rivalry through the prism of Ukrainian issues, the issue of creating leaders to election list to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship, rhetorical persuasion shown against the background of other methods of creating an image, presenting candidates in the regional press, in social media as well as using visual and internet advertising. A multi-aspect take on the election campaign to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship in 2014 allows for a better understanding of the specificity of this title according to the editor.

Environmental narratives have become an increasingly important area of study in the environmental humanities. Rob Nixon has drawn attention to the difficulties of representing the complex processes of environmental change that inflict 'slow violence' on vulnerable human (and non-human) populations. Nixon argues that a lack of "arresting stories, images and symbols" reduces the visibility of gradual problems such as biodiversity loss, climate change and chemical pollution in cultural imaginations and on political agendas. We agree with Nixon that addressing this representational imbalance is an important mission for the environmental humanities. However, we argue that another aspect of the same imbalance, or representational bias, suggests the inverse of this is also needed—to unpack the ways that complicated and multifaceted environmental phenomena can be reduced to fast, simple, evocative, invasive narratives that percolate through science, legislation, policy and civic action, and to examine how these narratives can drown out rather than open up possibilities for novel social-ecological engagements. In this article we demonstrate the idea of invasive narratives through a case study of the 'invasive alien species' (IAS) narrative in South Africa. We suggest that IAS reduces complex webs of ecological, biological, economic, and cultural relations to a simple 'good' versus 'bad' battle between easily discernible 'natural' and 'non-natural' identities. We argue that this narrative obstructs the options available to citizens, land managers and policy-makers and prevents a more nuanced understanding of the dynamics and implications of biodiversity change, in South Africa and beyond. ; QC 20160111

Publikacja poświęcona została wyborom do Parlamentu Europejskiego w oparciu o kampanię wyborczą na Lubelszczyźnie. Rozdziały kolejno poświęcone zostały genezie i specyfice Parlamentu Europejskiego, ukazaniu wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego jako miernika rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce, nakreśleniu aksjologicznego tła analizowanej kampanii, pokazaniu rywalizacji wyborczej przez pryzmat problematyki ukraińskiej, problematyce kreacji wizerunku liderów list wyborczych do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie, perswazji retorycznej ukazanej na tle innych sposobów kreowania wizerunku, prezentacji kandydatów na łamach prasy regionalnej, w mediach społecznościowych, a także przy użyciu wizualnej reklamy zewnętrznej oraz reklamy w internecie. Wieloaspektowe ujęcie tematu kampanii wyborczej do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie w 2014 roku, zdaniem redaktorki, pozwala na lepsze zrozumienie specyfiki tej kampanii. ; The publication was devoted to the elections to the European Parliament on the basic of the election campaign in Lublin voivodeship. The chapters are devoted to the genesis and specifications of the European Parliament, showing the elections to the European Parliament as a measure of the development of civil society in Poland, outlining the axiological framework of the analysed campaign, showing the election rivalry through the prism of Ukrainian issues, the issue of creating leaders to election list to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship, rhetorical persuasion shown against the background of other methods of creating an image, presenting candidates in the regional press, in social media as well as using visual and internet advertising. A multi-aspect take on the election campaign to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship in 2014 allows for a better understanding of the specificity of this title according to the editor.

RESUMEN. Entre los aspectos más controvertidos de los sucesivos sistemas de financiación de las Comunidades de régimen común es la nivelación. El modelo actual introdujo un criterio de nivelación parcial, con el objetivo de garantizar la igualdad en la prestación de determinados servicios públicos fundamentales. De cara a la próxima reforma, este trabajo revisa los avances recientemente producidos. Puede señalarse que en el modelo actual pese a que garantiza el statu quo del sistema anterior, algunas regiones ganan más. Adicionalmente, si bien en términos de equidad, disminuye la dispersión interregional de recursos, sigue manteniéndose el problema de la ordinalidad. ; ABSTRACT. After a long process of negotiation between central and regional Governments, almost six years ago, the Council of Fiscal and Financial Policy approved the current funding system for the regions of the common system. In it, several technical issues such as the increase in tax rates transfers or the concept of partial equalization, based on the essential public services (health, education and essential social services), were collected. One of the most controversial aspects of the successive financing systems of the Autonomous Communities is the equalisation mechanisms. Thus, the current regional financing system introduced partial equalisation criteria, limited to 75 % of tax revenues in order to ensure equality in the provision of basic public services. In short, it may be noted that the reform carried out in 2009 had two main objectives: ensuring sufficient funding and equal resources to finance basic public services.

В статье контрастивно изучаются культурно-языковые образы француза и «французскости» в русском языке, русского и «русскости» во французском. Анализируется ядро языковых образов системно-языковые факты, во внутренней форме которых есть прямое указание на «русскость» или «французскость»: в русском языке производные от этнонимов француз, галл и топонима Париж; во французском языке производные от слов Russe, Russien 'русский', Cosaque 'казак' → 'русский военный' → 'русский', Moscou 'Москва', устар. Moscovite 'житель Московии, русский'; кроме того, в поле внимания авторов попадают устойчивые сочетания, в состав которых входят указанные слова. Рассматриваются тематические сферы вторичной семантики: природа, история, материальная культура, досуг, духовная культура, человек социальный и физический. Авторы выявляют мотивацию языковых фактов и анализируют оценочную составляющую их семантики. ; The article considers cultural and linguistic images of the French man and "Frenchness" in the Russian language, and Russian and "Russianness" in the French language in contrastive aspect. The core of linguistic images is analysed language system facts, the internal form of which contains a direct reference to "Russianness" or "Frenchness". They are: words derived from the ethnonyms francuz 'Frenchman', gall 'Gaul' and place name Parizh 'Paris' in Russian; words derived from Russe, Russien 'Russian', Cosaque 'Cossack' → 'Russian military' → 'Russian', Moscou 'Moscow', obsolete Moscovite 'resident of Muscovy, Russian' in French. Further more, the authors take into consideration collocations of the words mentioned. Thematic spheres of secondary semantics are covered: Nature; History; Material culture; Leisure, spiritual culture; Social and physical person. The authors reveal the motivation of linguistic facts and analyse the evaluative component of their semantics.

В статье представлены результаты теоретического анализа проблемного поля социально-психологической адаптации в контексте идентичности личности. Содержатся результаты исследования связи между особенностями идентичности личности военнослужащих по призыву и процессом их адаптации / дезадаптации к срочной службе. Представлены результаты эмпирического исследования, в котором приняли участие военнослужащие по призыву (n = 350, 18-24 лет). Описаны два неблагоприятных варианта протекания адаптационного процесса личности военнослужащих по призыву и один нормативный вариант, приведены их социально-психологические характеристики. Прикладной аспект исследуемой проблемы может быть реализован в виде практических программ разного уровня и направленности, предназначенных для работы с будущими призывниками с целью предотвращения проявления какого-либо из выделенных неблагоприятных вариантов протекания процесса адаптации. ; The article presents the results of the theoretical analysis of the problem field of social and psychological adaptation in the context of personal identity. It contains the results of the study of correlation between the features of personal identity of conscripts and their adaptation / maladaptation to the service for a fixed period. The author presents the results of the empirical research involving the military personnel (n = 350,18-24 age bracket). The paper describes two adverse options of adaptation process of the military personnel and one standard option of this process, and their socio-psychological features. The applied aspect of a studied problem can be implemented in the form of practical programs of different level and orientation intended for work with future recruits aimed at the prevention of any adverse variants of the adaptation.

Raising of problem. The most important economic fact of our time is that we are living in an era of growing income inequality. Globalization and technological boom only increase the income gap of different segments of the population. The main reason of economic inequalities in many countries of the world is the strong links between government officials and business structures. The new type of economic system which is called crony capitalism undermines the centuries–old tenets of a free market economy. So there is a rising actuality of systematization of all negative effects of this type of economic system in the world. Purpose. On the basis of carried-out research, it will determine the features and economic consequences of crony capitalism system in the different countries of the world. Conclusion. The analysis suggests that crony capitalism generates significant economic rents, which result in a misallocation of resources and lower incentives for wealth creation. In addition, the corruption constitutes a considerable impediment to growth and development. The most damaging aspect of crony capitalism is its tendency to discourage equitable distribution of resources and income adjustment at a time when such traits are central to economic success. Crony capitalism promotes monopolization of economy, the growth of social injustice and inequality, creating obstacles for development of entrepreneurship, degradation of healthy competition and provokes corruption. Authors regard a fundamental solution of this problem in rising of effective anticorruption practices of the world countries that will have a multivectorial influence in the scale of international business.

AbstractAfter the Cold War ended, Sino–Indian trade experienced a seemingly spontaneous phase of rapid development. The economic reformation in India has taken a new shape; consequently the trade volume between China and India touched a new height. As China and India are the world's two most rapidly developing nations, both the countries has recognised their potential for trade between them and strengthening bilateral trade that would be of great mutual benefit for both economies. Close economic ties could have a stabilizing influence on their political and diplomatic relationship. Statistics show that bilateral trade since 1999 has entered into a new period of growth. China became India's second largest trading partner in 2006, and India China's tenth largest. It may be said that the role of Sino–Indian trade has grown from one unworthy of mention to a decisive aspect of the overall bilateral relationship. In this paper, researcher has thrown a beam of light on emerging economic relation between India and China, and new initiatives taken place in between them. The geographic, social and cultural proximity to each other compelled to share their experiences in various domains. No country can ignore the neighbour country whether it is passing through a development phase or weird phase. To make progressive path of development one has to share experience from each other. In this era of reform after Cold War, there are some important domains of cooperation from where fruitful experiences had seen.

En las últimas décadas, las agencias financieras internacionales han destacado la importanciade las políticas públicas como dispositivo teórico y metodológico frente a la administraciónpública centralizada. En el discurso de estos organismos, la participación socialy la descentralización son los ejes principales, mientras que desde una postura crítica, seaprecia como una forma de apropiación de las demandas de la sociedad para la preservacióndel poder de forma centralizada. En este marco, se analizan y discuten algunas modificacionesen el Estado mexicano como las reformas al art. 115 constitucional y la Ley para elDesarrollo Rural Sustentable (ldrs). Asimismo, esto se relaciona con los actores institucionalesy de la ruralidad del municipio de San Blas, para reflexionar sobre las limitaciones ylas posibilidades municipales en la definición de políticas para el desarrollo rural. ; In recent decades, international financial agencies have stressed the importance of publicpolicies as theoretical and methodological device against the governmental centralization.In the discourse of these agencies, social participation and decentralization are the mainaxes, whereas from a critical perspective, it is appreciated as a form of appropriation ofsocial demands in order to preserve and centralize power. From the latter frame work,we analyze and discuss some changes in the Mexican state as reform stoart.115 of theConstitution and the Sustainable Rural Development Law (srdl), analysis which lead usto institutional and rural actors from the municipality of San Blas, Nayarit, aspects andvoices that, in the end, enable us to reflect about limitations and municipal possibilities indefining policies for rural development.

As it is known, the communicative culture of the military greatly differs from the communicative culture of the civil. At the same time, it also includes verbal and nonverbal elements. As for the latter, there are not many works which deal with their peculiarities in the military discourse of different countries. Taking into account nowadays social conditions such as integration of Ukrainian army into world community and its strengthening our research can be considered as topical. The aim of our research is to determine national and international nonverbal elements of the Ukrainian military discourse. The object is the Ukrainian military discourse. The subject is national and international elements of the Ukrainian military discourse. In order to achieve the aim we need to solve the following objectives: 1) to give a definition of nonverbal elements; 2) to determine their types and roles in the communication; 3) to analyze the regulatory documents of Ukrainian and US servicemen. The results of our research show that a set of nonverbal elements is international but the ways of their performance are specifically national. The differences can be seen in the following aspects: 1) military greeting; 2) ranks; 3) appearance of servicemen; 4) drills; 5) marching step; 6) position during the national anthems. So, there are both semantic barriers and cultural differences in the process of exchanging nonverbal elements. This can create substantial impediments in understanding. Thus, it is necessary to use nonverbal elements corresponding with the ideas communicants are going to present.

In his Collège de France lectures of 1975–6, translated and published in Great Britain in 2003 as Society Must be Defended, Michel Foucault examines what he sees as the continuation of war in peacetime society, inverting Carl von Clausewitz's famous dictum that 'War is the continuation of politics with the admixture of other means' to argue the opposite, that 'politics is the continuation of war by other means'.1 In these lectures, Foucault explores the idea that even what is conventionally regarded as peacetime society is structured in all its aspects and operations by conflict, asserting that: "we have to interpret the war that is going on beneath peace; peace itself is coded war…. We really do have to become experts on battles, because the war has not ended, because preparations are still being made for the decisive battles, and because we have to win the decisive battle. In other words, the enemies who face us still pose a threat to us, and it is not some reconciliation or pacification that will allow us to bring the war to an end." (p. 51) Throughout this lecture series, Foucault tests this model of power as 'war' on a range of historical examples and social structures, looking at ideas of class, civil, and race conflict. Though he would abandon the war metaphor as a mode of analysis once the lecture series was complete, his thinking is characteristically suggestive in its speculation that war is not terminated by victories or treaties but continues to occupy a key function in peacetime.