Suchergebnisse

Although there have been considerable past accomplishments in science, technology and innovation policy literature, our understanding of the evolution of government policies in these areas as a country transitions from one political regime to another, remains limited. This paper examines the issue within the context of Ghana, an emerging economy in sub-Saharan Africa, from 1957 to 2012. After a historical review of such government policies, we uncovered three key stages in the evolution of science and technology policy. These include the adoption of the "science for development" strategy and convergence of science and industrial policy from 1957 to 1966. This was then followed by the divergence of science policy and industrial policy from 1967 to the 1990s following the overthrow of Nkrumah's government. The emergence of the "new dawn" from the 2000s onwards ushered in a new policy framework for national science and technology policy geared towards economic development. The study outlines a range of public policy implications.

While debate continues around the usefulness of the concept of Science Diplomacy, in practice international scientific relations are already facilitating diplomatic engagement, and diplomaticrelations are supporting international scientific engagement. This interaction takes place in the context of the current global knowledge structure where industrialised or developed states are the "producers" of knowledge, and developing states the "consumers". With science, technology and innovation integral to addressing transnational challenges, this article considers the expanding body of literature, which is primarily from developed states, highlighting the shortfall in understanding the role of developing states in science diplomacy. The article then considers developments in South Africa's science diplomacy, arguing that Pretoria demonstrates a two-track approach; one that reflects the state's pursuit of international recognition as a "producer" and exporter of knowledge at the centre of the global knowledge structure; and the second, where a shortfall in capacity and resources has increasingly seen the state as a "consumer" or importer of knowledge in meeting domestic priorities.

Abstract Providing programmes to modernize and to sustain both agricultural and non-agricultural activities in rural areas is the main aim deriving from EU and national policies. The Local Action Groups (LAGs) implement local development strategies processing the Measures of Local Development Programme (LDP) and managing financial funds for Firms Modernization Plans (FMP) in order to increase the farm income sources. Starting from our previous work ( Fiore et al., 2014 ), here we address the problem related to the impact of some variables on the farm income; we try to analyze in more detail the influence of these variability sources and their interactions. Our case study is Apulia Region - in Southern Italy – where 25 Local Action Groups cover entirely it. This paper provides suggestions on possible heterogeneity sources between the LAGs. After a policies and literature review on the role of the LAGs for enhancing economic and sustainable competitiveness of rural areas, we present our case study. Statistical analysis and a tree classification method are carried out.

This paper investigates knowledge transfer (KT) of human resource management (HRM) across strategic partnerships in the Brazilian automotive industry, and the contextual factors impacting on KT within the supply chain. Case-study research in automotive companies and suppliers in Brazil is used to illustrate how in automotive industries, relationships with suppliers have traditionally been viewed as close, strategic partnerships, but over time, there has been a move towards more attenuated, supply chains, involving a shift towards more remote suppliers for basic components, and arms length relationships with them. In turn, this has impacted on how knowledge on HR has been transferred from manufacturers to suppliers. Both strategic partnerships and KT have been affected by internal drives towards cost cutting and talent retention, and external factors such as global competition through cheap imports, legislation, taxes, and unions. Evidence on the sometimes contradictory attitudes towards KT contributes towards the broader literatures on international HRM and KT in emerging economies, while the gradual unwinding of relationships has implications for policy and practice.

In recent years, INGO legitimacy has been subject to growing scrutiny from analysts and practitioners alike. Critics have highlighted a backlash against INGOs in the Global South, a growing mismatch between INGO capacities and contemporary global challenges, and diminishing support for norms such as democracy and human rights that underpin INGOs' work. Although these problems have attracted significant attention within the academic literature, this article argues that existing explorations of INGO legitimacy have broadly conformed either to a top-down approach focused on global norms and institutions or a bottom-up approach focused on the local dynamics surrounding states and populations in the Global South. We suggest that this divide is unhelpful for understanding the current predicament and propose a new approach, which pays closer attention to the interaction between bottom-up and top-down dimensions, and to historical context. This new approach can provide important insights into current debates about the future roles and internal structures of INGOs.

В статье рассматривается эволюция института народовластия в течение первых десяти лет функционирования советской власти (1917-1927 гг.). Указывается, что за этот период был принят ряд законодательных актов, в том числе конституции РСФСР (1918, 1924, 1925 гг.), в которых находил отражение принцип народовластия. Вместе с тем утверждается, что на деле происходила трансформация данного принципа в обычную автократию, вначале обозначенную в литературе как централизованная система управления обществом, а затем как культ личности Сталина. ; The article deals with the evolution of democracy institution during the first ten years of the Soviet regime (1917-1927). It is stated that during this period there were adopted a number of laws including the Constitution of the RSFSR (1918, 1924, 1925), which reflect the principle of democracy. At the same time, the author argues that in fact the principle of democracy was transforming into the typical autocracy, first designated in the literature as a centralized public management system, and then as a Stalin's cult of personality.

В статье рассматриваются особенности освещения современными российскими исследователями правового положения русской эмиграции в 1920-1940-х гг. Особое внимание уделено научной литературе, в которой отражены вопросы гражданства русских эмигрантов в Китае. Проведенный анализ позволил выявить уровень изученности темы, а также специфику подходов исследователей: современные российские специалисты по истории русской эмиграции рассматривали вопросы гражданства эмигрантов в контексте изучения международных отношений, миграционных процессов, диаспор, а также с точки зрения социальной истории. ; The article considers the ways modern Russian researchers resolve the problem of the legal status of the Russian emigrantsin China in the 1920-1940s. The main attention is paid to the scientific literature, which reflects the problem of citizenship of the Russian emigrants in China. The analysisrevealed thelevelof the knowledge base ofthe subject andspecificity of the research approaches.The modern experts in the history of the Russian emigration examine the problem of citizenship of the emigrants in the context of studying foreign relations, migration processes, diasporas and using methods of the social history.

The article analyzes issues of political participation. The article discusses main stages and features of formation of the concept of political participation in sociology and political science. Definition of political participation is offered based on the analysis of the interpretations available in professional literature. Political participation is involvement of citizens (in the broader sense including public subjects like organizations, groups, etc.) in political processes, decision making ceremonies, as well as citizen influence on the formation of political systems and institutions, their operation, drafting political decision. Several classifications of political engagement are observed: conventional and unconventional; orthodox and unorthodox, offensive; latent and evident; individual and collective; direct and indirect; acceptable active, acceptable passive, unacceptable active and unacceptable passive, and so on. Based on logical operationalization, the toolkit for political participation types and index assessment is analyzed. Proposal is made to implement a more comprehensive and sensitive chart. Some attractive results gained after employing a survey in the RA are presented.

What is the relationship between the direction and form of an energy transition and the political economy within which it is embedded? This paper explores how the nature of (low carbon) energy transitions is strongly influenced by the process of neoliberalisation that shape energy policy in the South. We seek to understand emergent energy transitions and to advance their theorisation through an account of the political economy of energy transition in Kenya. In contrast to the often techno-managerial orientation of literatures on socio-technical transitions, we explore the political terrain upon which competing visions of energy futures and material interests collide and seek to accommodate one another. We develop a political economy account that emphasises the structural and disciplinary power of capital and global institutions to set the terms of transition. This expresses itself in both delimiting the autonomy of state actors and by reconfiguring domestic institutional and social power in ways that shape the distributional politics of transitions.

Using a sample of firms from 28 countries, we investigate the cross-country differences in the effect of political connections on the information environment. We find that politically connected firms in the emerging markets exhibit lower stock price informativeness than similar unconnected firms but we do not find this result in the developed markets. This finding is robust to controlling for earnings quality, analyst coverage, share-turnover, and insider ownership. Examination of specific differences between countries reveals that the weakening of the information environment for connected firms is prevalent in countries that have high levels of corruption, no electoral democracy, and low media penetration. Further analysis shows that this degradation is significant only if the firm is connected to the highest echelons of the country's leadership and the connected party in the firm is the controlling shareholder. In conjunction with earlier literature, our findings suggest that political rent-seeking weakens both the public and the private information environments for connected firms in emerging economies with weak political processes and low media penetration.

It presents literature review and field experience regarding the experience of the Mothers of the Candelaria in Medellin Colombia. This experience is analyzed as a form of resistance to the political conflict Colombia as a social aesthetic, conceptual categories are included to nourish the analysis as a public space and body from a constructionist perspective and using mythology as a metaphor for current political experiences. Grupo de Investigación:Estudios Clínicos y Sociales en Psicología. ; Se presenta una experiencia de campo con respecto a la dinámica colectiva del plantón de la Asociación Madres de la Candelaria en Medellín –Colombia, asociada a la revisión bibliográfica de los conceptos de cuerpo y plaza pública. Esta relación es analizada como una forma de resistencia al conflicto armado político colombiano en tanto una estética social, las categorías mencionadas se describen desde una perspectiva comprensiva y semiótica en tanto el uso del mito, en este caso la tragedia de Antígona, como metáfora del fenómeno de violencia política.

A quarter of the total primary energy demand in the European Union is met by natural gas. Synthetic natural gas produced through biomass gasification can contribute to a more sustainable energy supply system. A chain analysis of the energetic performance of synthetic natural gas where the upstream, midstream and downstream part are included has not been found in literature. The energy performance of the possible large-scale application of synthetic natural gas is therefore unsure. A model was designed to analyse the performance of the biomass to synthetic natural gas chain and to estimate the effect of 1% synthetic natural gas in the energy system. A break-even distance is introduced to determine whether it is energetically feasible to apply pretreatment. Results show that torrefaction and pelleting are energetically unfeasible within the European Union. Emissions can be reduced with almost 70% compared to a fossil reference scenario. Over 1.2 Mha is required to fulfil 0.25% of the total primary energy demand in the European Union.

WOS: 000373637800004 ; Turkey has been experiencing various types of migration flows since the foundation of the Republic in 1923. Migration of ethnic Turks of Bulgaria in 1989 is one of the important immigration waves in size and in nature as well. More than 350,000 Bulgarian Turks refusing to assimilation policies of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) fled to Turkey in 1989. Behind this triggering political reason, there were deeper sources of this migration, such as economic, social, institutional and cultural exclusion/inclusion problems in Bulgaria. Furthermore, most of the Turks of Bulgaria kept the idea of migrating to their "imagined motherland' someday. The same migrants have been experiencing integration/exclusion problems where they settled in Turkey, too. This paper attempts to open a conceptual debate by using concepts of 'mixed migration", 'accidental diaspora' and 'voluntary exiles' to overcome the 'forced and voluntary' dichotomy in this literature, rather than analysing all the dimensions in detail. Hence, the multiple dimensions of this migration will be tried to be understood via the perceptions of migrants.

In the literature on citizenship education, frequent references are made to Dewey. However, educationalists do not always interpret him correctly. To provide some counterbalance, I explain Dewey's views on education and democracy. I base this, not only on 'Democracy and Education', but also on 17 articles that Dewey wrote after 'Democracy and Education', and on his 'Ethics' and two earlier works, frequently cited by educationalists: 'Ethical Principles Underlying Education' and 'School and Society'. According to Dewey, democracy and education are two sides of the same coin. Both involve and foster self-determination, self-development and participating in the common good, enlightened by intelligent understanding and scientific spirit. At the present, it is customary to define democratic citizenship education primarily in terms of social and moral learning, sometimes as though it can be distinguished from academic learning, as something extra besides learning subject matter. When such an approach is attributed to Dewey, as it often is, this is unwarranted.

Madness has been a continuous theme in Western literature from its beginning to the present time. Myths and legends appearing in Homer, the Bible, and ancient Greek drama contain primordial symbolizations of delusions, mania, and other bizarre forms of thought and behaviour. In Greek mythology, Dionysus is the God of irrational behaviour who induces madness, passion and fury. His influence and cults pose an alternative which threatens the more rational and severe apollonian aspects of Greek thought. My aim in the present paper is to trace the nature of mental derangement, psychological experience and Dionysian frenzy of fictive characters in Shakespeare designated as mad and evil. I hope to demonstrate that literary interpretations of madness reflect and subvert cultural, political, religious and psychological assumptions of their time. There is a need to differentiate between clinical insanity and creative insanity of poets and intellectuals. I propose to emphasize the importance of teaching Shakespeare in contemporary India, terrorized with political xenophobia and ridden with debates on intolerance.