Suchergebnisse

List of figures; List of tables; List of contributors; Preface to the second edition of the Routledge International Handbook of Green Criminology; Acknowledgments; Introduction: new horizons, ongoing and emerging issues and relationships in green criminology Avi Brisman and Nigel South; PART I History, theory and methods;1 The growth of a field: a short history of a 'green' criminology Avi Brisman and Nigel South; 2 The ordinary acts that contribute to ecocide: a criminological analysis Robert Agnew; 3 Wildlife crime: a situational crime prevention perspective Christina Burton, Devin Cowan and William Moreto; 4 Expanding treadmill of production analysis within green criminology by integrating metabolic rift and ecological unequal exchange theories Michael J. Lynch, Paul B. Stretesky, Michael A. Long and Kimberly L. Barrett; 5 The visual dimensions of green criminology Lorenzo Natali and Bill McClanahan; 6 Innovative approaches to researching environmental crime Diane Heckenberg and Rob White; 7 Environmental refugees as environmental victims Matthew Hall; 8 How criminologists can help victims of green crimes through scholarship and activism Joshua Ozymy, Melissa L. Jarrell and Elizabeth A. Bradshaw; PART II International and transnational issues for a green criminology; 9 Climate crimes: the case of ExxonMobil Ronald C. Kramer and Elizabeth A. Bradshaw; 10 Global environmental divides and dislocations: climate apartheid, atmospheric injustice and the blighting of the planet Avi Brisman, Nigel South and Reece Walters; 11 Food crime and green criminology Wesley Tourangeau and Amy J. Fitzgerald; 12 Monopolising seeds, monopolising society: a guide to contemporary criminological research on biopiracy David Rodríguez Goyes; 13 The War on Drugs and its invisible collateral damage: environmental harm and climate change Tammy Ayres; 14 'Greening' injustice: penal reform, carceral expansion and greenwashing Jordan E. Mazurek, Justin Piché and Judah Schept; PART III Region-specific problems: some case studies; 15 The Amazon Rainforest: a green criminological perspective Tim Boekhout van SolingeI;16 Green issues in South-Eastern Europe Katja Eman and Gorazd Meško; 17 The Flint water crisis: a case study of state-sponsored environmental (in)justice Jacquelynn Doyon-Martin; 18 Indigenous environmental victimisation in the Canadian oil sands James Heydon;19 Fracking the Rockies: the production of harm Kellie Alexander, Tara O'Connor Shelley and Tara Opsal; 20 Corporate capitalism, environmental damage and the rule of law: the Magurchara gas explosion in Bangladesh Nikhil Deb; 21 Authoritarian environmentalism and environmental regulation enforcement: a case study of medical waste crime in northwestern China KuoRay Mao, Yiliang Zhu, Zhong Zhao and Yan Shan; PART IV Relationships in green criminology: environment and economy; 22 E-waste in the twilight zone between crime and survival Wim van Herk and Lieselot Bisschop; 23 The environment and the crimes of the economy Vincenzo Ruggiero; 24 Green criminology and the working class: political ecology and the expanded implications of political economic analysis in green criminology Michael J. Lynch; 25 Insurance and climate change Liam Phelan, Cameron Holley, Clifford Shearing and Louise du Toit; 26 Energy harms: 'extreme energy', fracking and water Damien Short; 27 The uncertainty of community financial incentives for 'fracking': pursuing ramifications for environmental justice Jack Adam Lampkin; PART V Relationships in green criminology: humans and non-human species; 28 A violent interspecies relationship: the case of animal sexual assault Jennifer Maher and Harriet Pierpoint; 29 The victimisation of women, children and non-human species through trafficking and trade: crimes understood through an ecofeminist perspective Ragnhild Sollund; 30 Wildlife trafficking and criminogenic symmetries in a globalised world Daan van Uhm; 31 Myths of causality, control and coherence in the 'war on wildlife crime' Siv Rebekka Runhovde; 32 Environmental justice, animal rights and total liberation: from conflict and distance to points of common focus David N. Pellow; PART VI Relationships in green criminology: environment and culture; 33 Environmental justice and the rights of Indigenous peoples Angus Nurse; 34 Green crime on the reservation: a spatio-temporal analysis of U.S. Native American reservations 2011-2015 Tameka Samuels-Jones, Ryan Thomson and Johanna Espin; 35 The disappearing land: coastal land loss and environmental crime Lieselot Bisschop, Staci Strobl and Julie Viollaz; 36 Toward a green cultural criminology of the South Avi Brisman and Nigel South; 37 Consumed by the crisis: green criminology and cultural criminology Jeff Ferrell; 38 Littering in the Northeast of England: a sign of social disorganisation? Kelly Johnson, Tanya Wyatt, Sarah Coulthard and Cassandra O'Neill; 39 A short conclusion concerning a questionable future Avi Brisman and Nigel South; Index

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- I Indigenous Society and Conquest -- Christopher Columbus ''Discovers'' Cuba -- The Devastation of the Indies -- Spanish Officials and Indigenous Resistance. Various Spanish Officials -- A World Destroyed -- ''Transculturation'' and Cuba -- Survival Stories -- II Sugar, Slavery, and Colonialism -- A Physician's Notes on Cuba -- The Death of the Forest -- Autobiography of a Slave -- Biography of a Runaway Slave -- Fleeing Slavery -- Santiago de Cuba's Fugitive Slaves -- Rumba -- The Trade in Chinese Laborers -- Life on a Coffee Plantation -- Cuba's First Railroad -- The Color Line -- Abolition! -- Cecilia Valdés -- Sab -- An Afro-Cuban Poet -- III The Struggle for Independence -- Freedom and Slavery -- Memories of a Cuban Girl -- José Martí's ''Our America'' -- Guantanamera -- The Explosion of the Maine. New York Journal -- U.S. Cartoonists Portray Cuba -- The Devastation of Counterinsurgency. Fifty-fifth Congress, Second Session -- IV Neocolonialism -- The Platt Amendment -- Imperialism and Sanitation -- A Child of the Platt Amendment -- Spain in Cuba -- The Independent Party of Color. El Partido Independiente de Color -- A Survivor -- Rachel's Song -- Honest Women -- Generals and Doctors -- A Crucial Decade -- Afrocubanismo and Son -- Drums in My Eyes -- Abakuá -- The First Wave of Cuban Feminism -- Life at the Mill -- Migrant Workers in the Sugar Industry -- The Cuban Counterpoint -- The Invasion of the Tourists -- Waiting Tables in Havana -- The Brothel of the Caribbean -- A Prostitute Remembers -- Sugarcane -- Where Is Cuba Headed? -- The Chase -- The Fall of Machado -- Sugar Mills and Soviets -- The United States Confronts the 1933 Revolution -- The Political Gangster -- The United Fruit Company in Cuba -- Cuba's Largest Inheritance. Bohemia -- The Last Call -- For Us, It Is Always the 26th of July -- Three Comandantes Talk It Over -- History Will Absolve Me -- Reminiscences of the Cuban Revolutionary War -- The United States Rules Cuba, 1952–1958 -- The Cuban Story in the New York Times -- V Building a New Society -- And Then Fidel Arrived -- Tornado -- Castro Announces the Revolution -- How the Poor Got More -- Fish à la Grande Jardinière -- Women in the Swamps -- Man and Socialism -- In the Fist of the Revolution -- The Agrarian Revolution -- 1961: The Year of Education -- The Literacy Campaign -- The ''Rehabilitation'' of Prostitutes -- The Family Code -- Homosexuality, Creativity, Dissidence -- The Original Sin -- Where the Island Sleeps Like a Wing -- Silence on Black Cuba -- Black Man in Red Cuba -- Post-modern Maroon in the Ultimate Palenque -- From Utopianism to Institutionalization -- Carlos Puebla Sings about the Economy -- VI Culture and Revolution -- Caliban -- For an Imperfect Cinema -- Dance and Social Change -- Revolutionary Sport -- Mea Cuba -- In Hard Times -- The Virgin of Charity of Cobre, Cuba's Patron Saint -- A Conversation on Santería and Palo Monte -- The Catholic Church and the Revolution -- Havana's Jewish Community -- VII The Cuban Revolution and the World -- The Venceremos Brigades -- The Cuban Revolution and the New Left -- The U.S. Government Responds to Revolution. Foreign Relations of the United States -- Castro Calls on Cubans to Resist the Counterrevolution -- Operation Mongoose -- Offensive Missiles on That Imprisoned Island -- Inconsolable Memories: A Cuban View of the Missile Crisis -- The Assassination Plots Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities -- Cuban Refugee Children -- From Welcomed Exiles to Illegal Immigrants -- Wrong Channel -- We Came All the Way from Cuba So You Could Dress Like This? -- City on the Edge -- Singing for Nicaragua -- Cuban Medical Diplomacy -- VIII The ''Período Especial'' and the Future of the Revolution -- Silvio Rodríguez Sings of the Special Period -- From Communist Solidarity to Communist Solitary -- The Revolution Turns Forty -- Colonizing the Cuban Body -- Pope John Paul II Speaks in Cuba -- Emigration in the Special Period -- The Old Man and the Boy -- Civil Society -- Forty Years Later -- A Dissident Speaks Out -- One More Assassination Plot -- An Errand in Havana -- No Turning Back for Johnny -- Suggestions for Further Reading -- Acknowledgment of Copyrights -- Index

Children have always been part of migration flows into the European Union (EU), whether moving with their families or independently. The general agreement is that they have been fleeing conflict and persecution and searching for better life opportunities. Among others, factors such as inequality, lack of employment, the expectation of success in the modern world, the spirit of adventure and educational purposes, often overlap. The number of unaccompanied minors presently living in the EU is only an estimation based on the number of asylum applications processed in EU Member States and does not count the unaccompanied minors who do not seek the official channels to legalise their entrance. International and EU laws foresee the protection of refugees and other migrants with special regard to the need of vulnerable groups such as unaccompanied minors, whether they request asylum or not. The latter should be treated in the same way as national children deprived of parental care and as specified in the national legislation of each Member State. However, there is a gap between the EU political efforts to protect all children's rights and the reality faced upon arrival. Legal procedures, suitable accommodation, the right to non-discrimination and mental healthcare are well defined on paper, however, in practice, there is still much to do. This dissertation focuses on the situation of unaccompanied minors in the EU, more specifically, it aims to better understand who they are, what their motivations for migrating alone are and to what extent their expectations are in line with the conditions the EU has to offer. It concludes with some remarks from the professionals working with this target group in Portugal and Greece. ; Os menores sempre fizeram parte integrante dos fluxos migratórios para a União Europeia (UE), quer acompanhados pelas suas famílias ou migrando de forma independente. A fuga de conflitos bélicos ou perseguição nos países de origem e a procura de melhores condições de vida costumam ser apontadas como sendo as causas principais para a migração. As estas sobrepõem-se outros fatores como a desigualdade e falta de emprego nos países de origem, a expectativa de se ser bem-sucedido no mundo moderno, a vontade de conhecer outros países e de estudar. O número de menores não acompanhados atualmente a viver na UE é uma estimativa baseada no número de requerentes de asilo, o qual não inclui os menores que não procuram os canais adequados para legalizar a sua entrada. A legislação internacional e europeia prevê a proteção de refugiados e outros migrantes, tendo especial atenção às necessidades dos mais vulneráveis. De acordo com a legislação em vigor em cada Estado Membro, os menores não requerentes de asilo devem beneficiar do mesmo tratamento que os menores nacionais privados de apoio dos pais ou em risco. Contudo, existe um fosso entre a vontade política europeia de proteger os direitos de todas as crianças e as condições que a EU pode oferecer. Os procedimentos legais, o acolhimento adequado, o direito à não discriminação e à saúde mental são uma realidade no papel, mas ainda há um longo caminho a percorrer para que se tornem também uma realidade na prática. O objetivo desta dissertação é refletir sobre a situação dos menores não acompanhados na UE, mais especificamente, perceber quem são estes menores, quais as suas motivações para migrar sozinhos e até que ponto as suas expectativas são realizáveis. Conclui com a perspetiva de profissionais a trabalhar com este grupo em Portugal e na Grécia.

PurposeThis study aims to clarify the labor market participation of highly educated Turks who moved or were exiled to the Western countries after the July 15th, 2016 Coup attempt in Turkey. These recent Turkish flows create a compelling case for researching higher education connections and the administration of justice in migration policies/practices related to highly educated people's job market participation. This study aims to expand the discussion on migration policies, practices, job market participation, how highly skilled migrants perceive them in various contexts and understand the complexity of highly educated migrants' incorporation into destination countries and their perspectives and lived experiences with policy practice.Design/methodology/approachThe primary source of the data is the semi-structured 30 interviews with the highly educated Turkish immigrants and refugees in Western countries, which enables comparative data from individuals of the same origin. The qualitative data have been transcribed, coded and analyzed according to the grounded-theory design from this vulnerable community. The high education was determined as graduation from 4-years colleges, which was recognized by destination countries. Our methodological tools were driven by the obstacles to collect data from politically sensitive, forced, or exiled migrants.FindingsFirst, this article challenges the assumption that incorporating job market participation is a smooth process for highly educated migrants who moved to Western countries. Second, highly educated immigrants tried to reach their previous statuses and life standards as fast as possible by working hard, making sacrifices and developing innovative strategies. The immigrants in Europe have faced greater obstacles with policies while participating in the job market. Third, the importance of networking and the active usage of social media platforms to communicate with other immigrants in similar situations facilitated the job market participation and job preferences of highly educated migrants. Fourth, while fast job market participation experiences of immigrants in Northern America were increasing their positive feelings regarding belonging, people who have similar skillsets in Europe experienced more problems in this process and felt alone.Research limitations/implicationsThe research results may lack generalizability due to the selected research approach. Further studies are encouraged to reach more population for each country to compare them.Practical implicationsConsequently, higher education may be a more vital decision point in migration policies and practices. This study contributes to a better understanding of these factors by showing the perspectives and experiences of highly educated migrants comparatively. Thus, it broadens the discussion about migration policies and job market participation of highly educated migrants.Social implicationsBuilding on this work, the authors suggest more studies on the temporary deskilling of highly educated migrants until they reach re-credentialing/education or training to gain their former status.Originality/valueFirst, while most studies on immigrants' labor market participation and highly educated immigrants focus on voluntary migrants, this study examines underrepresented groups of involuntary migrants, namely forced migrants and exiled people, by focusing on non-Western Muslim highly educated Turks. Second, the trouble in the Middle East continues and regimes change softly or harshly. There is a growing tendency to examine these topics from the immigrants' perspective, especially from these war-torn areas. This article adds to this discussion by stating that rather than forced migration due to armed conflict, the immigrants from Turkey – the non-Arab Muslim state of the Middle East – are related to political conditions. Lastly, drawing on the relationship between social change in the origin country and migration and addressing the lack of reliable and comparative data, this study focuses on same origin immigrants comparatively in eight different countries.

Tämän pro gradu -työn tavoitteena on tunnistaa ja analysoida Yhdistyneiden Kansakuntien turvallisuusneuvoston (UNSC) suojeluvastuun periaatteen (R2P) mukaiset toimet, joita se on käyttänyt Jemenin kriisin ratkaisemiseen ajanjaksolla 2011 – 2018, inhimillisen turvallisuuden viitekehyksen avulla, joka priorisoi yksilöä valtion sijasta. Metodina käytetään laadullista sisällönanalyysiä, ja datan koostuu YK:n turvallisuusneuvoston dokumenteista ja julkilausumista, joista suojeluvastuun periaatteen mukaisia toimia etsitään. R2P rinnastetaan usein virheellisesti sotilaallisen voiman käyttöön, ja tästä johtuen on esitetty väitteitä, että kansainvälinen yhteisö on sivuuttanut Jemenin kriisin. Kaiken lisäksi Jemenin kriisin käsittely mediassa on huomattavasti vähäisempää kuin alueen muiden kriisien käsittely. Vaikka inhimillinen turvallisuus on Jemenissä täysin puutteellinen, olisi harhaanjohtavaa ja epäoikeudenmukaista väittää, että kansainvälinen yhteisö olisi jättänyt Jemenin huomiotta. Tämä pro gradu -työ pyrkii osoittamaan, että kansainvälinen yhteisö on toiminut Jemenissä suojeluvastuun periaatteen mukaisesti. Suojeluvastuun periaatteen toteuttaminen on Jemenissä myös aiheellista, sillä on syytä epäillä, että kaikki konfliktin osapuolet ovat syyllistyneet törkeisiin ihmisoikeusrikkomuksiin, mukaan lukien mahdollisiin sotarikoksiin ja rikoksiin ihmisyyttä vastaan. YK:n turvallisuusneuvosto on toteuttanut Jemenin tapauksen käsittelyssä suojeluvastuun periaatteen pilareita II ja III, jotka vaativat turvallisuusneuvoston valtuutuksen. Näihin toimiin lukeutuvat useat siirtymäkauden aikana (2011 – 2014) neuvotellut sopimukset, kaksi eri selvitysvaltuuskuntaa, sanktioita ja rauhanneuvotteluyrityksiä. Nämä toimet jo osoittavat, että kansainvälinen yhteisö on toiminut edistääkseen Jemenin konfliktin ratkaisemista. Vaikka kriisiä ei ole saatu ratkaistua, se ei silti tarkoita sitä, etteikö tätä olisi yritetty. On kuitenkin huomattava, että Jemenin konflikti on vaikea ratkaistava sen vaikeaselkoisuuden, monitahoisuuden ja osaltaan myös YK:n turvallisuusneuvoston kokoonpanon vuoksi. Jemenin kriisin, kuten minkä tahansa muunkin konfliktin ratkaisu, joka uhkaa kansainvälistä rauhaa ja turvallisuutta, vaatii suunnattomasti poliittista tahtoa paikallisesti, alueellisesti ja kansainvälisesti. ; The purpose of this master's thesis is to recognize and analyse the approach of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to the ongoing crisis in Yemen during the time period of 2011-2018 with the theoretical framework of human security, which prioritizes the safety of an individual over a state. This thesis seeks to identify measures authorized by the UNSC that belong under the responsibility to protect (R2P) doctrine through qualitative content analysis. Yemen does not receive a lot of media attention, as there are other troubled states in the region that often steal the spotlight in the Western media, due to potential refugee flows, for example. R2P is often erroneously equated to mean the use of military force, and thus there have been those, who argue that the international community has forgotten and ignored the crisis in Yemen. This thesis presents that this is not true: even though the human security situation is catastrophic in Yemen, it would be unfair and inaccurate to claim that the people of Yemen have been ignored by the UNSC. This thesis recognizes clear R2P measures that the UNSC has implemented in Yemen in hopes to resolve the conflict, or at least alleviate human suffering. Implementing the principles of R2P are necessary in the case of Yemen, as there is reasonable grounds to believe that all parties to the conflict have perpetrated mass atrocity crimes, including war crimes and crimes against humanity. The UNSC has applied pillars II and III of R2P, which include negotiated agreements during the transitional period (2011 – 2014), two different fact-finding missions, sanctions and mediation efforts. These measures prove that the international community has acted in accordance with the R2P doctrine. However, it needs also to be acknowledged that due to the complexity of the crisis, its multifaceted nature and the composition of the UNSC, the crisis in Yemen is a very difficult one to resolve. This is true with any crisis that threatens international peace and security. They require an immense amount of political will locally, regionally and internationally.

The coronavirus pandemic is another crisis in Europe that has exposed anti-democratic tendencies in the Member States of the European Union. It took place immediately after the financial crisis and the so-called refugee crisis that previously revealed such a trend. During the coronavirus pandemic, the governments have imposed a lot of different restrictions, inter alia on freedoms of peaceful assemblies, movement, or religious freedom, which may indicate the implementation of the neo-/quasi-militant democracy rule in the analyzed country. In this article, I focus only on the limitations liked to the Catholic Church. The restrictions imposed by the government mainly concerned the limited number of people who can participate in church rites and restrictions on movement for young people. In response to the introduced restrictions, there were very divided voices of clergy representing the Catholic Church. On the basis of their analysis, the positions held were classified into four groups that allow me to organize and classify the attitude of individual clergy to the introduced restrictions. The statements of the clergy were divided into those expressing approval for the introduced restrictions, denying them, expressing doubts (partial approval or negation) as well as an attitude expressing openness to the use of modern technologies in evangelization or lack of support for their use. The study revealed that religious freedom in Poland was significantly violated during the coronavirus pandemic. It was a mechanism characteristic of neo-militant democracy since the democratic freedom was restricted not to limit the sovereignty of the Polish political nation. However, the results obtained do not indicate the progressive process of neither neo- nor quasi-militant democracy rule implementation, because the restrictions appeared only during the pandemic and also covered other institutions, for example schools and universities. Earlier, before the pandemic period, one can rather talk about incidental actions limiting religious freedom. In addition, the restrictions introduced were not as restrictive for the Church as in the case of other institutions. ; Пандемія коронавірусу – це ще одна криза в Європі, яка виявила антидемократичні тенденції в державах-членах Європейського Союзу. Це сталося одразу після фінансової кризи та так званої кризи біженців, що раніше виявляли вказану тенденцію. Під час пандемії коронавірусу уряд запровадив багато різних обмежень, зокрема на свободу мирних зібрань, пересування чи свободу віросповідання, що може свідчити про впровадження в аналізованій країні правила нео/квазімілітарної демократії. У цій статті я зосереджуюся лише на обмеженнях, що стосуються Католицької Церкви. Обмеження, встановлені урядом, стосувалися переважно обмеження кількості людей, які можуть брати участь у церковних обрядах, та обмежень щодо пересування молоді. У відповідь на введені обмеження голоси священнослужителів, що представляли Католицьку Церкву, були дуже розділеними. На підставі їх аналізу посади, що займають, були класифіковані на чотири групи, що дозволяє мені організувати та класифікувати ставлення окремих шарів духовенства до введених обмежень. Заяви духовенства поділялися на ті, які висловлювали схвалення запровадженим обмеженням, заперечували їх, висловлювали сумніви (часткове схвалення чи заперечення), а також ставлення, яке висловлювало відкритість до використання сучасних технологій в євангелізації або відсутність підтримки їх використання. Дослідження показало, що свобода віросповідання в Польщі була значно порушена під час пандемії коронавірусу. Це був механізм, характерний для нео-мілітарної демократії, оскільки демократична свобода була обмежена, щоб не обмежувати суверенітет польської політичної нації. Однак отримані результати не свідчать про поступовий процес впровадження ані нео-, ані квазі-мілітарних правил демократії, оскільки обмеження з'явилися лише під час пандемії та охоплювали й інші установи, наприклад, школи та університети. Раніше, до періоду пандемії, швидше можна говорити про випадкові дії, що обмежують свободу віросповідання. Крім того, введені обмеження не були настільки жорссткими для Церкви, як у випадку з іншими установами.

The coronavirus pandemic is another crisis in Europe that has exposed anti-democratic tendencies in the Member States of the European Union. It took place immediately after the financial crisis and the so-called refugee crisis that previously revealed such a trend. During the coronavirus pandemic, the governments have imposed a lot of different restrictions, inter alia on freedoms of peaceful assemblies, movement, or religious freedom, which may indicate the implementation of the neo-/quasi-militant democracy rule in the analyzed country. In this article, I focus only on the limitations liked to the Catholic Church. The restrictions imposed by the government mainly concerned the limited number of people who can participate in church rites and restrictions on movement for young people. In response to the introduced restrictions, there were very divided voices of clergy representing the Catholic Church. On the basis of their analysis, the positions held were classified into four groups that allow me to organize and classify the attitude of individual clergy to the introduced restrictions. The statements of the clergy were divided into those expressing approval for the introduced restrictions, denying them, expressing doubts (partial approval or negation) as well as an attitude expressing openness to the use of modern technologies in evangelization or lack of support for their use. The study revealed that religious freedom in Poland was significantly violated during the coronavirus pandemic. It was a mechanism characteristic of neo-militant democracy since the democratic freedom was restricted not to limit the sovereignty of the Polish political nation. However, the results obtained do not indicate the progressive process of neither neo- nor quasi-militant democracy rule implementation, because the restrictions appeared only during the pandemic and also covered other institutions, for example schools and universities. Earlier, before the pandemic period, one can rather talk about incidental actions limiting religious freedom. In addition, the restrictions introduced were not as restrictive for the Church as in the case of other institutions. ; Пандемія коронавірусу – це ще одна криза в Європі, яка виявила антидемократичні тенденції в державах-членах Європейського Союзу. Це сталося одразу після фінансової кризи та так званої кризи біженців, що раніше виявляли вказану тенденцію. Під час пандемії коронавірусу уряд запровадив багато різних обмежень, зокрема на свободу мирних зібрань, пересування чи свободу віросповідання, що може свідчити про впровадження в аналізованій країні правила нео/квазімілітарної демократії. У цій статті я зосереджуюся лише на обмеженнях, що стосуються Католицької Церкви. Обмеження, встановлені урядом, стосувалися переважно обмеження кількості людей, які можуть брати участь у церковних обрядах, та обмежень щодо пересування молоді. У відповідь на введені обмеження голоси священнослужителів, що представляли Католицьку Церкву, були дуже розділеними. На підставі їх аналізу посади, що займають, були класифіковані на чотири групи, що дозволяє мені організувати та класифікувати ставлення окремих шарів духовенства до введених обмежень. Заяви духовенства поділялися на ті, які висловлювали схвалення запровадженим обмеженням, заперечували їх, висловлювали сумніви (часткове схвалення чи заперечення), а також ставлення, яке висловлювало відкритість до використання сучасних технологій в євангелізації або відсутність підтримки їх використання. Дослідження показало, що свобода віросповідання в Польщі була значно порушена під час пандемії коронавірусу. Це був механізм, характерний для нео-мілітарної демократії, оскільки демократична свобода була обмежена, щоб не обмежувати суверенітет польської політичної нації. Однак отримані результати не свідчать про поступовий процес впровадження ані нео-, ані квазі-мілітарних правил демократії, оскільки обмеження з'явилися лише під час пандемії та охоплювали й інші установи, наприклад, школи та університети. Раніше, до періоду пандемії, швидше можна говорити про випадкові дії, що обмежують свободу віросповідання. Крім того, введені обмеження не були настільки жорссткими для Церкви, як у випадку з іншими установами.

The article examines some aspects of contemporary English-speaking media space in the context of virtual reality (VR). The emergence of such media platform as VR headsets has led to new forms of delivering news and formation of immersive journalism. The purpose of the article is to examine the benefits of virtual technologies and their contribution to user involvement in narrative. Also to study the most relevant and prospective news stories for such new media space. And to scrutinize the potential problems journalists encounter during their work in virtual reality. The New York Times and The Guardian are one of the first major media brands to put in practice VR and 360 videos as a new storytelling platform. The vast majority of news stories are not suited for VR. It should be used to amplify stories that are suited to its strong point - putting a viewer in the scene. Places that are hard to get to or where people are scarcely likely to travel or where turning head side-toside is indispensable. There is no point in using spherical video if all the action is front and centre as it occurs in political debate. The benefit of shooting events in virtual reality is that it allows audience to rediscover new elements each time they watch it that they may have put out of account before. One potential future area could be to capture historical events so that we can do comprehensive analysis in the future tense. VR presents opportunities, but also brings up serious ethical dilemmas about representation, privacy, intellectual property and media effects. VR journalists may manipulate the viewer by designing virtual worlds for specific deliberate outcome. The second issue is cost and complexity of producing VR media. The post-production step for stitching is incredibly time-consuming and laborious. The slowest step in the spherical-video workflow is stitching together the files from multiple cameras. Virtual reality has the potential to reinforce storytelling by offering the audience experience and environment that are out of reach in terms of location: life in a refugee camp or in Fukushima after a devastating earthquake and tsunami caused a meltdown at a nuclear power plant, or travelling to Paris after the terrorist attacks that occurred on Friday 13 November 2015. But we have to draw attention to the other side of new digital technologies when users perceive virtual objects as authentic physical space, which leads to false impressions and memories. It is also worth mentioning that virtual reality project is not a separate single story, but a part of complex narratives that are conveyed across multiple platforms which can be classified as transmedia storytelling. ; Рассматриваются некоторые аспекты современного англоязычного медиапространства в контексте виртуальной реальности. Появление такой медиаплатформы, как VR-очки, определило новый формат подачи контента, а также привело к рождению иного вида журналистики - иммерсивной. На примере материалов «The New York Times», авторы которых являются первооткрывателями данного направления, показаны преимущества виртуальных технологий и как они способствуют усилению вовлеченности пользователя в нарратив. Рассмотрены, какие новостные сюжеты являются наиболее релевантными и перспективными для данной новой среды. В то же время автор статьи обращает внимание на то, что у новой технологии существует и оборотная сторона: виртуальный мир воспринимается реципиентом как аутентичная коммуникативная деятельность, в результате которой происходит подмена реальностей, формирование ложных впечатлений и воспоминаний. Кроме того, медиаспециалисты поднимают вопрос о профессионально-этических нормах журналистского поведения в данной области. Отмечается, что проекты виртуальный реальности - это не одиночный проект, а часть составного информационного продукта, трансмедийного повествования.

The article analyzes the relevance of studies devoted to the history of Ukrainian voivodeship sejmiks in exile. It concerns the parliamentary practices of noble corporations from Kyiv, Chernihiv, and Bratslav voivodeships, which, due to the Cossack revolution of 1648, lost access to their estates and were forced to migrate to other parts of the Polish-Lithuanian state. The purpose of the paper is to pose a question for future research related to the subject of exiles from the Ukrainian voivodeships and their parliamentary activities.One of the tasks was to review the historiography on the history of parliamentary system, whose research topic consisted in various aspects of the activity of knightly circles from Kyiv, Chernihiv, and Bratslav voivodeships in chronological frameworks from the beginning of the Cossack revolution of 1648 and throughout the second half of the 17th century. As this topic is poorly presented in domestic historiography, this work analyzes foreign academic achievements. First of all, it concerns the publications of Polish historians whose research interests are directly related to refugees from the eastern borders of the Commonwealth. Besides, the article outlines a range of research questions that are relevant to the study in regard to the potential of the source material. Possible topics include the comprehensive analysis of the parliamentary practice of the Ukrainian knighthood in exile, the exploring of local political elites, and common assemblies of Ukrainian nobility during the period of their forced migration. The necessity of the research is caused by the fact that domestic historians primarily study the events of the middle – second half of the 17th century in relation to the existence of the Hetmanate. Given this, attention to the analysis of the activities of the exiled nobility will allow a broader overall presentation of the struggle for the Ukrainian lands in the above mentioned chronological frameworks and more extensive knowledge about the history of parliamentarism in the period after Bohdan Khmelnytsky's speech. ; У статті наведено аналіз актуальності студій, присвячених вивченню історії сеймиків українських воєводств на вигнанні. Йдеться про парламентські практики шляхетських корпорацій з Київського, Чернігівського та Брацлавського воєводств, які внаслідок козацької революції 1648 року позбулися доступу до своїх маєтків та вимушені були мігрувати в інші частини Польсько-Литовської держави. Мета роботи полягає у постановці питання для майбутніх досліджень, які стосуватимуться вигнанців з українських воєводств та їхньої парламентської діяльності в екзилі. Одним із завдань тексту був огляд історіографії з історії парламентаризму, у якій предметом вивчення ставали різні аспекти діяльності рицарських кіл з Київського, Чернігівського та Брацлавського воєводств на вигнанні у хронологічних рамках від початку козацької революції 1648 року і протягом другої половини XVII ст. Зважаючи на те, що у вітчизняній історіографії ця тема майже не представлена, у роботі проаналізовано закордонний науковий доробок. Насамперед йдеться про публікації польських істориків, чиї дослідницькі інте­реси безпосередньо стосуються біженців зі східних кордонів Речі Посполитої. Окрім цього, у статті окреслено спектр дослідницьких питань, які є релевантними для вивчення з огляду на потенціал джерельного матеріалу. Серед можливих тем зазначено комплексний аналіз парламентської практики українського рицарства на вигнанні, вивчення локальних політичних еліт та спільних шляхетських зібрань українського рицарства у період вимушеної міграції. Необхідність наукових напрацювань у цьому напрямку зумовлена й тим, що у фокусі вивчення подій середини – другої половини XVII cт. серед вітчизняних істориків переважають теми, які стосуються існування Гетьманщини. Зважаючи на це, увага до аналізу діяльності шляхти-вигнанців дасть можливість ширше показати контекст протистояння за українські землі у вказаних хронологічних рамках та розширити знання про історію парламентаризму у період після виступу Богдана Хмельницького.

The article analyzes the relevance of studies devoted to the history of Ukrainian voivodeship sejmiks in exile. It concerns the parliamentary practices of noble corporations from Kyiv, Chernihiv, and Bratslav voivodeships, which, due to the Cossack revolution of 1648, lost access to their estates and were forced to migrate to other parts of the Polish-Lithuanian state. The purpose of the paper is to pose a question for future research related to the subject of exiles from the Ukrainian voivodeships and their parliamentary activities.One of the tasks was to review the historiography on the history of parliamentary system, whose research topic consisted in various aspects of the activity of knightly circles from Kyiv, Chernihiv, and Bratslav voivodeships in chronological frameworks from the beginning of the Cossack revolution of 1648 and throughout the second half of the 17th century. As this topic is poorly presented in domestic historiography, this work analyzes foreign academic achievements. First of all, it concerns the publications of Polish historians whose research interests are directly related to refugees from the eastern borders of the Commonwealth. Besides, the article outlines a range of research questions that are relevant to the study in regard to the potential of the source material. Possible topics include the comprehensive analysis of the parliamentary practice of the Ukrainian knighthood in exile, the exploring of local political elites, and common assemblies of Ukrainian nobility during the period of their forced migration. The necessity of the research is caused by the fact that domestic historians primarily study the events of the middle – second half of the 17th century in relation to the existence of the Hetmanate. Given this, attention to the analysis of the activities of the exiled nobility will allow a broader overall presentation of the struggle for the Ukrainian lands in the above mentioned chronological frameworks and more extensive knowledge about the history of parliamentarism in the period after Bohdan Khmelnytsky's speech. ; У статті наведено аналіз актуальності студій, присвячених вивченню історії сеймиків українських воєводств на вигнанні. Йдеться про парламентські практики шляхетських корпорацій з Київського, Чернігівського та Брацлавського воєводств, які внаслідок козацької революції 1648 року позбулися доступу до своїх маєтків та вимушені були мігрувати в інші частини Польсько-Литовської держави. Мета роботи полягає у постановці питання для майбутніх досліджень, які стосуватимуться вигнанців з українських воєводств та їхньої парламентської діяльності в екзилі. Одним із завдань тексту був огляд історіографії з історії парламентаризму, у якій предметом вивчення ставали різні аспекти діяльності рицарських кіл з Київського, Чернігівського та Брацлавського воєводств на вигнанні у хронологічних рамках від початку козацької революції 1648 року і протягом другої половини XVII ст. Зважаючи на те, що у вітчизняній історіографії ця тема майже не представлена, у роботі проаналізовано закордонний науковий доробок. Насамперед йдеться про публікації польських істориків, чиї дослідницькі інте­реси безпосередньо стосуються біженців зі східних кордонів Речі Посполитої. Окрім цього, у статті окреслено спектр дослідницьких питань, які є релевантними для вивчення з огляду на потенціал джерельного матеріалу. Серед можливих тем зазначено комплексний аналіз парламентської практики українського рицарства на вигнанні, вивчення локальних політичних еліт та спільних шляхетських зібрань українського рицарства у період вимушеної міграції. Необхідність наукових напрацювань у цьому напрямку зумовлена й тим, що у фокусі вивчення подій середини – другої половини XVII cт. серед вітчизняних істориків переважають теми, які стосуються існування Гетьманщини. Зважаючи на це, увага до аналізу діяльності шляхти-вигнанців дасть можливість ширше показати контекст протистояння за українські землі у вказаних хронологічних рамках та розширити знання про історію парламентаризму у період після виступу Богдана Хмельницького.

This study draws on ethnographic research with Somali migrants in Cape Town to explore the intersection of (im)mobility, physical and virtual space and new configurations of belonging in a digital world. It investigates the gendered politics and ethics of being and belonging in a world of mobility and migration where digital technologies have become significant to social organisation and sociality, both within and across borders. The dissertation presented probes the reasons why policies and technologies that were expected to create more fluid movement and more open societies have been met with the hardening of national borders, and a parallel rise in global trends towards anti-immigration, control of identities and fear of difference, which have manifested in South African society. This dissertation concludes that a combination of legal frameworks related to migrants and refugees, public infrastructures and cultural factors exert a strong influence on Somali migrants' access to rights in South Africa, identity and social reproduction, and transnational belonging. Social exclusion may be a catalyst for Somali migrants' transnational engagements in which digital technologies are a significant driver of heightened group consciousness and belonging. In many ways, the rise of online social networks and information capital have taken off among Somali migrants because of their tremendous social organising power in the absence of formal institutions, limited political and social belonging in host countries, and in the context of vastly integrated transnational diaspora networks which sustain economic and social lives. As such, Somali migrants live at the margins of (im)mobility – in-between physical and virtual spaces – leading to the navigation of "frontier-ness", challenging taken-for-granted identities. While most studies about mobility and migration focus on citizenship and belonging from a legalistic or deterministic standpoint – solidifying prescribed notions of "Somaliness" or other factors of identity affiliated with nationhood or citizenship – there is a need to dig deeper to understanding what it means to navigate and, indeed perform, belonging via gendered technologies of mobility. Participation in social life through online networks and in transnational spaces often challenges common assumptions that identity is necessarily linked to particular places. However, this research simultaneously demonstrates the ways in which nations and borders continue to be emphasised in a world of flows. Contrary to popular assumptions that the internet is transnational, borderless and disassociated with place, this research argues that nation-places – enacted through hubs and nodes – continue to be salient. In this context, it is important to understand how digital technologies intersect with identity, culture and socialnorms offline and online among diverse communities to support new configurations of agency and empowerment in an increasingly digital world. In this light, this dissertation looks at how digital technologies, such as the internet, emerge as a force of mobility, situated in contrast to stark forces of immobility which seek to limit the movement of people. Not only does the internet close distance between geographies, it also closes distances in access to information and networks of support, such as financial assistance, social capital and caregiving. Experiences of mobility (offline and online) have been both empowering and liberating. However, mobility is also circumscribed and limited by new forms of social control and manipulation at all levels of society. Despite the profoundly transnational and borderless context of the internet, "traditional" cultural frameworks and identities, such as nationality and gender, continue to be salient markers of online identity, just as they are offline. This study argues that digital technologies are culturally constituted frontier spaces characterised by various layers of (im)mobility through which belonging is navigated and performed.

Migration from poor countries is constantly increasing, but at the same time it is becoming more difficult to legally enter and seek asylum in the European Union. Fences were erected in several countries, such as Hungary, Slovenia, Macedonia and Austria. Due to the lack of opportunities, thousands of desperate people are forced to embark on a dangerous journey across the Mediterranean Sea, considered one of the deadliest seas in the world. For the past fifteen years, Italy has been increasingly affected by the phenomenon of migrants and applicants for international protection arriving by sea, departing from the coasts of Libya, Tunisia and Egypt. These flows incremented significantly in 2011 related to the political changes in the countries of North Africa (especially in Tunisia and Libya), called the "Arab Spring," and with the intensification of the conflict in Syria. Since the Arab uprisings, the Mediterranean region has been confronted with unprecedented refugee and migratory fluxes: in 2014 over 170.000 people arrived by sea, of which more than 42.000 Syrian citizens fleeing the war.As a consequence of their geographical position and the implementation of the Dublin Regulation – which sets the procedures for asylum applications in the European Union – countries of first arrival such Italy, Greece, and, to a lesser extent, Spain have been most affected. This paper analyses the Italian's center-left government decision to launch the Mare Nostrum operation, opening the path for the Search and Humanitarian missions. Mare Nostrum was a year-long naval and air operation initiated by the Italian government on October 18, 2013 after the greatly mediatized Lampedusa shipwrecks of 3rd and 11th of October 2013 near the island of Lampedusa when 636 migrants died off the Italian coast. The Italian operation aimed to identify boats in distress and to launch a proactive "Search and Rescue" operation with a policing and anti-smuggling component, covered an area of 70.000 square kilometers, and operated close to the Libyan coast. Leading this military-humanitarian operation, Italy succeeded in raising the awareness of EU member states' governments and public opinion that the Mediterranean migration crisis affects all EU member states - not just Italy or other South-European countries. The Mare Nostrum operation ended suddenly, after a series of harsh critics, largely because of a lack of European Union supported being considered a "pull factor" for migration, but its consequence was that it paved the way for a greater humanitarian response to this complex phenomenon that affects the economic, social and security aspects of Europe in the world of mass human movements. It was superseded by Frontex's Operation Triton, an operation which had no naval or air force of its own, instead, it had to rely on the help of the EU countries. The aim of the new European operation led by Italy as host state was not to save human lives but, basically it was a border control operation. Triton replaced also two old operations the agency used to coordinate in the South of Italy, Hermes which controlled the border along the Italian coastline, and Aeneas which controlled migrant flows from Egypt and Turkey (via Greece) to Italy. Another mission under Italian naval command and headquartered in Rome was the Sophia Operation, launched in June 2015, an anti-people smuggling mission in the Mediterranean Sea, ended in March 2019. The ending decision relates to Italy's reluctance to allow rescued people to disembark in its own ports.

YÖK Tez No: 545450 ; Doktora ; 2011 yılında Libya'da iç Savaş ve dış Müdahale sonucunda savaştan kaynaklanan büyük bir hasar ve yıkım ortaya çıkmıştır. Sürekli elektrik kesintileri nedeniyle, işletme faaliyetlerinde ve petrol gelirlerinde% 90'lık bir kayıp vardır, Ülke nüfusunun üçte biri mülteci olarak Tunus'a kaçmıştır. Ülkenin ana gelir kaynağı olan petrol üretimi günde 1,6 milyon varilden beş yıl süren iç savaş ve sivil düzensizlik sonucu 900 bin varile düşmüştür, Periyodik ekonomik ve politik krizlere rağmen, yakın gelecekte ekonomik faaliyetin yeniden düzene gireceği beklenmekte olup, özellikle kentsel alanların yeniden inşası ve altyapı tesislerinin süratle onarılması beklenmektedir. Deniz ulaştırması bir ülkenin küresel ticarete katılabilmesi için hayati öneme haizdir. Limanlar ülke taşımacılığında hayati bir rol oynamaktadır, Çünkü limanlar deniz taşımacılığı ülke içindeki taşımacılığın bağlantı noktasıdır, Limanlar olmazsa ne ülke içi ne de küresel ticaret olamaz. Bingazi limanı Trablus limanından sonra Libya'nın ikinci en büyük limanı olup; doğu ve güney Libya'yı kapsayan geniş bir alana hizmet vermektedir, Bingazi kenti ticaret ve nüfus bakımından ülkenin doğudaki en büyük şehri ve bölgenin hinterlant merkezidir. Çalışmanın amacı Libya'nın mevcut ve gelecekteki gereksinimlerini karşılamak için, özellikle inşaat işleri alanında Bingazi limanının iyileştirilmesi için gerekli çalışmaların hazırlanmasıdır. Bu çalışma, Libya'nın mevcut ve gelecekteki lojistik ihtiyaçlarının karşılanmasına yönelik bir değerlendirme ile başlamaktadır. Daha sonra Libya ekonomisinde Bingazi Limanı'nın rolü dikkate alınarak, liman geliştirme gereksinimlerini tartışılacaktır. Bu gereksinimler ışığında, limanın gelecekteki görünümünü şekillendirmek üzere bir Mimari Tasarım Çalışması geliştirilecektir, Bu çalışma ışığında mümkün olabilecek inşaat gereksinimleri göz önüne alınacaktır. Bu çalışma, önümüzdeki on yılda Libya ekonomisinin ihtiyaçlarını karşılamak için Bingazi limanının gelişimine yönelik gelecek çalışmaları tanımlamayı amaçlayan bir başlangıç çalışmasıdır. ; As result of the Civil War and Foreign Intervention in Libya in 2011, damage and disorder from war has been considerable. There are frequent electric outages, little business activity, and a loss in revenues from oil by 90%. A third of country's population has fled to Tunisia as refugees. Main source of country, oil production has fallen from 1.6 million barrel per day to 900,000 in five years of war and civil disturbance. Despite periodic economic and political crisis, a considerable emerge of economic activity is expected in the near future in particular reconstruction of urban areas and infrastructure is expected soon. Shipping is one of the most important forms of transportation for global trade. Ports play an important and vital role in maritime transport chain, because it represents the link between road transport and maritime transport, in addition cannot be global trade that have an affair in absence of ports. Benghazi port acquires importance and distinction of being a key ring and a centre link between many of regional countries in field of various economic transactions. Benghazi port is the second largest ports in Libya after the port of Tripoli and advantage of the port it serves a wide and large area includes eastern and southern Libya, and extend to west (Ras- Lanuf area), because importance economic and commercial of Benghazi city and as the largest also most important east cities of country and the second Libyan cities in terms of population The aim of study is preparation of studies to improve Benghazi port in particular in civil works, to meet existing and future requirement of the Libya. This study starts evaluation of economic activities which lead in understanding the logistics requirements of Libya as well as major difficulties in the different type of logistics operations. Then role of Benghazi Port in Libyan economy will be discussed to define port development requirements. In the light of these requirements an architectural design Study will be improved to shape future posture of the port. Based on this future posture possible civil work requirements will be considered. This is an initial study which aims to define future works for development of Benghazi port to meet requirements of Libyan economy in next decade.

The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, commonly referred to as the Visegrad Four (V4) states, developed friendly relations with several African states both during and after the wave of independence. After the transition from Socialist to democratic systems at the beginning of the 1990s, the focus of the Visegrad countries had shifted to the West. The foreign policies of the V4 mainly focused on the accession to NATO and then to the EU, to the relative neglect of other aspects and regions, including Africa. As one of the conditions for acceding to the European Union (EU) in 2004, the members of the Visegrad group acceded to the EU-Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States (ACP) Cotonou Partnership Agreement. They also became part of the regular Africa-EU Summits of Heads of State and Government, and became influential actors in the EU's Neighbourhood Policy that covers relations with North Africa as well as with the Central and East European region under the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Discussions on EU-Africa relations strongly emphasise the engagement and interests of certain (founding) EU member states who have traditionally been vocal in this sphere. On the other side, there is a widely spread perception of the V4's lack of interest in Africa. Nevertheless, while facing the recent turmoil induced by the migration crisis, the V4 governments often declare the intention of greater commitment to development cooperation and humanitarian aid, especially in African migrants' countries of origin.This paper discusses the recent engagement of the Visegrad countries in the EU-Africa relations, with a key focus on four main issues (the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations; the southern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy; the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa; and the European Development Fund). Furthermore, it identifies prospects for the Group's future engagement.The Visegrad countries' foreign policy, as well as economic priorities, primarily lie somewhere else and not in Africa. Their focus on the EaP is one of the reasons why the V4 engagement in the shaping of EU-Africa relations has been limited. Since their interests are elsewhere, they try to balance the EU's focus within its external relations. Also, the V4 countries often point to their lack of interests and expertise in this region. Seemingly, there are too many technical and political limitations for a considerable increase of the V4 engagement in Africa in the near future.This paper's findings suggest that the migration crisis indeed reinforced the increasing interest of Visegrad countries in Africa, and to some extent accelerated their engagement – both in this region and in the EU arena. However, the tendency to (re)engage in Africa had been initiated before the migration crisis, and it was a result of higher interest stemming from security concerns and from the desire to diversify economic ties.The overall conclusion of this paper is that the V4 have not managed to effectively translate their joint positions on EU-Africa relations into collective action within the EU. In most of the cases they did not share interests and, in consequence, did not formulate joint positions. This could particularly be observed in the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations. Nevertheless, along with the emergence of the current migration and refugee crisis, a new field for joint engagement of the V4 appeared. Since joint efforts could help to overcome the lack of capacities for greater development cooperation and diplomatic representation, there is now potential for the Visegrad countries cooperation on the ground.

The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, commonly referred to as the Visegrad Four (V4) states, developed friendly relations with several African states both during and after the wave of independence. After the transition from Socialist to democratic systems at the beginning of the 1990s, the focus of the Visegrad countries had shifted to the West. The foreign policies of the V4 mainly focused on the accession to NATO and then to the EU, to the relative neglect of other aspects and regions, including Africa. As one of the conditions for acceding to the European Union (EU) in 2004, the members of the Visegrad group acceded to the EU-Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States (ACP) Cotonou Partnership Agreement. They also became part of the regular Africa-EU Summits of Heads of State and Government, and became influential actors in the EU's Neighbourhood Policy that covers relations with North Africa as well as with the Central and East European region under the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Discussions on EU-Africa relations strongly emphasise the engagement and interests of certain (founding) EU member states who have traditionally been vocal in this sphere. On the other side, there is a widely spread perception of the V4's lack of interest in Africa. Nevertheless, while facing the recent turmoil induced by the migration crisis, the V4 governments often declare the intention of greater commitment to development cooperation and humanitarian aid, especially in African migrants' countries of origin. This paper discusses the recent engagement of the Visegrad countries in the EU-Africa relations, with a key focus on four main issues (the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations; the southern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy; the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa; and the European Development Fund). Furthermore, it identifies prospects for the Group's future engagement. The Visegrad countries' foreign policy, as well as economic priorities, primarily lie somewhere else and not in Africa. Their focus on the EaP is one of the reasons why the V4 engagement in the shaping of EU-Africa relations has been limited. Since their interests are elsewhere, they try to balance the EU's focus within its external relations. Also, the V4 countries often point to their lack of interests and expertise in this region. Seemingly, there are too many technical and political limitations for a considerable increase of the V4 engagement in Africa in the near future. This paper's findings suggest that the migration crisis indeed reinforced the increasing interest of Visegrad countries in Africa, and to some extent accelerated their engagement – both in this region and in the EU arena. However, the tendency to (re)engage in Africa had been initiated before the migration crisis, and it was a result of higher interest stemming from security concerns and from the desire to diversify economic ties. The overall conclusion of this paper is that the V4 have not managed to effectively translate their joint positions on EU-Africa relations into collective action within the EU. In most of the cases they did not share interests and, in consequence, did not formulate joint positions. This could particularly be observed in the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations. Nevertheless, along with the emergence of the current migration and refugee crisis, a new field for joint engagement of the V4 appeared. Since joint efforts could help to overcome the lack of capacities for greater development cooperation and diplomatic representation, there is now potential for the Visegrad countries cooperation on the ground.