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loannis Tserkezis, born in 1874, in Mazotos, a village in the Larnaca district of Cyprus, came from a poor family and was sent by his father to Smyrna, in 1888, aged 14, to seek employment to strengthen the family's income. The young Greek Cypriot's family was counting on help that would be provided to the young immigrant by his uncle (on his father 's side), who had been living in that multicultural Ottoman city for a considerable length of time. Despite his uncle 's efforts, the search for employment proved fruitless, and thus, after a brief period of time, Tserkezis was forced to return to his native country. He was not disheartened, though. He continued his efforts to find employment abroad during the years that followed. In 1899, he made efforts to settle in Alexandria and in 1902 went back to Smyrna, but both ventures proved unsuccessful. Up until then Tserkezis had chosen to emigrate to the most common destinations for the Cypriots of the time. That is, to Egypt or countries within the Ottoman Empire (Tserkezis 1988: 13-101).

"Published by authority of the provincial parliament of Nova-Scotia." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Der Autor stellt Ansätze der quantifizierenden historischen Forschung in den USA vor, die einen Fortschritt auf dem Weg zu einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Geschichtswissenschaft darstellen. Auch bei der Übernahme sozialwissenschaftlicher Methoden bleiben die ursprünglichen Ziele der Historiographie erhalten. Für die Anfänge dieser Entwicklung konstatiert der Autor eine Vernachlässigung konzeptioneller Fragen zugunsten der reinen Datenerhebung. Für ihn ist die Entwicklung in der neuen ökonomischen Geschichte am weitesten fortgeschritten, die von einem neoklassischen Ansatz ausgeht. (BG)

The Social Structure of Modern Britain, Third Edition is a comprehensive account of the social structure of modern Britain. Aspects of social structure are examined from a historical and comparative perspective. The book includes statistical information, not only on the more obvious areas like births, deaths, and immigration, but also on such lesser known (but no less important) topics as leisure behavior, income and wealth, and trends in criminal and other deviant activities. Comprised of six chapters, this book begins with an introduction to the demographic features of British society, inclu

The history of German research and writing about migration has been heavily influenced by politics. The assumptions and methods of successive generations of migration researchers demonstrate the interplay of social science and politics across very different political regimes. Soon after serious research began in the late nineteenth century, migration researchers divided into two camps. Urban statisticians with liberal political ideas used city migration registration data to analyze the circulatory movement of migrants within Germany. Conservative writers used census data to argue that migration was essentially movement from countryside to city, and was politically and morally injurious to the German people. These two sides hardened after World War I, as the conservative side increasingly incorporated racist ideas into their critique of migration. This debate continued even after the Nazis took power in 1933 with the competing publications of Rudolf Heberle and Wilhelm Brepohl. Heberle was forced to leave Germany and Brepohl became the Nazis' favorite analyst of migration. After 1945, Brepohl retained his standing as a leading migration researcher in the German Federal Republic. The dominance of this conservative interpretation of migration continued into the 1970s. In recent decades, the writings of the liberal statisticians from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have been rediscovered, and German migration research has shifted again toward a more empirically based understanding of migration.

The purpose of this paper is to present briefly the theories of secular social and economic development which can be found in the work of Karl Marx and to place them within the context of general thought and theorizing on these matters during the nineteenth century. I shall not present in this paper any new interpretations of Marx's theories, but shall merely try to show that Marx's views are related at many points to other theories on social and economic development proposed during his life and that in many ways he must be regarded as a typical thinker of that period of European social thought.