This excerpt from Transitive Cultures:Anglophone Literature of the Transpacific asks how South East Asian writing in English can be analyzed in conjunction with texts from its North American diasporas to reread forms of global multiculturalism within a longer genealogy of "pluralist governmentality:" an art of government that expects individuals to visibly express their difference via given group identities, and in doing so, to represent imperial state power as neutral, universal, or benevolent. Patterson asks how South East Asian migrant narratives deracinate the optics of pluralist governmentality by emphasizing forms of transitivity that Patterson dubs "transitive cultures," the sets of camouflaged and shifting cultural practices tactically mobilized in contexts where identity is defined as fixed and authentic. To read across ethnicized genres and identities, Pattersonreframes Asian migrant texts as transpacific Anglophone texts—a category that stresses encounter and exchange—and shines a spotlight on works that trouble a global multiculturalist reading because they are deemed "inauthentic" to both nationalist literatures, global literatures, and American ethnic literatures. Chapter 4,Just an American Darker than the Rest: On Queer Brown Exile, extends the inquiries of transitivity by reading texts of queer brown migrancy. It pairs Lawrence Chua's 1998 novel,Gold by the Inch, with R. Zamora Linmark's 2011 novel,Leche. Both novels consider queer of color travel as a rejection of American senses of brownness and homonormativity.
This essay reads French-Senegalese director Mati Diop's 2019 filmAtlantique, a Senegalese-French-Belgian coproduction, to argue that its oceanic focus gestures at the haunting histories that suture the US and Senegal. Atlantique,spoken in Wolof,explores global and local class inequalities through a romance narrative that foregrounds the lasting effects of colonialism and economic imperialism on Senegal. Despite this distinct national context,Atlantique was quickly absorbed into a global media stream, picked up by Netflix and distributed to more than one hundred and sixty-five million subscribers.WhileAtlantique appears to tackle the ravages of capitalism on a global scale by highlighting labor migration and the disruptive effects on the women left behind, a close reading of the film reveals a more complicated and transnational story.Atlantique forces us to also think about the United States. The American continent in the colonial era formed the tragic third corner in thetriangular Atlantic economy based on the slave trade. Placing Atlantique within a Black Atlantic trajectory yields a richer, more politically invested reading of the film that simultaneously helps us to rethink the political work that film can do in a globalized world.In particular, I posit that Atlantique's circulation to the US and Europe helps reverse the traditional patterns of flow, North to South, West to East, as such challenging limited understandings of the US's cultural and political ties to Senegal.After a discussion of production and circulation, I therefore turn to a close reading of the film and the paratext surrounding it to proffer a theory of how films likeAtlantique can help us rethink the potentialities and investments of transnational American Studies as a field.
Across Latin American and Caribbean countries (LACs), the fight against dementia faces pressing challenges, such as heterogeneity, diversity, political instability, and socioeconomic disparities. These can be addressed more effectively in a collaborative setting that fosters open exchange of knowledge. In this work, the Latin American and Caribbean Consortium on Dementia (LAC-CD) proposes an agenda for integration to deliver a Knowledge to Action Framework (KtAF). First, we summarize evidence-based strategies (epidemiology, genetics, biomarkers, clinical trials, nonpharmacological interventions, networking, and translational research) and align them to current global strategies to translate regional knowledge into transformative actions. Then we characterize key sources of complexity (genetic isolates, admixture in populations, environmental factors, and barriers to effective interventions), map them to the above challenges, and provide the basic mosaics of knowledge toward a KtAF. Finally, we describe strategies supporting the knowledge creation stage that underpins the translational impact of KtAF.
Across Latin American and Caribbean countries (LACs), the fight against dementia faces pressing challenges, such as heterogeneity, diversity, political instability, and socioeconomic disparities. These can be addressed more effectively in a collaborative setting that fosters open exchange of knowledge. In this work, the Latin American and Caribbean Consortium on Dementia (LAC-CD) proposes an agenda for integration to deliver a Knowledge to Action Framework (KtAF). First, we summarize evidence-based strategies (epidemiology, genetics, biomarkers, clinical trials, nonpharmacological interventions, networking, and translational research) and align them to current global strategies to translate regional knowledge into transformative actions. Then we characterize key sources of complexity (genetic isolates, admixture in populations, environmental factors, and barriers to effective interventions), map them to the above challenges, and provide the basic mosaics of knowledge toward a KtAF. Finally, we describe strategies supporting the knowledge creation stage that underpins the translational impact of KtAF.
This article considers the Inter-American Human Rights System (IAHRS) as a response to the general assessments of some critical scholarship on international law. It employs the concept of "oscillation of international law" to organize different views of the international human rights and environmental law (IHREL) scholarship, two legal regimes that speak loudest to the IAHRS' interests. These views are distributed within a spectrum that goes from utopian demands placed on IHREL, to apologist defenses of these legal regimes. I put forward a third strand of critical intervention by framing the IAHRS as a space of political and legal contention that promises to address some of the IHREL's shortcomings. I caution, however, that, although the IAHRS functions as an enabling platform for subaltern polities that redraw the boundaries of legal meanings, the system may fall short in tackling challenges that are contingent on global capitalist logics.
Throughout history many countries have seen the rise, fall and resurgence of social movements in domestic politics. In America, socialism and new labor movements found roots in the 19th century following the Civil War. Following the 19th century most of these social movements died as Americans became more focused on economic power. Following World War One, America had switched into an ultra-capitalistic society leading to an unprecedented boom in consumerism. Following the course of American history in the 19th and early 20th century, this paper will track the history and timeline of socialist and labor movements in connection with important events to discover what might have led to the rise, or fall, of American social movements.
Asian Americans have made substantial progress from being seen as a foreign threat during times of high anti-Asian sentiment to their current image as legally recognized U.S. citizens that can vote and run for office; however, there still exists significant representation challenges created from electoral policies and politics that pose barriers between Asian Americans and elected office. This article will analyze the progress and struggle of Asian American political representation through a legal, political, and electoral lens and support solutions that break down these barriers to Asian American political power. Much of this discussion about obtaining Asian American political power requires familiarity with the racial stereotypes of Asian Americans such as the "perpetual foreigner" and the "model minority" stereotypes,since many voters often incorporate stereotypes into the evaluation of their candidates. Three strategies (multiracial campaign platforms, panethnic campaign fundraising, and Voting Rights Act expansion) will be presented that will take these stereotypes into account and provide a path to Asian American representation.
[EN] While Casa de las Américas is recognized as one of the most influential cultural magazines in the Latin American intellectual field, its role in promoting literary translation has received little attention. This article focuses on how the magazine has translated and spread knowledge of literature written in the Anglophone Caribbean, one of the areas with the largest presence in the magazine during the 1970s. This interchange articulated a new dimension of the magazine's discourse regarding Our America, which sought to establish unity among underdeveloped countries throughout the Americas as a means to assert regional and national identities amidst the onslaught of cultural imperialism. The enormous number of translations that Casa published in this period constitutes a milestone in the history of translation in the Caribbean and Latin America. The analysis in this article looks to dissect the exchanges, focusing on intersections of similarities and difference. ; [ES] Aunque Casa de las Américas es reconocida como una de las revistas culturales más influyentes en el campo intelectual latinoamericano, su papel de promotor de la traducción literaria ha sido poco estudiado. Este artículo se centra en cómo la revista traduce y difunde conocimiento sobre la producción literaria del Caribe anglófono, una de las zonas lingüísticas de la región que tuvo mayor presencia en la revista durante la década de los 70. Se plantea que, con este acercamiento, la revista articula una nueva dimensión de su discurso nuestroamericano, que busca establecer unidad entre los países subdesarrollados de América en pro de una afirmación identitaria que valora lo propio y resiste el colonialismo cultural. La gran cantidad de traducciones que puso en circulación la revista Casa en esta época constituye un hito en la historia de la traducción del Caribe y América Latina y su análisis en este artículo busca diseccionar los intercambios, enfocándose en los puntos de encuentro y desencuentro. ; Este artículo forma parte del proyecto "Connected Worlds: The Caribbean, Origin of Modern World" y ha recibido financiamiento del programa de investigación e innovación Horizon 2020, bajo el acuerdo de beca de Marie Sklodowska Curie, de la Unión Europea, por el Nº 823846 / This article forms part of the project "Connected Worlds: The Caribbean, Origin of Modern World" and has has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska Curie grant agreement Nº 823846. ; Peer reviewed
In this article we analyze the updating of the historical-legal genealogy that Servando Teresa de Mier carried out in his History of the Revolution as a strategic and legal model of an American narrative restitution, halfway between modern political discursiveness and the traditional discursiveness of the old regime. ; En este artículo analizamos la actualización de la genealogía histórico-jurídica que realizó Servando Teresa de Mier en su Historia de la Revolución como modelo estratégico y letrado de una restitución narrativa americana, a mitad de camino entre la discursividad política moderna y la discursividad tradicional del antiguo régimen.
The article explores how power shifts in world politics and the emergence of regional powers affect regional security governance. We identify the post-Soviet space and Latin America as two regions where a traditional hegemon and Cold War superpower (the United States and Russia, respectively) has recently been challenged by a rising power (Brazil and China). In both regions, an older regional organization shaped by Cold War dynamics exists alongside a newer organization shaped by the rising power. But do similar patterns of power shifts lead to analogous types and trajectories of security governance? We analyze four security organizations from the two regions: the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) from the post-Soviet space, and the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) from Latin America. We show how power shifts are reflected in (1) the factors driving organizational foundation and transformation, (2) the organizations' security conceptions and practices, and (3) organizational overlap. Responding to the call for more studies in comparative regionalism, this article contributes to the debate on how powers of various kinds shape regions, regional organizations, and their security priorities, and adds new insights to research on overlapping regionalism.
As witnesses to the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and its ensuing streams of exile Americans Muriel Rukeyser and Janet Riesenfeld understood the conflict as symptomatic of larger European and antifascist struggle. Weaving biography, intellectual history, and cultural studies this dissertation reveals how the art and activism of these two North American women in the Spanish Civil War can expose an overlooked element in the antifascist movement and its fate with the rise of Cold War anti-Communism. Their experiences—one a writer and poet, and the other a dancer and screenwriter—with the Spanish conflict and exile informed their lives and creative works. They embodied what theorist Rosi Braidotti calls the "nomadic subject;" that they bore witness to the war and moved across literal and symbolic borders reveals an activism rooted in personal and historical identification with and empathy for the "other." Previous studies centered on US participants focus on men in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, as well as male artists and intellectuals. The addition of these women's voices not only reveals the gendered dimension to that participation but also a more Atlantic scope: the Spanish Civil War offered these nomadic women a political awakening and a lens into the Popular Front's promise for breaking down divisions, at home and abroad, including nationalist boundaries, class or religious differences, and traditional gender roles. Yet the growing anti-Communism and international politics of the Cold War reverted this potential, creating a new paradigm and establishing new borders for these women. Through their nomadism, both women broke with the dominant political and gendered Cold War ideologies. Broadening our scope to include women's anti-fascist activities presents an alternative narrative to the binary between the feminine cult of domesticity and the institutionalized masculine heroism of war, politics, activism, or leftist writings of professional academia. Instead, it reveals these women's empathy to be at the core of ...
Investing in farmers – or agriculture human capital – is crucial to addressing challenges in our agri-food systems. A global study carried out by the FAO Investment Centre and the International Food Policy Research Institute, with support from the CGIAR Research Programme on Policies, Institutions and Markets and the FAO Research and Extension Unit, looks at agriculture human capital investments, from trends to promising initiatives. One of the nine featured case studies comes from the State of Mississippi in the United States of America. Agencies from i) formal education systems; (ii) nonformal education systems; (iii) state governmental agencies; and (iv) advocacy and commodity groups collaborated to develop agriculture human capital among youth and adults. Agency documents, representatives and clients described technical skills and functional skills developed, resulting in benefits like increased agricultural productivity, reduced expenses, higher individual or farm income, networks linking farmers and other producers, a better prepared workforce and a strong agriculture industry with good economic returns. This publication is part of the Country Investment Highlights series under the FAO Investment Centre's Knowledge for Investment (K4I) programme. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI2; CRP2; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance; Capacity Strengthening ; DSGD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)
The context in which international food trade takes place has changed considerably since the last Ministerial Conference (MC11) in 2017. Significant progress has not been achieved in many import-ant issues that are still pending on the organization's agenda. Moreover, geopolitical changes and the Covid-19 pandemic have drastically impacted the institutional priorities of countries and the WTO it-self. The global economy has substantially deteriorated over the past two years, with structural impacts in the areas of trade and food security, particularly for Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). The multilateral trading system and its main organization, the WTO, have come under attack and are being discredited. The possibility of advancing towards coordinated solutions to major global issues through multilateral cooperation seems unlikely.Countries have adopted a wide range of strategic decisions to respond to the effects of this situation on international trade and agriculture. Many have revised their trade policies to adjust them to different scenarios with respect to food security and agricultural trade flows. The surge in commodity prices and a fear of food shortages have led some governments to apply restrictive measures that limit or tax agricultural exports. Other measures adopted include direct market interventions through public stock holdings, special safeguard mechanisms, and state trading enterprises. The adoption of these measures has triggered new debates on their effectiveness in reducing food insecurity and propelling the development of fair and transparent food markets.Regulations such as sustainability standards, access restrictions or domestic support measures must be transparent and aligned with WTO principles to avoid discretionary applications and discrimina-tory practices. Information transparency is key to access and develop new markets, especially under growing environmental scrutiny. Effective market access is crucial, not only for the development of agro-exporting countries (which prioritize this issue on their development agendas) but also for importing countries, as a means of guaranteeing food security and connecting main suppliers with buyers in regions facing food shortages.The WTO dispute settlement mechanism has become a strategic asset for developing countries, enabling them to continue expanding their agricultural exports and strengthening their position in the market. However, the current state of paralysis of the WTO Appellate Body has recently affected the institution's effectiveness in regulating and arbitrating conflicts in the area of food trade relations. Most importantly, the growth strategy of Latin American countries depends on the WTO and the legal order that it enforces; therefore, actively contributing to its modernization and prioritizing its success as part of their trade and foreign policies is of crucial importance. ; Executive Summary Introduction Measures taken in the context of the Covid-19 and discussed at the WTO Committee on Agriculture Topics discussed at the WTO agricultural committee going into the MC12 New disciplines for domestic support Restrictions and export duties: a pending issue Market access Public Stockholdings, Special Safeguard Mechanism and State Trading Enterprises: What's food security got to do with them? Other topics relevant for Agriculture and the WTO Promoting Transparency on Agricultural Policies at the WTO: Lessons from Latin America and the Caribbean Impacts of agricultural producer support on climate and nutrition outcomes with special emphasis on Latin America and the Caribbean Harmonization of sustainability standards under the WTO framework as the core to create an intersection of trade and environment mutually supportive Plurilateral agreements under the WTO Food Products, the WTO Dispute Settlement System and Trade Remedies WTO Dispute Settlement Cases Involving Latin American countries and the Agreement on Agriculture, 1995-2019 MIRAGRODEP, an analytical model adapted to economic and trade reforms Some thoughts and proposals for a way forward ; Non-PR ; IFPRI2; CRP2; 3 Building Inclusive and Efficient Markets, Trade Systems, and Food Industry; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance ; LAC; MTID; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)
The book has been prepared by authors from different international organizations – including FAO, IFPRI, UNCTAD and ECLAC, as well as legislators and academics from prestigious Latin American universities – seeking to foster reflections for the Global Food Systems Summit, to be held in September 2021. It contextualizes the region's food systems within a post COVID-19 pandemic scenario and raises new challenges (and opportunities) for policy makers, decision makers, the private sector, and the general public. Likewise, it offers important reflections on sustainability, from production to consumption, with the call to promote better governance of the global and regional food system. In order to face what some authors have deemed "the Syndemic of the century", the participation of companies, research centres, academia, NGOs, government agencies and international organizations will be necessary. ; PR ; IFPRI5; DCA; 1 Fostering Climate-Resilient and Sustainable Food Supply; 2 Promoting Healthy Diets and Nutrition for all; 3 Building Inclusive and Efficient Markets, Trade Systems, and Food Industry; 4 Transforming Agricultural and Rural Economies; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance; G Cross-cutting gender theme ; LAC
This section analyzes government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in five Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Mexico, and Uruguay. The articles address the pandemic's evolution and emergency policy construction in these countries, emphasizing the dynamics of cooperation and conflict between presidents, congresses, bureaucracies, and subnational governments. The articles point to factors that contributed to varying degrees of governance of the crisis, from presidential leadership to government action's structural limits. In particular, studies allow for a more exhaustive assessment of presidents' responses, ranging from presidential inaction, populist rhetoric, and politically costly decision-making. ; Esta sección analiza las respuestas gubernamentales a la pandemia de COVID-19 en cinco países de América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Perú, México y Uruguay. Los artículos abordan la evolución de la pandemia y la construcción de políticas de emergencia en estos países, con énfasis en las dinámicas de cooperación y conflicto entre presidentes, congresos, burocracias y gobiernos subnacionales. En conjunto, los artículos apuntan a factores que contribuyeron a diversos grados de gobernanza de la crisis, desde el liderazgo presidencial hasta los límites estructurales de la acción gubernamental. En particular, los estudios permiten una evaluación más exhaustiva de las respuestas de los presidentes, que varían entre la inacción presidencial, la retórica populista y la toma de decisiones políticamente costosa.
