Suchergebnisse

In the spring of 1998, I began work on a history of air pollution control policy, focusing on new mechanisms of local control that more actively included representatives of the public. In Pittsburgh, these new possibilities for local activism had contributed to the rise of the Group Against Smog and Pollution (GASP) in 1969. When I went looking for archival documents that could explain the history, demographics, rhetoric, and strategy of this environmental advocacy group three decades later, I found only strangely scattered pieces. By the late 1990s the leadership of GASP did not know if any material had ever been donated to any local archive; they were several generations removed from the original activists, many of whom had passed on, left the cause, or moved to Florida. Over the next twelve years, I attempted to chase down the records of individuals and the group. I swooped in to claim and sort discarded garbage bags full of paper when the group moved offices, and pursued material that some activists had donated to a library (which did not have any provisions for archival storage) without the knowledge of the rest of the group's leaders (who did not know where the records had gone). The only point in time that all of the records I used to write my dissertation came together in one place, with professional archivists assessing, sorting, and organizing the material, was after I had finished the resulting book—thirteen years after the spring of 1998.I take this experience as one piece of evidence that the archival records of environmental activism in the 1960s are only now becoming ripe for historians. After all, with the transformation in the archival status of GASP records over the last decade, I can safely say that the book I have just finished would be a very different one if I were to write it today. Simply acquiring and organizing the materials consumed most of my time in the disserta-tion research. Today, with the same materials now located in professionally managed archives, I could spend more time concentrating on the context in which this organization developed its political responses to changing legal and legislative opportunities. I would also have a significantly different perspective on these materials were I to encounter them as a chronologically or thematically organized set of records inside an archive. While these anecdotal observations feel logical, when I began discussing the point with other schol-ars I became unsatisfied with my own limited viewpoint. This article results from an attempt to test out these assumptions through journalistic interviews with archivists throughout the Mid-Atlantic region. In so doing, I hope to consider the ways that "archival power" has shaped, and will continue to direct, the future of environmental history in the Mid-Atlantic.

In recent years in international cooperation policies and public policies of the Central American (CA) region multilateral mechanisms were generated to form interinstitutional networks that drive science, technology, and innovation (STI) as the engine for regional economic growth. In the agreements social, political, and economic disparity were taken into account in order to stimulate the articulation between actors and potentialize local strengths to generate critical mass on the level of knowledge and build a research core base. The aim of this article is to identify institutional and productive capacities acquired in the countries of the region (CA) that encourage interaction on a national level and create favorable conditions to generate regional agreements to build regional interaction on STI. Results show deficiencies in the linking between public and private agents derived from the limited funds destined to I +D, the insufficient channels of information and the lack of interest of the investigations to respond to priority problems of the region, which weaken links with the productive sector. From there, arise the need to build a joint and collaborative work agenda to consolidated the institutional environment and favors the capacities to absorb knowledge.

Castro is concentrating on a campaign of political action aimed at softening U.S hostility to his government. (SJO)

AbstractThe study explored the sources of political knowledge using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. Two dimensions of political knowledge were measured: factual knowledge, in which respondents were asked to name the 10 provincial premiers; and conceptual knowledge, in terms of respondents' abilities to define and use the concepts of left and right. The authors tested four explanations of people's levels of political knowledge; these dealt with education, political participation, media effects and region, with controls for income, residency in several provinces, age and sex. Education was significantly associated with both forms of knowledge, but especially with conceptual knowledge. Reading about politics in newspapers and magazines was strongly related to the two knowledge variables. The effects of reliance on television for political information, however, were much weaker. There were significant effects for region, with the patterns depending on the type of knowledge. The study concludes with some observations about the role of knowledge in political behaviour.

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics ; This paper examines the hypothesis that migration might enhance the demand for political improvements both by migrants and migrant's networks. We use individuallevel survey and behavioral data that were collected during the 2009 elections in Mozambique to show that the proportion of migrants in a village improves the demand for political accountability not only through migrants themselves but also their networks. Whereas the interest in politics is driven by the amount of migrants in the geographical network, the transmission of democratic ideas seems to be fostered by regular contact with migrant households. These results are robust when controlling for self-selection.

Like their predecessors, and like their male counterparts, most women philosophers of the 20th century have significant expertise in several specialities. Moreover, their work represents the gamut of 20th century philosophy's interests in moral pragmatism, logical positivism, philosophy of mathematics, of psychology, and of mind. Their writings include feminist philosophy, classical moral theory reevaluated in light of Kant, Mill, and the 19th century feminist and abolitionist movements, and issues in logic and perception. Included in the fourth volume of the series are discussions of L. Susan Stebbing, Edith Stein, Hedwig Conrad Martius, Simone de Beauvoir, Simone Weil, Mary Whiton Calkins, Gerda Walther, and others. While pre-20th century women philosophers were usually self-educated, those of the 20th century had greater access to academic preparation in philosophy. Yet, for all the advances made by women philosophers over two and a half millennia, the philosophers discussed in this volume were sometimes excluded from full participation in academic life, and sometimes denied full professional academic status