Suchergebnisse

Der vorliegenden Arbeit liegt die Fragestellung zugrunde, welche Auswirkungen von der einzelbetrieblichen Investitionsförderung (EIF) unter verschiedenen agrarpolitischen Rahmenbedingungen zu erwarten sind. Neben dem Einfluß der EIF auf den Agrarstrukturwandel werden dabei die Transfereffizienz und der Beitrag zur volkswirtschaftlichen Wohlfahrt untersucht. Die methodischen Grundlagen bilden neben einer deskriptiven Analyse des Arbeits- und Kapitalmarktes, des polnischen Agrarkreditprogrammes und desgleichen der Untersuchungsregion der Wojewodschaft Torun, die klassischen Instrumente der Investitionsanalyse. Darüber hinaus wurde ein einzelbetrieblich fundiertes, auf rekursiv-linearer Programmierung basierendes Regionalmodell, vom Typ eines 'independent farm models' erstellt. Die daraus generierten Daten werden mit einer erweiterten Nutzen-Kosten-Analyse verrechnet. Für die Modellrechnungen wurden die beiden Szenarien 'Fortführung der derzeitigen Agrarpolitik' und 'Übergang zur Agenda 2000' mit jeweils zwei Unterszenarien: 'mit EIF' und 'ohne EIF', ausgewählt. Mit Hilfe der erweiterten Nutzen-Kosten-Analyse konnte gezeigt werden, daß die EIF - abweichend von der neoklassischen Sichtweise - bei den vorliegenden Ungleichgewichten am Arbeits- und Kapitalmarkt eine positive Wohlfahrtswirkung ausüben kann. Diese ist dann zu erwarten, wenn der Gewinnanstieg der Betriebe durch die Investitionen, die ohne die EIF nicht zustande gekommen wären, zusammen mit den zusätzlichen Lohnzahlungen und zusätzlichen Pachteinnahmen die aufgewendeten Zinssubventionen übersteigt. Die Modellrechnungen weisen durch die Kapitalsubventionierung einen Anstieg der Investitionstätigkeit vorwiegend für Neubauten und Erweiterungsinvestitionen aus. Die geförderten Betriebe können ihr Einkommen z.T. deutlich steigern. Durch die Investitionsförderung wird in dem betrachteten Zeitraum weder die generationswechsel- noch die liquiditätsbedingte Betriebsaufgabe wesentlich beeinflußt. In beiden Szenarien verringert sich durch die Förderung die Insolvenzrate der Betriebe, die auch ohne die EIF investiert hätten. Betriebe, die durch die EIF ihr Investitionsvolumen ausweiten können, sind in den Folgejahren einer etwas höheren Insolvenzrate ausgesetzt. Im Zuge des Generationswechsels scheiden fast ausschließlich die kleinen Familienbetriebe aus der Produktion aus. Deren Opportunitätskosten der Weiterbewirtschaftung sind auch bei dem unterstellten höheren Erzeugerpreisniveau im Szenario 2 ("Übergang zur Agenda 2000") nicht gedeckt. Die Simulationen weisen für den Betrachtungszeitraum ebenfalls nur einen sehr geringen Einfluß der EIF auf die durchschnittliche Flächenausstattung der Betriebe aus. Es treten sowohl Betriebstypen auf, deren Flächenwachstum durch die Förderung beschleunigt wird, als auch Betriebstypen, die im Unterszenario 'mit EIF' weniger Flächen hinzunehmen können. Letzteres gilt speziell für überdurchschnittlich gut wirtschaftende Betriebe, die auch ohne die EIF investieren und Flächen aufstocken können. Werden durch die Zinssubventionierung schwächeren Betrieben Investitionen ermöglicht - und dadurch deren Konkurrenzkraft um landwirtschaftliche Flächen gestärkt - können die besser geführten Betriebe z.T. weniger Flächen hinzunehmen. Bei dem vergleichsweise niedrigen Erzeugerpreisniveau im Szenario 1 ('Fortführung der derzeitigen Agrarpolitik') wird der Pachtpreis durch die EIF weder im Niveau noch im Verlauf spürbar beeinflußt. Im Szenario 2 dagegen steigt durch die EIF, bedingt durch umfangreichere Investitionen in der bodengebundenen Produktion, die Zahlungsbereitschaft für landwirtschaftliche Flächen. Den Modellrechnungen zufolge nimmt durch die Investitionsförderung der tatsächliche Arbeitseinsatz zu; es werden aber kaum zusätzliche Fremdarbeitskräfte beschäftigt. Dies geht auf den sowohl in den bäuerlichen Betrieben als auch in den ehemals staatlichen Betrieben sehr hohen Arbeitskräftebesatz zurück. Die EIF leistet daher im wesentlichen einen Beitrag zur Verringerung der versteckten, nicht aber der offenen Arbeitslosigkeit. Im Szenario 1 werden durch die EIF, bedingt durch die geringen Produktpreise, primär überdurchschnittlich gut wirtschaftende Betriebe begünstigt. Im Szenario 2 ('Übergang zur Agenda 2000') dagegen können zwar diese Betriebe nach wie vor höhere Gewinne erzielen, eine weitere Differenzierung zwischen den überdurchschnittlich und den unterdurchschnittlich gut geführten Betrieben erfolgt allerdings nicht. In beiden Szenarien übt die EIF eine positive Wohlfahrtswirkung aus. Gleichfalls ist bei den meisten Betrieben die Transfereffizienz größer als eins. Als wesentliche Ursache für den positiven Wohlfahrtsbeitrag erwiesen sich die Unvollkommenheiten des Kapitalmarktes; insbesondere die Vergabe von zumeist nicht fristenkongruenten Darlehen ist hier von Bedeutung. Die EIF kann in dieser Situation die Finanzierung betriebswirtschaftlich rentabler Investitionen erleichtern und dazu beitragen, daß Betriebe trotz der Bedienung nicht fristenkongruenter Darlehen solvent bleiben. In den Schlußfolgerungen wird die EIF als ein politisches Instrument ausgewiesen, das, sofern man in den Strukturwandel eingreifen und die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Betriebe stärken möchte, vorübergehend durchaus geeignet sein kann. Als eine unabdingbare Voraussetzung ist die Kopplung mit einem Instrument nötig, das die Freisetzung von Flächen fördert, die konsequente Selektion entwicklungsfähiger Betriebe und die verstärkte Förderung von zusätzlichen Arbeitsplätzen in den außerlandwirtschaftlichen Sektoren. ; The PhD thesis presented here is based on the question of which consequences can be expected from (single farm) investment promoting measures (EIF) regarding different agricultural policies. In addition to the influence of the EIF on the agricultural structural change, its transfer efficiency and contribution to the welfare of the national economy will be examined. The methodical fundamentals are, in addition to a descriptive analysis of the employment and capital markets the Polish agricultural credit program and the area of investigation, the Wojewodschaft Torun, the classical instruments for the investment analysis. Moreover, a single-farm based type of "independent farm model" has been created along the lines of a recursive-linear programmed regional model. The data generated from that will be used for calculations in an extended cost-benefit analysis. In the simulations, both scenarios "Continuation of the Present Agrarian Policies" and "Transition to the Agenda 2000? with respectively 2 sub-scenarios: "with EIF" and "without EIF" have been chosen. With the help of the extended cost-benefit analysis, it is possible to show that EIF, differing from the neo-classical viewpoint - is able to exercise a positive welfare effect with existing imbalances in the employment and capital markets. This can be expected when the profit increase of the farms through investments that would not have been achieved without the EIF together with the additional payments of wages and additional leasing income exceeds the expended interest subsidies. The calculations reveal through capital subsidies an increase in the investment activity, mainly for new buildings and expansion investments. The majority of the promoted farms can clearly increase their income. The investment promotion during the observed period of time has no essential influence on the closing down of farms neither through the generation change nor through reasons of liquidity. In both scenarios, the insolvency rate of the farms that would have invested even without the EIF is reduced through the promotion. Farms that are able to expand their investment volume, will receive a somewhat higher insolvency rate in the years that follow. In the course of the generation change, it is almost only the small family farms that close down. Their opportunity costs for the continuation of running the business are not covered even by the assumed higher product price level in scenario 2 ("Transition to the Agenda 2000"). The simulations reveal only a very slight influence of the EIF on the average amount of worked farmland of the farms in the period of observation. Types of farms appear whose area growth is accelerated by the promotion, while others can acquire even fewer areas in the sub-scenario ?with EIF?. The latter is especially true in the case of well-managed superior farms, that could invest and stock up on areas even without the EIF. If weaker farms are enabled to invest through the interest subsidies - and therefore strengthened in their competitive capacity for agricultural areas - then the better managed farms can in part acquire less areas. With the comparatively low product price level in scenario 1 ("Continuation of the Present Agrarian Policies") the leasing price is not perceptively influenced through the EIF neither in the level nor over the course of time. Contrarily in scenario 2, through more extensive investments in land related production, the EIF causes leasing prices to increase. According to the calculations, the actual work required increases through the investment promoting; hardly any additional outside work capacities are employed. This is a result of the existing extremely high amount of work capacities in the family farms as well as in the former state-owned farms. The EIF delivers therefore an contribution towards the reduction of hidden, but not of open unemployment. Through the EIF in scenario 1, primarily superior well-managed farms will profit, as a result of the low product prices. In scenario 2 ("Transition to the Agenda 2000") however, the better farms can achieve higher profits as previously, a further differentiation between the superior and inferior well managed farms does not result. In both scenarios, the EIF has a positive welfare effect. Likewise, in most farms the transfer efficiency is greater than one. The imperfection of the capital market has proved itself to be an essential cause for the positive welfare contribution; especially the awarding of mostly non time period congruent loans is meaningful here. The EIF can simplify the financing of profitable investments and contribute toward the farms retaining their solvency in spite of the use of non time period congruent loans. In conclusion, the EIF is revealed as a political instrument, that is certainly temporarily suitable, provided that one wants to take hand in the structural change and wants to strengthen the competitive ability of the farms. An indispensable requirement for this, is the coupling with an instrument that encourages the leasing out of farmland, the consequent selection of farms capable of development and the strengthened promotion of additional jobs in the non-agricultural sectors.

ABSTRACT The findings of human skeletons are a sign of violence in the Moche valley as made by Dr. Steve Bourget in 1995. This was quite notable on a worldwide level, and raised many questions. As such, we were determined to investigate further. Was the evidence of violence found in the bone remnants of individuals of the Patio 3 A Platform II of the Moon Huaca an indication of human sacrifices executed within the framework of a cult during crisis? With the purpose of describing the physical characteristics and to identify the pathological evidence; identify the signs of violence present in the human bones; establish the relationship between the laboral activity developed by these individuals and the sacrificial rite within the archeological context and to establish the possible cause of the crisis cult carried out by the recovered group of individuals. The field methodology used was using the archeological registry and drawings on a 1:10 scales, as well as the film and photographic footage; using vertical and horizontal photographs in various perspectives according to the details or requirements of the samples. Additionally, the scene was treated with guidelines for exhuming and forensic registries. The human bones were patiently freed using instruments that would not scar them. The registry of each bone was done using grids and at its corresponding level, as well as complementary usual data: location, grid location and observations. They were numbered, gathered, stored in bags and placed in boxes, keeping in mind the anatomical position and lateral positioning (right, left), its nature (vertebras, ribs, etc.), having been drawn according to its exact position in the plane. The bone remains were well preserved, however, some of them presented the existence of salt crystals and a very fragile state, as well as a layer of fungus that enveloped them. This was removed. At the lab, we freed and cleaned the dirt and sand in order to carry out the osteological and osteometry analyses in order to arrive at a minimum quantifiable number of individuals, sex determination, age, height, pathological condition, variations and anomalies, labor stigmas, cultural evidence of violence and taphonomy, since the analysis has its angular stone in its meticulous and in-depth analysis, that the data allowed us to gather through systematic observation. The obtained data were registered in the Standards (BUIKISTRA-UBELAKER 1994) publication, and adapting them to the needs of the samples. The evidence of fractures, blunt blows, cuts, dislocation of the appendicular skeleton, among other characteristics of the biological profile, pathologies and epigenetic variations in the bone remains of the individuals (associated to layers of sediment y successive sands with indications of exposure to the environment), were compared with chemical analysis, taphonomy and iconographic data, ethnohistorical and ethnological. We concluded that: the bone remains correspond to 50 masculine individuals, approximately between 14 and 35 years, who were professional warriors, who were sacrificed and whose causes of death were: throat slitting, decapitation, and fractures or blunt injuries to the cranium, as evidenced by the ritualistic deaths within the probable framework of a crisis cult within the cosmovision of the Moche World, with diverse reasons and motives: political, social, religious, environmental and not just because of a mega nino, as the taphonomy evidence presents. ; RESUMEN Los hallazgos de esqueletos humanos con signos de violencia, en el valle de Moche, en 1995 hechos por el Dr. Steve Bourget, fue notable a nivel mundial, surgiendo diversas interrogantes, por lo que nos propusimos investigar acerca de si, ¿Las evidencias de violencia física en los restos óseos de los individuos encontrados en el particular contexto del Patio 3 A de la Plataforma II de Huaca de la Luna, corresponden a sacrificios humanos efectuados en el marco de un culto de crisis? Siendo el propósito: describir las características físicas y precisar las evidencias patológicas; identificar los signos de violencia presentes en los restos óseos; establecer la relación entre la actividad laboral desarrollada por estos individuos y el rito sacrificial en el contexto arqueológico; y, establecer la posible causa del culto de crisis efectuado con el grupo de individuos recuperados. La metodología de campo empleada fue utilizando el registro arqueológico y con dibujos a escala 1:10 así como el registro fílmico y fotográfico, plasmando fotos verticales, horizontales y en diversa perspectiva de acuerdo al detalle o requerimiento de los elementos de la muestra. El escenario fue tratado adicionalmente con pautas de exhumación y registro forense. Los huesos humanos sueltos fueron liberados pacientemente, utilizando instrumentos que no los laceren. El registro de cada hueso fue por la cuadrícula y el nivel correspondiente, así como datos complementarios usuales: lugar, cuadrante y observaciones. Fueron numerados, recolectados, guardados en bolsas y puestos en cajas; considerando la posición anatómica y lateralidad (derecha, izquierda), su naturaleza (vértebras, costillas, etc.), habiéndolos dibujado, para su localización precisa en un plano. Los restos óseos presentaron un buen estado de conservación; sin embargo, algunos mostraban cristales de sal y un estado físico muy frágil, así como una placa de hongos que los envolvía, por lo que fueron removidos. En el laboratorio realizamos la limpieza para liberarlos de tierra y arena y efectuar el análisis osteológico y osteométrico para lograr la cuantificación del número mínimo de individuos, determinación de sexo, edad, estatura, condiciones patológicas, variaciones y anomalías, estigmas laborales, evidencias culturales de violencia y tafonomía, por lo que el análisis tiene su piedra angular en la observación minuciosa y a profundidad, que nos permite recolectar los datos, mediante la percepción sistemática. Los datos obtenidos los registramos en las fichas establecidas en la publicación Standards (BUIKSTRA - UBELAKER 1994), y adaptándolos a las necesidades de la muestra. Las evidencias de fracturas, golpes contundentes, cortes, desarticulación de partes del esqueleto apendicular, entre otras características del perfil biológico, patologías y variaciones epigenéticas en los restos óseos de los individuos (asociados a capas de sedimento y arena sucesivas, con huellas de exposición al medio ambiente), fueron contrastadas con análisis químicos, tafonómicos y los datos iconográficos, etnohistóricos y etnológicos. Concluimos que: los restos óseos corresponden a 50 individuos masculinos, de entre 14 a 35 años aproximadamente, fueron guerreros profesionales, quienes fueron sacrificados a juzgar por las causas de muerte: degollamiento, decapitación y/o fractura contundente en el cráneo, evidenciando muertes rituales en el marco de probables cultos de crisis dentro de la cosmovisión del Mundo Moche, motivadas por razones diversas: política, social, religiosa, ambientales y no sólo por un mega niño, como lo evidencian las huellas tafonómicas. ; Tesis

The focus of this thesis is on foreign direct investment (FDI). This is an aspect of international trade that has recently become increasingly important, not only to developing and developed countries in general, but to South Africa in particular; notably so when this country was admitted back to the larger international community of nations after April 1994. In the quest to address the many imbalances engendered by apartheid, South Africa's . ' policy-makers maintain that FDI may play a critical role in helping achieve the goals and objectives of the government's Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). It is for this reason that the creation of a climate conducive to both local and foreign investment is expected to be one of the top priorities of the new government of national unity (GNU). The important point stressed in this thesis is that, when devising policies and strategies aimed at increasing trade flows and attracting foreign investment into the 'new' South Africa, this country's policy-makers should, always, take into account the profound changes that the world trading system is currently undergoing. The current trends in world trade, FDI and regional integration are poised to influence the position of South Africa and the role it may play in the world economy of the 1990s and beyond. The writer of this thesis believes that the daunting challenge facing South Africa's policymakers is to understand these patterns and changes, as well as forces behind them, as a basis for developing the ability to respond constructively and positively. This is important, because this country will be expected to play its respective role according to the existing rules of the prevailing world economic order. In short, South Africa's policy-makers are faced with the task of devising some ingenious strategies and policies that may maximise the opportunities provided for South Africa by the new world trading environment. At the same time, those measures should also aim to minimise the potential negative effects arising from increased world-wide competition for international markets, trade and investment funds. The point is also made however, that the effectiveness of such strategies and policies will depend in large part on South Africa's efforts and political will to adjust to the new opportunities and challenges of the international trading environment. This thesis comprises four chapters. Chapter One discusses trends in world trade, FDI and regional integration in the 1990s and their possible implications for South Africa. Its aim is to provide the reader with a fuller appreciation of the international context within which South Africa's future trade and investment policies should be considered and implemented; because whatever approach South Africa adopts, it is imperative that it must be viable in the world trading environment of the 1990s. It will be shown for instance that, although the world trading environment of the 1990s is characterised by rapid 'globalisation' of world markets and proliferation of inward-looking regional trading arrangements (RT As), this decade is experiencing, on the one hand, growing 'protectionism' and concentration of world trade and investment funds in the developed market economies and greater marginalisation of the developing and least developed (LDCs) countries on the other. It will be shown further that these phenomena have a negative impact on the ability of the latter countries to play a meaningful role in international trade and investment. Chapter One concludes by looking at the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the impact it will have on international trade relations in the 1990s and beyond. Chapter Two discusses the various determinants of FDI. In this chapter, it will be demonstrated that many analysts and governments hold the view that FDI is a 'good thing' as it is perceived to have a positive impact on other economic variables such as balance-of-payments, employment and capital creation, access to new markets and technological know-how. It will also be shown that in fact, many developing and transition countries are engaged in fierce competition for foreign investment, and that to this end, these countries have recently changed their respective foreign investment laws with the sole aim of creating a climate attractive to foreign investment in their respective economies. The determinants of FDI in this chapter are discussed under the following headings, viz. government policies ( e.g. ownership policies, taxation and subsidies, convertibility of foreign exchange and remittance of earnings, performance requirements, capital and price controls, etc.), locational determinants (e.g. host comparative advantage, host market size, etc.), structural determinants (e.g. economic 'openness', investment infrastructure, etc.), and economic determinants (e.g. international trade links, etc.). The impact of these various determinants will also be discussed as well as policy implications for South Africa. Chapter Three discusses the current constraints and opportunities for the 'new' South Africa in the quest for increased foreign-direct-investment-flows. It will be argue.d that although South Africa has deep-seated structural problems ( e.g. shortage of foreign capital and skills, lack of international competitiveness of its manufactured products, chronic unemployment, etc.), this country stands a good chance (given its developed infrastructure and a relatively dynamic manufacturing sector by African standards for instance) of being a possible destination for FDI and international trade flows. The last Chapter (Four) discusses various policy implications for South Africa in its attempt to attract FDI into this country. It will be demonstrated that whatever approach South Africa adopts, will be impacted upon by various factors, inter alia, the prevailing world trading environment, growing protectionism in the developed market economies, its obligations under the WTO, its trade relations with other SACU and SADC countries, and so on. It is suggested that South Africa's current trade regime needs to be overhauled as it is not conducive to the development of competitive industrial capabilities inter alia, due to a strong anti-export bias that is inherent in its policies. It will also be argued that the state - like in other high-growth East Asian economies - has an important role to play in fostering the competitiveness of certain industries for instance, as a way of promoting the international competitiveness of South Africa's manufactured products. The Conclusion summarises briefly the major issues covered in this thesis. Before turning to Chapter One it is important to make the following point: the idea of FDI is broad, controversial and multi-faceted. The writer of this thesis does not claim to provide a definitive account of how South Africa should deal with this complex phenomenon. On the contrary, this thesis should be treated merely as an attempt to provide a broad introductory overview from the South African perspective, of how this country could begin to address the issue of FDI with the aim of addressing its economic and trade problems, in the context of a changing world trading system of the 1990s.

AbstractWhat occupies us in this volume is how women at all social levels devise their own coping mechanisms to deal with the impact of externally imposed pressures. Their stories reflect the creative solutions with which they have come to terms with some of the resulting problems, but always in a very personal way and without recourse to any form of collective action or organization. With a few exceptions, most of these women are still committed to traditional roles and the perception of obligations, even if the content of the role has changed. At least these "core" roles seem ideologically more resistant to change, such that there is a considerable lag between changing social conditions and the values underpinning them (cf. Goody, 1984). Apparently, it is only when women have become exposed, either through education, overseas travel or scholarly professions, that outside ("Western") notions of feminism and gender equality emerge. It is the highly unique and privileged upper middle class who agitate and raise the consciousness of their "deprived" sisters, and who also initiate women's organizations and support centres. If an awareness of womanhood for itself, a gender-as-class type of feminism has yet to surface in most of the societies of Southeast Asia, it is still legitimate to pursue the question of situation of women as a group-in-itself, as a potential action group. If we focus on the kinship system, as we have seen above, there is little in the ideology, distribution of resources and male-female relationships in traditional Southeast Asian practice (the immigrant Chinese here being something of an exception), to suggest an undue exploitation or oppression of women as a whole. In the domestic arrangements of most of them, a modus vivendi had been struck, an acceptance of role complementarily whether labelled the "myth of male dominance" (Rogers, 1975; Hirschon, 1984), or the false consciousness so readily perceived by many outsiders. Operating from the domestic core, women devise all manner of individual strategies to pursue their interests, influence their kin and turn events towards their chosen direction. Whether within or outside the household, such strategies are in the broadest sense political and can have substantial impact upon the male world (Collier, 1974). Commonly, women act or achieve their goals indirectly through men, particularly by the manipulation of husbands, brothers and sons, so that even the Chinese woman may eventually come into her own as a mother-in-law. In this collection of stories, Chat is the supreme example of this kind of successful manipulator. Satisfaction may even be had vicariously, as in Tok Nyam's pleasure in seeing her husband and sons make the pilgrimage to Mecca ahead of her. All of these women have managed to make, within their own small worlds, a choice of action between two or more options: Maimunah and Ah Ling opted for a non-traditional life of their own in the city, while Zainab chose to retreat from it and ease her family into compliance with her choice. The Singapore women's solutions to their working situation constantly result in a creative tension and some changes in the original Chinese family organization. For all the poverty of her family, even Yurni has been bold enough to spurn employment with and dependence on Ibu Ica, whom she dislikes, taking up alternative sharecropping and embroidery jobs instead. Rufina left Manila to marry the man of her own choosing, and in the most desperate of circumstances, devises a constant series of strategies of survival, while she and Tia Lilia are both victims of a system of rural proletarianization endemic in the Philippines. The deprivations of the latter two women stem, not from their position in a kinship, domestic or male-dominated system, but rather from the inequities of the wider society beyond them. In the case of the Muslim women in particular, some "interference" or even conflict emerges between the ideologies of their religion and kinship customs. In matrilineal Minangkabau society, Islam's main impact on Yurni has been in diverting the girls to an inferior or less modern type of education in favour of preparing the boys for a profession or other career. Islam moulded the sequence of Tok Nyam's divorce, remarriage and such important events in her life as the pilgrimage, but in no way prevented her from enjoying an active community life and the profits of her pandanus mat trade. Zainab happened to be growing up at a time when Islam was on the upswing in her social set and the immediate pressures of her social environment undoubtedly provided some coercive effect. Yet the final choice was still her own: Maimunah, living in the same time and place, charted a different path for herself. In the final analysis, it is probably to the world beyond the kin and family group that we must turn to seek the locus of the real inequities and the sources of oppression as they affect women, both in Southeast Asia and elsewhere. As noted above, the origins of most of the problems of the disadvantaged women of our collection lie in their overall class position, or in the political situation of their country. Rufina and Tia Lilia are the most dramatic examples here, and to a lesser degree, Yurni. In these cases, it must be recognized that the men, alongside the women, are also in positions of dependence and deprivation lacking the means to take control of their own lives and condition. It is a fallacy to assume that women represent an undifferentiated common interest group on the basis of their gender alone, for factors more powerful emerge on the backs of such distinctions as wealth, status, class, ethnicity and religion. Even the "advantages" of involvement in modern economic development, employment and education institutions are dependent upon these same distinctions, such that, for example, elite women may benefit more than those of lower status, as shown by Ibu Ica and Yurni, or women of one ethnic origin may be eligible for certain employment opportunities less available to those of other backgrounds for political reasons, as the urban careers of Maimunah, Zainab and Ah Ling illustrate. In the Philippines, it is to the destructive process of increasing rural proletarianization and poverty affecting the country as a whole that Rufina and Tia Lilia owe their pitiful existence, of which their menfolk are equally victims. Women in their own daily lives take cognisance of these various roles in devising strategies of action and charting paths to particular goals. None of this is quantifiable in any reliable way and to attempt to do so is to reduce the women actors to the anonymous shadow, dependent role occupants that most feminists would strenuously avoid. The alternative pursued here is the biographical method which allows us to present more of the individual richness of the situations of a small sample of selected women, as seen through their own eyes. In this exercise, the observer/biographers have deliberately refrained from passing judgment of a cultural, feminist or other variety, instead using the opportunity for interaction with their subjects to gain insights into both cultures through a process of defamiliarization and refamiliarization simultaneously.

El trabajo infantil o trabajo de menores es definido por UNICEF como "el trabajo excesivo realizado por niños con consecuencias negativas para su adecuado desarrollo físico, mental o emocional y, que además, les priva de una educación que merecen". Aproximadamente 300 millones de niños en todo el mundo son obligados a trabajar en jornadas laborales excesivas y más de 170 millones lo hacen en condiciones insalubres. Las causas que explican el trabajo infantil incluyen: situaciones de marginación social o extrema pobreza familiar que requiere del trabajo de los niños para poder sobrevivir; la existencia de redes de explotación infantil que obligan a los niños a trabajar como mendigos o a prostituirse; el estallido de guerras o conflictos armados en los que los niños sufren todo tipo de abusos; negligencia de sus padres u orfandad. El trabajo infantil en el sector industrial no es algo nuevo pues apareció ya durante la Primera Revolución Industrial cuando los niños eran obligados a trabajar en las fábricas durante extenuantes jornadas laborales por salarios míseros. No obstante, durante el siglo XX surgió la idea de que los niños tienen una serie de derechos que deben ser respetados y de que los menores deben ser protegidos de la explotación laboral. En la actualidad los niños trabajan en países subdesarrollados en la industria de la construcción, en fábricas químicas y de yeso, en fábricas de vidrio, textil, minería, etc. No obstante, los países desarrollados no están exentos de culpa ante esta situación ya que sus ciudadanos consumen y compran productos elaborados en condiciones de explotación infantil. Pese a que casi todos los países han establecido una legislación donde se indica una edad mínima para poder trabajar, los gobiernos de países subdesarrollados suelen permitir este tipo de trabajo como un medio de supervivencia de las familias y de desarrollo económico del país. Por todo ello y basándonos en la legislación española, el presente trabajo tiene como finalidad el estudio del trabajo de los menores, dentro del ámbito de la Ley de Prevención de Riesgos Laborales (LPRL), a partir de su entrada en vigor el 10 de febrero de 1996. Para ello, partiendo de la segunda mitad del S. XVIII y hasta la actualidad analizaremos los aspectos sociales y jurídicos así como las políticas laborales I correspondientes a dicho periodo, y procederemos a realizar una breve mención de épocas anteriores. Así mismo, realizaremos un estudio sobre la normativa internacional y comunitaria actual haciendo especial hincapié en los Tratados Internacionales y Convenios de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) para posteriormente estudiar la normativa nacional basadas en diversas leyes entre las que, de forma particular, veremos lo establecido en el Estatuto de los Trabajadores y la Ley de Prevención de Riesgos Laborales. Estableceremos las condiciones de trabajo del menor y la evaluación de riesgos que debe efectuar el empresario al inicio de la relación contractual, así como aquellas particularidades que afectan a los menores como son el derecho a la información, la vigilancia de la salud y las actividades peligrosas con las que éste se puede encontrar en el desarrollo de sus actividades. Conoceremos el papel de las Administraciones Públicas, en la defensa del trabajador menor y la función sancionadora en materia de responsabilidad empresarial por incumplimiento del deber de protección al menor. Para terminar, haremos un breve resumen sobre siniestralidad en el trabajo de los menores y veremos diversos casos en los que el trabajador menor ha sufrido distintos percances que ponen de manifiesto lo tratado en este trabajo. The child labour or work of minor is defined by UNICEF as "excessive work carried out by children with negative consequences for their proper physical, mental or emotional development, and that in addition, deprived of an education they deserve". Approximately 300 million children worldwide are forced to work on excessive working hours and more than 170 million do so in unsanitary conditions. The causes that explain the child labour include: situations of social exclusion or poverty family that requires the work of children in order to survive; the existence of networks of child exploitation that force children to work as beggars or into prostitution; the outbreak of war or armed conflicts in which children suffer from all kinds of abuse; negligence of their parents or orphans. Child labour in the industrial sector is not something new because it already appeared during the first Industrial Revolution when children were forced to work in factories during strenuous working hours for paltry wages. However, during the 20th century the idea that children have a series of rights which must be respected and that children should be protected from labour exploitation. Currently, children work in underdeveloped countries in the industry of construction, in chemical factories and plaster, in factories of glass, textile, mining, etc. However, developed countries are not exempt from blame in this situation since its citizens consume and buy products made under conditions of exploitation of children. Despite the fact that almost all countries have established legislation where indicated a minimum age for working, the Governments of developing countries often allow this type of work as a means of survival of families and the country's economic development. For all these reasons and based on Spanish legislation, the present work aims as the study of the work of minors, within the scope of the law on prevention of occupational risks (LPRL), from its entry into force on February 10, 1996. For this, starting from the second half of the 18th century and until today we will analyze the social and legal aspects as well as corresponding to this period labor policies, and will proceed to make a brief mention of the past. Likewise, we will carry out a study on the current international and Community regulations with particular emphasis on international treaties and conventions of III the International Labour Organization (ILO) to later study national regulations based on various laws, including in particular, see the provisions of the workers Statute and the law on prevention of occupational risks. We will establish the working conditions of the minor and the assessment of risks to be carried out by the employer at the start of the contractual relationship, as well as those characteristics that affect children, such as the right to information, the health surveillance and hazardous activities with which this can be found in the development of their activities. We will know the role of the public administrations, in the defense of the lower worker and the sanctioning function in the field of corporate responsibility for breach of the duty to protect the child. Finally, a brief summary about accidents in the work for children and see various cases in which minor worker has suffered various mishaps which demonstrate discussed in this paper. ; Facultad de Ciencias de la Empresa ; Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena

"The guidance in this report is for evaluation and treatment of patients with complications from smallpox vaccination in the preoutbreak setting. Information is also included related to reporting adverse events and seeking specialized consultation and therapies for these events. The frequencies of smallpox vaccine-associated adverse events were identified in studies of the 1960s. Because of the unknown prevalence of risk factors among today's population, precise predictions of adverse reaction rates after smallpox vaccination are unavailable. The majority of adverse events are minor, but the less-frequent serious adverse reactions require immediate evaluation for diagnosis and treatment. Agents for treatment of certain vaccine-associated severe adverse reactions are vaccinia immune globulin (VIG), the first-line therapy, and cidofovir, the second-line therapy. These agents will be available under Investigational New Drug (IND) protocols from CDC and the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD). Smallpox vaccination in the preoutbreak setting is contraindicated for persons who have the following conditions or have a close contact with the following conditions: 1) a history of atopic dermatitis (commonly referred to as eczema), irrespective of disease severity or activity; 2) active acute, chronic, or exfoliative skin conditions that disrupt the epidermis; 3) pregnant women or women who desire to become pregnant in the 28 days after vaccination; and 4) persons who are immunocompromised as a result of human immunodeficiency virus or acquired immunodeficiency syndrome, autoimmune conditions, cancer, radiation treatment, immunosuppressive medications, or other immunodeficiencies. Additional contraindications that apply only to vaccination candidates but do not include their close contacts are persons with smallpox vaccine-component allergies, women who are breastfeeding, those taking topical ocular steroid medications, those with moderate-to-severe intercurrent illness, and persons aged or = 60% alcohol immediately after they touch their vaccination site or change their vaccination site bandages. Used bandages should be placed in sealed plastic bags and can be disposed of in household trash. Smallpox vaccine adverse reactions are diagnosed on the basis of clinical examination and history, and certain reactions can be managed by observation and supportive care. Adverse reactions that are usually self-limited include fever, headache, fatigue, myalgia, chills, local skin reactions, nonspecific rashes, erythema multiforme, lymphadenopathy, and pain at the vaccination site. Other reactions are most often diagnosed through a complete history and physical and might require additional therapies (e.g., VIG, a first-line therapy and cidofovir, a second-line therapy). Adverse reactions that might require further evaluation or therapy include inadvertent inoculation, generalized vaccinia (GV), eczema vaccinatum (EV), progressive vaccinia (PV), postvaccinial central nervous system disease, and fetal vaccinia. Inadvertent inoculation occurs when vaccinia virus is transferred from a vaccination site to a second location on the vaccinee or to a close contact. Usually, this condition is self-limited and no additional care is needed. Inoculations of the eye and eyelid require evaluation by an ophthalmologist and might require therapy with topical antiviral or antibacterial medications, VIG, or topical steroids. GV is characterized by a disseminated maculopapular or vesicular rash, frequently on an erythematous base, which usually occurs 6-9 days after first-time vaccination. This condition is usually self-limited and benign, although treatment with VIG might be required when the patient is systemically ill or found to have an underlying immunocompromising condition. Infection-control precautions should be used to prevent secondary transmission and nosocomial infection. EV occurs among persons with a history of atopic dermatitis (eczema), irrespective of disease severity or activity, and is a localized or generalized papular, vesicular, or pustular rash, which can occur anywhere on the body, with a predilection for areas of previous atopic dermatitis lesions. Patients with EV are often systemically ill and usually require VIG. Infection-control precautions should be used to prevent secondary transmission and nosocomial infection. PV is a rare, severe, and often fatal complication among persons with immunodeficiencies, characterized by painless progressive necrosis at the vaccination site with or without metastases to distant sites (e.g., skin, bones, and other viscera). This disease carries a high mortality rate, and management of PV should include aggressive therapy with VIG, intensive monitoring, and tertiary-level supportive care. Anecdotal experience suggests that, despite treatment with VIG, persons with cell-mediated immune deficits have a poorer prognosis than those with humoral deficits. Infection-control precautions should be used to prevent secondary transmission and nosocomial infection. Central nervous system disease, which includes postvaccinial encephalopathy (PVE) and postvaccinial encephalomyelitis (or encephalitis) (PVEM), occur after smallpox vaccination. PVE is most common among infants aged < 12 months. Clinical symptoms of central nervous system disease indicate cerebral or cerebellar dysfunction with headache, fever, vomiting, altered mental status, lethargy, seizures, and coma. PVE and PVEM are not believed to be a result of replicating vaccinia virus and are diagnoses of exclusion. Although no specific therapy exists for PVE or PVEM, supportive care, anticonvulsants, and intensive care might be required. Fetal vaccinia, resulting from vaccinial transmission from mother to fetus, is a rare, but serious, complication of smallpox vaccination during pregnancy or shortly before conception. It is manifested by skin lesions and organ involvement, and often results in fetal or neonatal death. No known reliable intrauterine diagnostic test is available to confirm fetal infection. Given the rarity of congenital vaccinia among live-born infants, vaccination during pregnancy should not ordinarily be a reason to consider termination of pregnancy. No known indication exists for routine, prophylactic use of VIG in an unintentionally vaccinated pregnant woman; however, VIG should not be withheld if a pregnant woman develops a condition where VIG is needed. Other less-common adverse events after smallpox vaccination have been reported to occur in temporal association with smallpox vaccination, but causality has not been established. Prophylactic treatment with VIG is not recommended for persons or close contacts with contraindications to smallpox vaccination who are inadvertently inoculated or exposed. These persons should be followed closely for early recognition of adverse reactions that might develop, and clinicians are encouraged to enroll these persons in the CDC registry by calling the Clinician Information Line at 877-554-4625. To request clinical consultation and IND therapies for vaccinia-related adverse reactions for civilians, contact your state health department or CDC's Clinician Information Line (877-554-4625). Clinical evaluation tools are available at http.//www.bt.cdc.gov/agent/smallpox/vaccination/clineval. Clinical specimen-collection guidance is available at http://www.bt.cdc.gov/agent/smallpox/vaccination/vaccinia-specimen-collection.asp. Physicians at military medical facilities can request VIG or cidofovir by calling the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases (USAMRIID) at 301-619-2257 or 888-USA-RIID." p. 1 ; prepared by Joanne Cono, Christine G. Casey, David M. Bell. ; "February 21, 2003." ; "The material in this report originated in the National Center for Infectious Diseases, James M. Hughes, M.D., Director, and the Bioterrorism Preparedness and Response Program, Charles Schable, M.S., Acting Director; and the National Immunization Program, Walter A. Orenstein, M.D., Director, and the Epidemiology and Surveillance Division, Melinda Wharton, M.D., Director. " - p. 1 ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 26-28).

Civis oeconomicus e civis communis, sono le due figure antropologiche, animate da un eterno polemos figurato, attraverso cui in questo lavoro di ricerca abbiamo provato a raccontare la frattura tra due modelli dicotomici di cittadinanza e a ricostruire le trasformazioni dell'economia, delle istituzioni e delle tecniche di governo in era neoliberale nonché la crisi della cittadinanza politica moderna e le possibilità di reazione, resistenza, conflitto che si affacciano sul pianeta. Quella che abbiamo sottolineato a più riprese è in effetti proprio la novità drammatica di queste due figure antropologiche. Da una parte quella che racchiude nella sua stessa definizione i risultati della progressiva subalternazione della politica all'economia e dall'altra quella che alla luce di una inedita ridefinizione dei criteri d'inclusione in chiave economico-finanziaria, decide di sottrarsi e di scrivere, simbolicamente e non solo, nuovi statuti di cittadinanza. Di fatti, ripercorrendo le fasi di lenta affermazione delle tecniche politiche neoliberali e della retorica da esse generatesi, abbiamo ricostruito le forme della distruzione del vincolo biunivoco in cui erano stretti governanti e governati. Quello per cui un contratto sociale prevedeva, in cambio del rispetto di una serie di doveri, l'ottenimento di una serie di diritti. Abbiamo certo sottolineato come la stessa modernità, alcova di questa idea di cittadinanza fondata sulla scambiabilità tra diritti e doveri, sia stata influenzata dalla definizione liberale dell'homo oeconomicus, autocentrato, autoreferenziale, concentrato sul proprio interesse e sull'accumulazione di profitto singolare, anche a scapito del benessere della collettività. Abbiamo in effetti individuato, con l'aiuto di alcuni autori e autrici del pensiero politico contemporaneo, la presenza della frontiera economica, vale a dire di un criterio d'accesso alla cittadinanza assolutamente monetizzato già dalle prime formulazioni della cittadinanza moderna, proprio perché essa era del tutto influenzata dal paradigma antropologico legato all'individuo proprietario. Il liberalismo e la sua retorica di promozione della libertà controllata del soggetto proprietario, è di fatti lo sfondo che ha circondato la scrittura di una parte consistente delle costituzioni occidentali moderne ed ovviamente contemporanee. La civitas oeconomica è dunque il terreno di sperimentazione delle tecniche governamentali più spregiudicate, la preda di tutte le forme di bio-potere, la destinataria della costruzione del bio-iritto, la vittima delle pratiche di sacrificio collettivo e al contempo la protagonista dell'utopia della salvezza. Contro di essa, senza più tenere in conto la negoziazione con le carte dei diritti degli stati, si costituisce una cittadinanza di segno assolutamente opposto, la civitas communis. Essa, partendo dalle condizioni drammatiche che abbiamo elencato, sceglie delle linee di fuga differenziali, certamente condizionate dallo spazio materiale su sperimenta la propria inedita forma di legame sociale. La cittadinanza comune, come si legge nell'ultimo capitolo, appare sempre più spesso nei contesti urbani e si organizza, sempre collettivamente, per ritessere le fila dell'accesso ai diritti. Non chiedendo allo Stato, ma costruendo da sé nuove condizioni di accesso, di uso e di valorizzazione non monetaria. È evidentemente una figura non egemonica ma costante sullo spazio planetario. È la figura che difende innanzitutto con il proprio corpo le risorse primarie dalla privatizzazione e dunque dalla monetizzaizone dell'accesso, ma è anche la figura che ri-abita interi pezzi di città votati all'abbandono e ne fa erogatori di diritti e servizi che non hanno bisogno della ratifica del pubblico. Essa è tuttavia anche la condizione di cittadinanza che è la risultante del conflitto tra verticalizzazione dei processi decisionali e pratiche di disobbedienza delle istituzioni di prossimità. È la figura che prova a raccontare le resistenze collettive alla solitudine e all'atomizzazione neoliberale, la rivendicazione di qualunque diritto sottratto dalla mercatizzazione, la cittadinanza che ricostruisce il rapporto con il territorio e gli restituisce voce e dimensione. Non si muove in uno spazio vacuo come il cittadino economico. La civitas communis è di fatti una pratica di cittadinanza iperattiva, legata radicalmente alla prassi e all'azione politica. Il suo campo d'azione è pieno di corpi e di vita. ; Civis oeconomicus and civis communis are the anthropological figures, moved by a continous and figurative polemos, through which in this research work we've tried to narrate the fracture between two dichotomous models of citizenship and to reconstruct modern and contemporary traformation of politica economy, of istitutions, of government techniques in neoliberal era, as well as the crisis of modern poltical citizenship and the social reaction to this crisis. What we have underlined the dramatic novelty represented by these two figures. On the first hand the one that encloses in its own definition the subission of politics to economy (civis oeconomicus) and on the second hand the one which, according to the redefinition of inclusion's criterias, decide to write new citizenships statutes. Following the steps of slow affirmation of neoliberal techniques of government, we have registered the total destruction and decostruction of the bijective act between rulers and ruled. The act which provided poltical and social rights in exanghe for political and social duties. We have also noticed how the modernity, alcove of this idea of citizenship focused on exchangeability of rights and duties, has been influenced by the liberal definition of homo oeconomicus, self-centered, selfreferential, concentrated on its own interest and on the accomulation on its personal profit even if at the expense of the community. The research work for these reasons signal the existence of a "economic border" as criteria of access to citisìzenship, since from the earliest formulations of acts social right and duties just because of the influence of liberal paradigma focused on the anthropological figure of indidividual-proprietor. The liberalism and its rethoric of promotion of controlled freedom is the background which had surrounded the writing of a big part of the modern and conteporary costitutions. So civis oeconomicus is the experimentation ground of unscrupulous governamntal techniques, prey of alle the forms of bio-power, victim of all the practices of collective sacrofices. Against this form of citizenship we have individuated an opposite one, civitas communis. Starting from the dramatic features of civitas oeconomica, decide for the escape. Commune citizenship, as is possibile to read in the last chapter of thins work, appears in urban context and subverts access criteria to social rights. It doesn't ask anything to the State, but creates alone new conditions of inclusion. Is obiviously a not economnic figure but permantent in the planetary space. Is the figure which defend with its body primary sources from the privatization, but also the figure which recover abbandoned spaces in the city and returns themselves to collective use, providers of social services and rights. Its is the result of the conflict between verticalization of decisional processes and disobedient practices.

[ESP] Las consecuencias del N se están propagando y afectando a la salud de agroecosistemas y ciclos biogeoquímicos. Las perspectivas de futuro son interesantes tanto a nivel regional como global. Considerando que el N desempeña un papel fundamental para la producción de alimentos, son pocas cosas las que se pueden hacer para disminuir la cantidad del N antropogénico creado. Desde un punto de vista científico, los esfuerzos deben enfocarse en entender el destino y las consecuencias del N introducido y donde sea posible, aumentar la eficiencia del uso del N producido. En países como España y comunidades autónomas como la Región de Murcia que presentan una alta producción de subproductos ganaderos, el consumo de fertilizantes debería de reducirse a la vez que se valorizan estos subproductos como abono organo-mineral. La valorización agronómica de purines de ganado porcino es una práctica tradicional que resulta crucial estudiarla tanto técnica como medioambientalmente en condiciones de clima semiárido y desde el punto de vista tanto de la legislación europea, como de los ámbitos nacional y autonómico, que son de aplicación. Por este motivo resultó interesante que en esta tesis doctoral se aplicaran diferentes dosis de purines en suelo: 170 (legislada por la Unión Europea, Directiva 91/676/EEC y RD 261/1996), 340, 510 y 1700 kg de N por ha y año y se estudiasen las diferentes propiedades y características del sistema suelo-agua-planta, especialmente las relacionadas con el ciclo de N. También se evaluaron otros aspectos fundamentales como la influencia de la fertilidad del suelo, el rendimiento de cultivos de cereal, el potencial de lixiviación de compuestos de N como NO3-, NH4+ y N total soluble y los efectos medioambientales que podría causar la aplicación de dosis no recomendadas o vertidos de purines en suelos agrícolas. Los resultados destacan un aumento del rendimiento de biomasa de cebada en la zona de estudio de Doña Inés para las dosis de aplicación de 170 kg N (9543 kg ha-1) y 340 kg N (13 420 kg ha-1) frente al tratamiento control (7990 kg ha-1) en la cosecha del año 2010. Para suelos incubados con purines de cerdo los procesos de nitrificación se incrementaron con el tiempo de incubación hasta 39-45 mg kg-1 para los tratamientos Control y dosis de 170 kg N ha-1 y hasta 54-285 mg kg-1 para la dosis de 1700 kg N ha-1. Con respecto los resultados correspondientes a los lixiviados, estos variaron durante las 12 semanas de experimentación con valores en la CE de 0,23-1,51 dS m-1, en el pH de 7,0-8,3 y en el N-NH4+ los valores fueron iguales o inferiores a 1 mg L-1. Del estudio se concluye que el uso de dosis recomendadas a largo plazo es muy útil para reducir costes en fertilizantes químicos y mantener los niveles de nutrientes en suelos, con tasas de nitrificación y mineralización compatibles con la temporalidad de los cultivos. Por otra parte, los efectos a largo plazo de dosis no recomendadas o sobredosis de purines de hasta 10 veces la dosis aconsejada implicarían potentes consecuencias medioambientales como emisión de gases de N y lixiviación de compuestos de N como NO3- y N orgánico hasta los 100 días posteriores a la aplicación. En estas condiciones la dinámica de N llega a estar muy influenciada por las propiedades del suelo tales como el contenido en sales y en carbonatos. [ENG] The consequences of N are spreading and affecting the health of agroecosystems and biogeochemical cycles. Future prospects are interesting in both regionally and globally. Whereas N plays a key role in food production, there are few things that can be done to decrease the amount of the anthropogenic N created. From a scientific point of view, efforts should focus on understanding the fate and consequences of the N introduced and increasing the N use efficiency produced where is possible. In countries like Spain and regions such as Murcia which have a high production of livestock waste, fertilizer consumption should be reduced and be exploited as fertilizer and nutrient supply. The agronomic recycling of pig slurry is a traditional practice that is crucial both technically and environmentally study in semiarid climate conditions and applies European and Spanish legislation. For this reason it was interesting in this thesis applied different doses of manure in soils: 170 (legislated by the European Union Directive 91/676/EEC and RD 261/1996), 340, 510 and 1700 kg N per ha and year and study different properties and characteristics of the soil-water-plant system, especially those matters related to N. Other fundamental issues such as the influence of soil fertility , the cereal crop yields, the potential for leaching from N as NO3-, NH4+ and total soluble N and the environmental effects that might arise from the pig slurry application of not recommended doses or discharges of manure in agricultural soils were also evaluated. The results highlight an increase of biomass yield of barley in the study area of Doña Inés for application rates of 170 kg N ha-1 ( 9543 kg ha-1) and 340 kg N ha-1 (13 420 kg ha-1) compared to the control treatment (7990 kg ha-1) in the harvest of 2010. The incubation of amended soils showed that nitrification increased with the incubation time up to 39-45 mg kg-1 for treatments 170 kg N ha-1 and Control and up to 54-285 mg kg-1 for dose 1700 kg N ha-1. Regarding the leachate results, these varied during the 12 weeks of experimentation with values from 0,23 to 1,51 dS m-1 for EC, pH of 7,0 to 8,3 and the NH4+-N values were equal to or less than 1 mg L-1. The study concludes that long term experiments with recommended doses are very useful to reduce costs of chemical fertilizers and to maintain the nutrient levels in soils, with nitrification and mineralization rates consistent with the temporary crops. However, long-term effects of non-recommended doses or overdoses of slurry up to 10 times the recommended dose involve significant environment impacts such as N emissions and N leaching of NO3--N and organic soluble N until 100 days after application. Under these conditions the N dynamic becomes very influenced by soil properties such as the salts content and carbonates. ; Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena

Published interview of Brooks Hays in Nation's Cities (American Municipal Association) ; refers to three "levels" of government—federal, state, and local. Should there be a fourth—metropolitan? Well, the intergovernmental aspect of metropolitan area government is one good example of what Senator Muskie of Maine calls "the fourth dimension" of government. Cities like Philadelphia and New York have an impact on a large area—parts of three states, in their cases—and on all levels of government. Do you see this as bringing about another level of government to handle problems of urban areas which are on rivers which form state boundaries, such as Kansas City or Memphis? It could be an exciting new experiment in government. What account should we take of a city that straddles a state line? The lives of many people are properly affected by that, even when their area isn't large enough to be defined as metropolitan. However, it seems to me that the most pressing problems brought about by urban growth would continue to be in the great metropolitan areas. In the Chicago area, Wisconsin and Indiana are affected. St. Louis laps over into Illinois, and Chattanooga actually extends into two other states besides Tennessee. You can point to Los Angeles and say that only one state is involved but even there the water supply comes from the Colorado River and this becomes an interstate matter in part. Federal agencies seem to be taking into account the metropolitan scope of their progress, aren't they? To some extent. I mentioned the President's instructions about notifying states of federal actions in advance. That's one approach. But other federal efforts can do only so much. I remember the problems of carrying out federal policy with the Office of Price Administration. The administrator had to realize that it could not be controlled without unified approval from the states. And we never got unified approval. We're not getting it today in regard to many of these programs which are directed at our localities. Does this mean that federal agencies which reflect some concern about metropolitan problems are doing it because the states have left a vacuum on the subject? I think there is a certain absence of concern in the state governments, but I don't think it is a vacuum. And what the federal administrator does is in terms of "reciprocity," he can't afford to be high-handed. We do it with the spirit of cooperation between levels of government. James Madison said, "This Federal system will work as long as there is reciprocal forbearance." That is a choice quotation. The kind of government we have launched is unique—we don't expect it to be a perfect mechanism. Human systems have to be resilient. Perhaps for this reason, allocations to states don't adhere rigidly to formulas. Do governors have need for staff positions such as yours and people such as the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations? For neat and effective functioning, we've got to avoid proliferation of offices. Governors—a good many of them, at least—are aware of the magnitude of developing problems. Each has to become something of a specialist himself; it's almost necessary because there is so much interest in this area now. Having expert advice in his office might well serve a useful purpose, however. This is a matter for each state to decide. Do you care to comment on proposals that the President create a White House staff unit to coordinate federal urban programs which are administered by many different agencies? The present view at the White House is that we have established sufficient procedures between the President and individual agencies. We would much prefer the establishment of a Department of Urban Affairs so that the administration of each federal program could be better related to the others. As a general assessment, how do you feel the Administration's programs will fare at the hands of the new Congress? In broad terms, we do think that the Administration's programs will be treated more sympathetically. Looking ahead to 1964's elections, a lot of Congressmen will want to be able to point to their support of the President. Since the Republicans picked up additional seats in the South and showed surprising strength in close races, what meaning do you think this has for the future of a two-party South? Well, you must remember that there were a lot of changes and not just in the South. When voters in New England elect as many Democrats to state and national office as in recent elections, you have a different two-party picture there, too. In both places, however, the real meaning is very hard to define in actual terms. It does prove the independence of the American voter, regardless of where he lives. And, as I said before, maybe the remarkable mobility of our people will mean a better competition between parties in all regions, states, and districts. I hope so because I believe in the two-party system. When I was running for office, I was on record as favoring it. You know, I want every good thing in life for the Republicans except public office. At the same time, if the Southern Republicans are going to run on the idea that "we're more against integration than you Democrats," they are not building up a foundation for a real party organization. I suppose that the national Republican party will have to decide whether to push for such a foundation, or whether to accept whatever kind of candidates happen to come down the pike in the South. With your responsibilities combined with the staff work of the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations and the legislative role of the House and Senate Subcommitees dealing with the subject, where do you think the biggest impact on this "jungle" will be felt? One of the greatest contributions will be to promote the new professionalism and broader outlook which must go into the workings of all levels of government in our time. There may be a long delay in getting through the steps of fact-finding, suggested remedies, debate on them, and decision-making eventually, but all of our effort is aimed at improving each of these vital parts of the democratic process. I think our governmental leaders at all levels will ultimately recognize that their government's decision will always influence the other fellow's, and that expert advice is needed to determine just what that impact will be and what to do about it, in the interest of good government. 14 NATION'S CITIES • WINTER 1962

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock ."Sherman Adams indicated that he was not anxious to have the Governor enjoined from blocking integration, but was also not convinced that federalizing the Guard was the answer" Were nationalized, then integration could be enforced without his open advocacy. All that would be required of the Governor then would be for him to plead for peaceful acceptance of this move, not to object to the federalizing, with his obvious explanation to the segregationists being that he no longer had any control over the situation. In the discussions I had with Sherman Adams early Wednesday morning he indicated that he was not anxious to have the Governor enjoined from blocking integration, but that he was also not convinced that federalizing the Guard was the answer. When I visited the Mansion that afternoon, Governor Faubus looked as if he were prepared for litigation and ready for a fight. I was not too concerned over the possibility of his being enjoined on Friday, because this might be a means for him to "save face," but his growing irritation made the possibilities of a peaceful adjustment appear remote. Mayor's Plans to Use Police Meanwhile, Mayor Mann called, imploring that I help him get advance notice of the withdrawal of the Guard, so his police would be alerted to prevent violence. Shortly thereafter, Harry Ashmore, executive editor of the "Arkansas Gazette," called to tell me that he thought Adams's approach was wrong and that he felt the time had come for me to pull out of the negotiations, since apparently the whole matter would have to be settled in court. On Wednesday night I decided that the talk with the Governor I had scheduled for Thursday morning was not likely to be productive, so I prepared a short statement primarily to preserve my own position and avoid further involvement, intending to hand it to the reporters at the Mansion gate as I came out. I advised the press that an important statement would be made. However, I talked with Adams early the next morning and he said: "I don't believe I'd do that," and I did not. I was never quite able to relieve the reporters' curiosity concerning the reasons for this action. Adams's request was further proof that the White House was not welcoming a showdown and that they wanted my contact preserved, fragile though it was. The evening on which I promised a statement would be forthcoming "next morning"-the one that never came because Sherman Adams asked me to hold on a little longer-one newsman spoke up: "Mr. Hays, you have been putting out statements that haven't had any meaning-will this one have any meaning?" I flared up a little at that. "I have put out no statements at all-I have only answered questions. You are unkind to say that," I said very crisply. Then I added, "I'm sorry. I'm tired." He held out his hand. "I apologize," he said, "I'm tired, too." I shook hands with him. "It's 1 o'clock. Let's go to bed," I added. Here is the statement I had prepared for the reporters: "The time has come for me to give you a brief report on my activities of the last few days, and to say that I will not likely see the Governor again at least until the district-court hearings are completed. "My role has been difficult to describe. It was self-initiated, but both the President and the Governor have made it easy for me to transmit information and suggestions that I thought might be helpful. I am grateful for their confidence. "My conferences with the Governor have been for the purpose of examining all possible alternatives for action by federal and State authorities, including the one being chosen by the Governor to proceed through the courts. His decision certainly should not be construed as a repudiation of these talks. There have been differences between us, of course, but both of us have had in mind discovery of appropriate methods for achieving the rule of law. "It is my own feeling that ultimately the Supreme Court school decisions of 1954, as interpreted and approved by the Little Rock school board and the Circuit Court of Appeals, will be upheld and that the Negro students will be peacefully enrolled and instructed under that plan. That is what the rule of law means-it does not mean that only popular laws are to be enforced. Furthermore, it does not mean that we must accept the ruling of the Supreme Court as ultimate wisdom, but it does mean that compliance with that Court's ruling is the only proper course available to us if constitutional government is to survive. This poses a hard problem for our city, but I know that, regardless of objections to the Court orders, the people of our community will abide by them. "I fervently hope that our experience here will be helpful to other areas. The principal factors are popular devotion to law and order and the flexibility of federal law which should not be imposed by sudden edict. Neither statutory nor decision law can have life without the common consent that time alone can supply." Late Thursday night my wife and I left for Oklahoma City for the concluding session of the South-wide meeting of the Baptist Brotherhood. From the Biltmore Hotel in that city I called the White House to say to Sherman Adams that I had not had the door slammed on me at the Governor's Mansion, that I was still anxious for my city to be spared the impending disaster. I told him of engagements I had in Kansas City on Saturday and Sunday. He asked if I could cancel them and return to Little Rock. He wanted to continue to use my contact there. He had no other way at that moment of knowing fully the State and local developments. I agreed, of course. It necessitated telephoning Mr. Truman to explain why I would not be at the dinner planned for us by Mayor Bartle and my friend, Joe Culpepper, a Kansas City businessman. "That's all right," Mr. Truman said, and he added, "Brooks, I've been thinking of you and feeling for you." "Thank you, Mr. President," I answered, "but you stood eight years of it; I can stand eight weeks of it." "No," he said, "it's harder on you than on me-I can cuss and you can't!" "Full Force to Prevent Violence" In one of several phone conversations I had with Little Rock people during the 24 hours I was in Oklahoma City, I learned from Chief of Police Marvin Potts just what his intentions were if Negro students should appear at the high school. He made a clear commitment to use the full police 128 U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock .'Mayor Mann privately expressed concern to me over the danger that the disorder might be too great to be controlled by his small police force, and he asked for my assistance" force in an effort to prevent violence. He knew it would be difficult and recognized the gravity of the situation, but he felt sure of his men and he would certainly not show any weakness himself. I knew that he was planning to resign and that he would be happier if he were able to make an honorable exit before the crisis arose, but he did not propose to fade into retirement with even the faintest stain on his record. There were equivalent promises from his assistant chief, Eugene Smith, another competent peace officer who has since succeeded Mr. Potts. On Friday, Federal Judge Davies ordered the Governor to end his opposition to judicial authority and directed him to stop interfering with integration at Little Rock Central High School. The following is a summary of the court decision: The Court: It is very clear to this court from the evidence and the testimony adduced upon the hearing today that the plan of integration adopted by the Little Rock school board and approved by this court and the Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit has been thwarted by the Governor of Arkansas by the use of National Guard troops. It is equally demonstrable from the testimony here today that there would have been no violence in carrying out the plan of integration, and that there has been no violence. The petition of the United States of America as amicus curiae [friend of the court] for a preliminary injunction against Governor Faubus, General Clinger and Colonel Johnson and all others named in the petition is granted and such injunction shall issue without delay enjoining those respondents from obstructing or preventing by use of the National Guard or otherwise the attendance of Negro students at Little Rock High School under the plan of integration approved by this court and from otherwise obstructing or interfering with orders of this court in connection with the plan of integration. Governor Faubus's attorneys walked out of the courtroom in the middle of the hearing rather than stay to cross-examine witnesses and hear the verdict, thus challenging the court's authority. Three hours after the decision, Governor Faubus went on television to announce his withdrawal of the Guard, in compliance with the order, but he had earlier indicated he would appeal the decision of Judge Davies on the ground that the district court did not have jurisdiction against him. He said that the right of Negro children to attend white schools had been upheld by the Supreme Court but that he hoped "by their own volition the Negroes would refrain from seizing upon that right until such time as there is assurance that it can be accomplished in a peaceful manner." He closed with an appeal for "reason and clear thinking and good order." Eisenhower's Reaction In Washington, President Eisenhower called the withdrawal of the Guard "a necessary step in the right direction." He went on to say that he was confident that the citizens of Little Rock would demonstrate that in their city proper orders of a United States court would be executed promptly and without disorder. My wife and I boarded the train for Little Rock early Saturday morning in a driving rain which continued all day. It fitted my mood. Late in the afternoon I was met at a station two hours out of Little Rock by my friend, Clyde Lowry, who drove me the remaining distance in his car so he could counsel with me on the gravity of the situation. My wife continued on the train. Clyde was interested in the political phases of the conflict. He felt that my efforts toward mediation had been applauded but that, since they had apparently failed, I should not jeopardize my political future. It was not the counsel of timidity or defeatism but the product of his deep concern for my political influence and position. Neither of us could see any avenues of further service opening for me. As I look back on it now, and I am sure he would share this feeling, I wonder why we thought that there was nothing left to do. Back in the familiar surroundings of the Sam Peck Hotel, I could only hope that, as the collision between State and federal authorities approached, violence would be avoided and no undue strain placed upon existing relationships. I saw this conflict in the framework of a seething South and a disquieted nation. There were vast repercussions abroad, and I was eager for our national prestige not to be damaged. World peril was too great to permit indifference to the foreign-policy aspects of the struggle. I had endeavored in my talks with the Governor to suggest a condition that would not make federal military policing inevitable. An unexpected call from Mayor Mann came early Sunday morning. The mayor was once again responsible for preserving order in the city, and members of the Little Rock police force took over the guard duty as the National Guardsmen left the school. In a public statement, Mr. Mann had urged Little Rock residents to accept integration peacefully and warned that local law-enforcement officers would be on hand to deal with persons who did not co-operate. Privately, he now expressed concern to me over the danger that the disorder might be too great to be controlled by his small police force, and he asked for my assistance. First Mention of U. S. Troops When I had decided to return to Little Rock I told the press that I now considered my responsibilities heavier than ever, since they were related to the preservation of the peace, and I now assured the mayor of my support. The White House informed me that they wanted to keep the Federal Government from coming into the picture and hoped that local forces could do the job. The school board met in emergency sessions over the week end but no final decisions were made until Sunday concerning entry of the Negro students on Monday, September 23. It was suggested that the city might need federal financial help, at least, in order to pay for temporary police that might be necessary. Police Chief Potts said again he would do his duty, that he would "de-fend" all students, white or black, but he balked at pledging an "escort." At this time Sherman Adams indicated that, if requested by appropriate authority, the Administration might make troops available at the State border in the event that the situation got out of hand. Meanwhile, Governor Faubus flew to Georgia to attend the Southern Governors' Conference and left Lieutenant Governor Nathan Gordon as the State's acting chief executive. When asked in Atlanta if he thought the Little Rock U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 129

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock . . ."In August the President had said . . . that he could not conceive of a situation in which he would send federal troops into a State to enforce integration orders" police could handle the situation, the Governor replied: "I wouldn't want to say. I don't want to say anything which might tend to be construed to be inflammatory." When asked if he believed there would be violence at the school, however, he answered, "I think so." Henry Woods, law partner of former Governor Sid McMath, called me on Sunday to say that the mayor wanted my advice in regard to his effort to maintain order at Central High the next morning-assuming that the Negro students would try to enroll. Would I please come back out to Woods's home for a conference? I was not sure I should go. It might draw me into the orbit of political opposition to Governor Faubus, and I was trying hard to escape involvement in the feud which had developed between McMath and the Governor. McMath and the mayor were apparently collaborating in plans that at least appeared to the public to have political overtones. I asked Virgil Blossom what to do. "You should see the mayor," he said, and he agreed to go with me. His advice was based on the realization that, with the National Guard withdrawn, if violence threatened the next day, any hope of preserving peace would depend upon local police and such other help as the mayor could muster. Still we were eager not to be publicly identified with political interests, so we made no public announcement of our destination when we left the hotel. "Plans for Protecting Negroes" When we entered the living room of the Woods home, we found, in addition to Woods and the mayor, Governor McMath, Ed Dunaway, McMath's close friend and Winthrop Rockefeller's attorney, and Harry Ashmore. The purpose of their conferring, it developed, was to make plans for protecting the Negro students should they appear at the school. No one seemed to know what their intentions were. I was determined not to make any contacts with the NAACP officials, either national or local. I disagreed with their tactics and, in the Little Rock situation, I could not even discuss the question with them without appearing to approve projection of the national organization into Little Rock's difficulties. I knew only one NAACP official, and I had assumed that he had had nothing to do with NAACP's pressures on the school board. This official was their lobbyist, Clarence Mitchell, whose attitudes and actions had always appeared, in the few contacts I had had with him, to be honorable. One can oppose, as I do, the national organization's strategy and still believe strongly in their right to function as an agent of their people's interests, just as I believe that White Citizens Councils should not be prevented by court procedures or otherwise from holding meetings or propagating their views. The risks of our governmental system include freedom for organizations to function, even when their methods and objectives are distasteful. These organizations are creatures of freedom. In the meeting at the Woods residence I do not recall that Governor Faubus was mentioned. It was assumed that the obligation for policing rested on Mayor Mann. I was asked about the White House or Justice Department plans for supplementing local police facilities, but I could bring very little light to bear on that question. I knew, of course, as many others did that the Department of Justice had not approved use of deputy marshals. We discussed the propriety of using the Marine Corps Reserve component in Little Rock-most of whose members were local veterans and enrollees. Another possibility discussed was a request to be made of Lieutenant Governor Gordon to appeal for federal military assistance in suppressing a riot if real trouble should develop. Also one of the group mentioned that a small assignment of the Air Force Military Police, based 12 miles away, might be sufficient if they were legally available. In August the President had said in a news conference in Washington that he could not conceive of a situation in which he would send federal troops into a State to enforce integration orders. For this reason, perhaps little thought had been given by anyone to the use of outside federal troops to supplement local forces. Troops at Camp Chaffee, Ark., may have been mentioned in this conference, but they were not thought of as importations, and anyway a request of the State government, temporarily under Lieutenant Governor Gordon's direction, for help was regarded as a condition to federal military assistance. There were many precedents for such help. I am sure that no one in the group at that moment anticipated the dramatic and frightening appearance of paratroopers at Central High School within 60 hours. To be sure, Harry Ashmore had persisted in the opinion that the Federal Administration should consider no other military action than federalizing the National Guard and instructing them to comply with court orders. With the withdrawal at Christmastime of the last paratroopers, that is exactly what we had in Little Rock. To all appearances, this mayor's conference on Sunday was for the sole purpose of laying plans to prevent violence. The bitterest opponent of Mayor Mann could have found nothing to condemn in his expressed purposes, unless one wanted violence for the accomplishment of a desired end. No one in the group knew what Daisy Bates of the local NAACP proposed to do, and no one volunteered to advise her. The suggestion was made that Thurgood Marshall, representing the national NAACP, might still be in Little Rock and if contacted might be induced to counsel the nine to stay away for a few days. If the decision had been left with the mayor's group that day, I believe they would have said, "Let them start tomorrow-a delay will give time to the extremists to build up for another demonstration and we will really have trouble." I had no strong opinion-the situation was so ominous that I merely wished the counsel of numbers. I agreed to use my Washington contacts to locate Thurgood Marshall in case it was decided that someone should seek his aid in averting disaster. This required more than one call, but I finally got his phone number in Richmond, Va. I did not call him and to my knowledge no others of the group did. The mayor's deportment that Sunday was above criticism. Here was the greatest crisis he had ever faced, and as a "lame duck" he lacked the confidence of the people. I felt sorry for him. A Request for U. S. Deputies In the late afternoon of that Sunday, Virgil Blossom met me in the Sam Peck lobby with this question: "Should I talk with Judge Davies about the necessity of having 130 U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock ."Since the Federal Government was responsible for Mr. Blossom's predicament, the Federal Government should have acted to protect him and to uphold its court's orders with civil, not military, power" U. S. marshal deputies accompany the nine Negro students into the Central High School?" I thought it would be proper in the unusual circumstances for him to approach the judge. Within a few minutes he reported back to me that the judge would not talk to him-he merely referred him to U. S. District Attorney Osro Cobb. Blossom then called Cobb, but the district attorney thought he would have to have specific authority from the Department of Justice to seek an order from the federal judge for United States marshal's deputies' help in protecting the Negro students. I called Sherman Adams to ask if he could get such clearance. This illustrates how determined I was to channel everything through Adams. I had brought him into the matter in the first place and I did not propose to bypass him or confuse the situation by multiple contacts, though I was sorely tempted to do so in order to spare him the discomfort of these continued appeals for information. Adams called back to give me a telephone number at which Cobb could reach a responsible top official of the Department of Justice, adding that he thought the matter could be worked out. Some of the legal abracadabra seemed to annoy Adams, who is a businessman and definitely the executive type. Cobb told me that he did not get the authority from the Department when he called that Sunday afternoon for further instructions as to Blossom's request for marshal's deputies to escort the Negro students. The local policemen, officers and men, had balked at "escorting." They pledged to do their duty in preventing violence if the Negroes showed up, but as to escorting- "No, don't ask that," and they meant it. I knew Mr. Brownell's reasons for his ruling. He had publicly made much of the fact that Title III of the civil-rights bill had been taken out by the Senate during the 1957 debate, and, since that title was the one which proposed to give the Justice Department authority to participate in suits for enforcement of Negroes' rights, he construed the action as a legislative declaration that he, the Attorney General, should exercise no such authority. It was up to the judges of the district courts, he believed. Technically that may have been correct-it would take a court decision to make sure-but I believe that, since the Federal Government was responsible for Mr. Blossom's predicament, the Federal Government should have acted affirmatively and imaginatively to protect him and to uphold its own court's orders with civil, not military, power. The court had invited the United States to be a party to the action restraining interference with the school-board plan. Their failure to do so is the weak place in the Justice Department's case on Little Rock. "Fateful Decision" to Integrate The city officials were still considering keeping the Negro children out until at least the next Thursday, so that inflamed passions could cool. But Acting Governor Gordon indicated that a detachment of State police would upon request be sent to the area, and this fact, coupled with Mayor Mann's confidence that the situation was manageable, soon led Virgil Blossom and the school board to make the fateful decision to go ahead with integration on Monday even without the availability of federal marshals. This was a courageous decision by the board, showing a determination not to weaken in the face of threats of violence, to teach all students according to legal requirements. The events that followed do not detract from the strength of purpose of a group which was not anxious for desegregation, but which had a deep and abiding respect for our legal heritage. I shall not dwell long on the unfortunate occurrences of that tragic Monday. I shared the feelings of horror held by all law-abiding citizens when acts of violence took place at Little Rock Central High School. After the nine Negro students had been spirited into the school, by means of the side entrance while diversionary tactics were being employed at the main door, the huge crowd which had gathered at the school quickly got beyond control. It must be remembered that some of these people came from out of the city, while others were merely observers or parents of the children inside who were concerned about the situation but took no part in the action. Call for Federal Troops Virgil Blossom called to say that it looked bad "outside" and asked me if federal troops would be called. Then the mayor informed me that, while his public position was that things had gone "on schedule," he had received word from Chief Potts that fighting had broken out and that he needed about 150 soldiers as soon as possible. Being the only contact these responsible officials had with the White House at this moment, I felt it was my duty to relay their message. I called Sherman Adams and he commented cryptically, "That's all the information I need." By 11:00 a.m., I was quite nervous because Adams had not called back, indicating to me that the Administration had no definite plans as yet. Blossom telephoned again and his voice was almost frantic as he asked: "Are the troops coming or aren't they?" As he saw it, "The safety of the children depends on it." Once more in my capacity as a communications bridge I tried to reach Adams to help Blossom find out if help was being sent in. Adams was away from Washington, "en route," and not available, but I finally managed to talk with the Cabinet secretary, Maxwell Rabb. He did not know the answer to my question, but he promised not to delay in checking on the situation. By the time he called back to say, "The troops are not on their way," the Negro students had been removed from the school on Blossom's suggestion. Before I could relay Rabb's information to Blossom, he had requested that the mayor take this action in anticipation of later federal protection for these students. What influence this had on the Administration's decision actually to send in troops, after all, I do not know. In any event, it seemed likely that the local police did not have sufficient manpower to preserve order with Negro students in the school. Sherman Adams and I talked to each other again later in the day and he said, "You and I can sign off now-it's in other hands, I guess." I inquired as to whom the mayor should deal with, since, with me out of the picture, he needed a direct contact with federal authority. Sherman recommended Assistant Attorney General Bill Rogers, after he had conferred with Brownell himself. As for me, I never at any stage talked with Brownell, except at the Newport conference U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 131

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock "Emerging community judgments were quickly recognized-the bayonets should come off those guns. It was an affront to the community that was not justified in the first place" for this situation rested on the white community. No efforts were made to help the Negroes put into leadership positions their most disciplined and wisest men and women. When a prosecution was begun a little while later under a city ordinance against NAACP officials, including a Negro Methodist minister, for what appeared to be technical violations, it only strengthened the position of the NAACP among Negroes. "Mrs. Bates has no large personal following among our people," said one of the Negro ministers, "but this sort of thing drives them in masses into her camp." The Negroes seemed eager at all times to appear to be just as friendly as ever with their individual white friends, but they stuck to their mental retreat and did not invite discussion. They were aware of the necessities of the situation, and there was a certain pathos in the severing of the pleasant contacts between individuals. McClinton called in October to ask me to see a committee of his group to discuss the future. With him were a Baptist minister and a retired mail carrier. They made clear their determination to do all within their power to prevent violence. The Negro people, they said, were united in this. Further, they thought that the white people should know that the Negroes were also united in thinking that their rights as defined by the United States district court should be protected, even if the troops had to stay. This meant that the nine students should continue in Central High. They hoped that the white people would not ask for troop withdrawal until it could be done with safety. I pointed out that the two races had a common interest here-if the school board kept the school open and obeyed court injunctions, both white and colored students should have adequate protection. This view is consistent with my opposition to military enforcement. I believed these three men as to the unanimity of Negro opinion on desegregation of Central High. Later, professional poll takers confirmed this judgment with irrefutable proof produced by their comprehensive local survey. Skeptical white leaders were convinced. The question whether Little Rock Negroes would seek mass integration is a different question. The people of Little Rock were largely inarticulate during the early days of the presence of federal troops at Central High. I made no effort to find out what the Administration had in mind as to withdrawal. No one could answer that question anyway. We had witnessed violence, and we breathed easier when strong men stood between our city's children and danger. White parents shared these anxieties, of course. They knew that violence directed toward Negro children would expose all to danger. I was a bit impatient during those days with some of the statements of partisans in other States who seemed to welcome a showdown. Had they known the extent of our anxieties I am sure they would have, in expressing their own convictions, omitted the "Let's you and him fight" overtones. We were too close to violence to find any enjoyment in outbursts of that kind. School Board's Side of Case In one of the several huddles of the 26 Chamber of Commerce former presidents, Superintendent Blossom and the six members of the school board were invited to participate, and they did a superb job of informing us of the extreme difficulties facing the administrators and faculty under court orders to teach nine Negro students in what was historically the all-white high school. Blossom spoke feelingly and convincingly. With a short dissertation on the local NAACP decision to rely on their legal rights, he dispelled any idea of an official closing of doors to the nine at that time, and his board sustained him. This, they argued, was the practical side of it. The board's critics have tried to interpret this consistent court-compliance policy as a thrusting of integration upon the people of Little Rock against their wishes. The record will not support that charge, as later action by the board proved. The hours spent by the 26 on these talks were fruitful. These outstanding civic leaders gained new understanding of the educational, sociological and legal phases of the problem. If some had not been convinced by newspaper editorials that yielding to extremists, by sending the Negroes home or closing Central High, would mean a strengthening of lawlessness, they were made fully aware of this point by Dr. Will Cooper, at that time chairman of the school board, and by Mr. Blossom. No one questioned for a moment that a majority of the people preferred the segregated schools. No one argued that the defeat by two of these directors of extremist opponents in a 1956 election carried any mandate to integrate. The issue appeared in clearer outlines every day: law and order as opposed to threats and pressures- chiefly from outside Little Rock. Emerging community judgments were quickly recognized -the bayonets should come off those guns. It was an affront to the community that was not justified in the first place. Military men are tough and they do not take chances, but we did not like that aspect of the policing one bit. The bayonets did come off, and, furthermore, the military men very quickly recognized that, while it might be weeks, maybe months, before all troops could go home, the strong display of power was no longer called for. Soldiers Leave-Tension Eases With the withdrawal of the last of the regular troops about Christmastime and the assignment of the task to the federalized Guard units of our own Arkansas men in greatly reduced strength, there was considerably less feeling about "militarization." The meetings of the 26-they have never adopted a name nor taken any steps toward formal organization-were occasionally devoted to related issues, such as the election of the governing board for the new city-manager form of government on November 5. All were eager to avoid the inclusion of the question of segregation in the election, so the month of October was a period of suspended judgment as to the next steps to be taken. Some sessions were solely to hear reports from those who were observing internal school conditions and to confer regarding measures to avoid a special session of the State's General Assembly, which would, unless the political climate changed, result either in closing Central High School altogether or penalties such as withdrawal of State aid. In view of the desire of some leading political figures who were quite indifferent to Little Rock's misfortune, there was every reason for our disquietude. Modern cities have often been confronted with hostile political forces originating in nonurban areas and injustices U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 133

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock "There were speculations as to what might have happened if Judge Davies had ordered the United States marshal to assist the local police and add to his force of deputies" and I had no thoughts of doing so at this time. I was reassured, though, when Sherman added that, if I needed to talk to someone again, "Call me any time." Thus, on the morning of Tuesday, September 24, my struggle to prevent federal use of troops came to an end. Relman Morin, AP correspondent, and Pulitzer Prize winner for his reporting of the Little Rock story, told me recently that he had good reason for believing that the Daisy Bates NAACP group had not intended to attempt to enter the Negroes in Central High on September 23, and that Governor Faubus was really surprised when he learned, at Sea Island, Ga., of Monday's developments. How plans got changed remains as much a mystery to me as it does to Governor Faubus. There were speculations as to what might have happened "if": If the Governor had not gone away, and if he had sent State police to patrol actively the school area-he had never said he would not; If it had not been a bright clear day-it had rained hard the two previous days; If the fire chief had responded to Mayor Mann's request for the use of the fire hose; If Judge Davies had ordered the United States marshal to assist the local police and add to his force of deputies; If there had been a permanent federal judge presiding who had been appointed from the district; and If the situation had arisen after, instead of before, the new city-manager form of government had been installed. Thus it was that a combination of factors conspired against the success of the move to integrate peacefully the nine Negro students. Presumably, it was decided to go ahead on Monday to avoid giving the extremists further time to build up sentiment against the moderate plan of integration, by holding additional meetings to be harangued by inflammatory, imported speakers. At a considerably later date, I was informed that even Attorney General Brownell might not have favored the use of troops to restore order; that final crushing blow to hopes for accord between the federal and State governments. The Paratroopers Fly In After issuing a proclamation asserting that he would "use the full power of the United States-including whatever force may be necessary-to prevent any obstruction of the law and to carry out the orders of the federal court," President Eisenhower ordered troops from the famed 101st Airborne Division at Fort Campbell, Ky., to go to Little Rock to see that integration at Central High School was carried out without further violence. At the same time, the Arkansas National Guard was federalized. On Wednesday, September 25, the nine Negro students attended school with the armed might of the United States Army protecting them from lawlessness. The soldiers were tough and efficient in seeing that no obstructions were permitted, and the crowd that gathered was quickly dispersed. With the coming of federal troops there was a new focus of political controversy, but in the city of Little Rock itself people on both sides of the question relaxed a bit-fear of bloodshed had almost vanished. Some enraged parents called to ask me to register a protest against the use of troops and to do what I could to restore the old order. It was not easy to convince some of them that matters had passed out of the hands of Congress. But at least I could, and did, pledge my best effort to seek a non-violent settlement of the matter and to give the people of Little Rock every opportunity to control their schools without any more interference than was justified under our constitutional system. The constitutional question seemed technical and perhaps irrelevant to some. I found satisfaction in the fact that strong segregationists called me. Some were old friends. I wanted to maintain a reputation for hearing both sides and to live up to my oft-repeated promise to try to represent all of the people. It seemed shocking, I fear, to some that I would include the Negroes among those whose points of view I felt duty-bound to study. They are constituents, too, I reminded these friends. Some interpreted my attitude as fence straddling, an accusation one must live with when one's personal views are not altogether popular and one is trying to be persuasive and discreet. The virtue of forthrightness is easy to claim when the Representative's views are popular-he may pound his fist when he utters them. I could honestly admit my opposition to integration by military force, but, when I spoke in support of the courts, I met with some resistance. My main concern was in appealing to the people convincingly to recognize the issue as court compliance, the rule of law against violence, and on that issue segregationists and integrationists could meet. It remains the paramount question. How Negroes Viewed the Problem During the month of September, no Negro voices were heard except those of NAACP leaders. The Negro community seemed to be in silent retreat and they have remained silent. Almost by default, Mrs. Daisy Bates, the local chairman, spoke for them. Her aggressiveness did not reflect the temperament of the majority of Little Rock Negroes, but her views on the school question obviously had their support. I did not hear from my old associates on the Urban League board, which I had helped organize as an effective social-service agency during the 1930s. Before our trip to Newport, I had received a telephone call from the head of the Negro Democrats, I. S. McClinton. He expressed the hope that he would have an opportunity later to present their views to me and that I would try to give a sympathetic interpretation of these views to Governor Faubus. The Democratic organization could not speak for the entire Negro population, however. It was apparent, too, that the NAACP had severe limitations in undertaking to represent the Negro community. The Negroes seemed unable to put forward the kind of leaders who could speak with their full confidence and with an authentic voice. There are such Negro leaders, but extremism among the Negroes had the same intimidating influence that it had with many of the white population, and they were not heard. I suppose that some of the responsibility 132 U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959