Kuatnya arus demokratisasi sangat berpengaruh terhadap tuntutan good governance dalam tata kelola pemerintahan. Salah satu segi positif dari tuntutan tersebut adalah dengan telah diadopsinya prinsip akuntabilitas dalam Undang-Undang Perlindungan dan Pengelolaan Lingkungan Hidup bagi pejabat atas tindakan mal-administratif dalam penerbitan izin di bidang lingkungan. Atas dasar prinsip ini warga masyarakat yang menjadi korban pencemaran dan/atau perusakan lingkungan dapat mempersoalkan legalitas perizinan dan sekaligus meminta pertanggungjawaban hukum (pidana) kepada pejabat atas kerugian yang dideritanya.The democratic strengthen is very influencing to the demand of good governance in managing the government. One of the positive demand is it has been adopted the principle of accountability of the constitution of protection and management of environment for official functionary on the act of mal administration in establishing permit of environment field, Based on the principle community who become sacrifice of pollution of environment can appeal the legal permit and the responsibility of criminal case towards the official functionary of disadvantages they have got.
After Perón's death, in August 1974, the replacement of the Secretary of Education, Jorge Alberto Taiana by Oscar Ivanissevich (who remained in office until August, 1975) took place. Such replacement occurred in a context of continuous repression exerted by the state and parastatal organizations. A few days after assuming, the new Secretary of Education appointed Alberto Ottalagano as Rector Interventor, at the University of Buenos Aires. In this article, I focus on the measures taken by the new rector during his brief management, and the main actions carried out by right wing Peronist organizations at the University of Buenos Aires. Among such organizations we can mention the Nationalist Liberation Alliance, the National University Concentration, the Peronist Revolutionary Legion, and the National University Movement. Several of them came from nationalist sectors which had approached Peronism within the framework of the political radicalization process of the 1960s. Others came from the Peronism, however, had incorporated many elements of right-wing nationalism. All of them shared a political culture which sought to combat communism both outside and within the Peronist Movement, as a result of the idea of the defense of Peron's government. The management of Ivanissevich and Ottalagano resulted in the consolidation of the offensive against the university left. ; Luego de la muerte de Perón y en un proceso de aumento continuo de la represión, tanto estatal como paraestatal, se produjo en agosto de 1974 el reemplazo del ministro de Educación Jorge Alberto Taiana por Oscar Ivanissevich, quien permaneció en el cargo hasta agosto de 1975. A pocos días de asumir, el nuevo ministro designó como rector interventor en la Universidad de Buenos Aires a Alberto Ottalagano. En este artículo me centro en las principales medidas tomadas por el nuevo rector durante su breve gestión y en las principales acciones realizadas por las organizaciones del peronismo de derecha en la Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires. Entre estas podemos ubicar a la Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista, la Concentración Nacional Universitaria, la Legión Revolucionaria Peronista y el Movimiento Universitario Nacional. Varias de ellas provenían de sectores nacionalistas que, en el marco del proceso de radicalización política de los años sesenta, se habían acercado al peronismo. Otras, en cambio, provenían del peronismo y habían incorporado muchos elementos del nacionalismo de derecha. Todas compartían una cultura política que bajo la idea de la defensa del gobierno de Perón buscaban combatir al comunismo tanto fuera como dentro del Movimiento peronista. La gestión de Ivanissevich y Ottalagano, significó la consolidación de la ofensiva contra la izquierda universitaria.
Luego de la muerte de Perón y en un proceso de aumento continuo de la represión, tanto estatal como paraestatal, se produjo en agosto de 1974 el reemplazo del ministro de Educación Jorge Alberto Taiana por Oscar Ivanissevich, quien permaneció en el cargo hasta agosto de 1975. A pocos días de asumir, el nuevo ministro designó como rector interventor en la Universidad de Buenos Aires a Alberto Ottalagano. En este artículo me centro en las principales medidas tomadas por el nuevo rector durante su breve gestión y en las principales acciones realizadas por las organizaciones del peronismo de derecha en la Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires. Entre estas podemos ubicar a la Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista, la Concentración Nacional Universitaria, la Legión Revolucionaria Peronista y el Movimiento Universitario Nacional. Varias de ellas provenían de sectores nacionalistas que, en el marco del proceso de radicalización política de los años sesenta, se habían acercado al peronismo. Otras, en cambio, provenían del peronismo y habían incorporado muchos elementos del nacionalismo de derecha. Todas compartían una cultura política que bajo la idea de la defensa del gobierno de Perón buscaban combatir al comunismo tanto fuera como dentro del Movimiento peronista. La gestión de Ivanissevich y Ottalagano, significó la consolidación de la ofensiva contra la izquierda universitaria ; After Perón's death, in August 1974, the replacement of the Secretary of Education, Jorge Alberto Taiana by Oscar Ivanissevich (who remained in office until August, 1975) took place. Such replacement occurred in a context of continuous repression exerted by the state and parastatal organizations. A few days after assuming, the new Secretary of Education appointed Alberto Ottalagano as Rector Interventor, at the University of Buenos Aires. In this article, I focus on the measures taken by the new rector during his brief management, and the main actions carried out by right wing Peronist organizations at the University of Buenos Aires. Among such organizations we can mention the Nationalist Liberation Alliance, the National University Concentration, the Peronist Revolutionary Legion, and the National University Movement. Several of them came from nationalist sectors which had approached Peronism within the framework of the political radicalization process of the 1960s. Others came from the Peronism, however, had incorporated many elements of right-wing nationalism. All of them shared a political culture which sought to combat communism both outside and within the Peronist Movement, as a result of the idea of the defense of Peron's government. The management of Ivanissevich and Ottalagano resulted in the consolidation of the offensive against the university left. ; Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales
"An explanatory index of the principal names mentioned in the Memoir.": p. [155]-164. ; Attributed to Richard Glover. Cf. NUC pre-1956. ; Also issued under title: Memoirs of a celebrated literary and political character. ; With half title. ; Published as part of an attempt by the editor [i.e. Richard Duppa] to prove that Richard Glover was the author of the Letters of Junius. Cf. "Preface to the second edition": p. [vii]-xv; NSTC, D2306. ; Includes bibliographical references, index, and marginalia. ; NUC pre-1956 ; NSTC ; Mode of access: Internet.
Luego de la muerte de Perón y en un proceso de aumento continuo de la represión, tanto estatal como paraestatal, se produjo en agosto de 1974 el reemplazo del ministro de Educación Jorge Alberto Taiana por Oscar Ivanissevich, quien permaneció en el cargo hasta agosto de 1975. A pocos días de asumir, el nuevo ministro designó como rector interventor en la Universidad de Buenos Aires a Alberto Ottalagano. En este artículo me centro en las principales medidas tomadas por el nuevo rector durante su breve gestión y en las principales acciones realizadas por las organizaciones del peronismo de derecha en la Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires. Entre estas podemos ubicar a la Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista, la Concentración Nacional Universitaria, la Legión Revolucionaria Peronista y el Movimiento Universitario Nacional. Varias de ellas provenían de sectores nacionalistas que, en el marco del proceso de radicalización política de los años sesenta, se habían acercado al peronismo. Otras, en cambio, provenían del peronismo y habían incorporado muchos elementos del nacionalismo de derecha. Todas compartían una cultura política que bajo la idea de la defensa del gobierno de Perón buscaban combatir al comunismo tanto fuera como dentro del Movimiento peronista. La gestión de Ivanissevich y Ottalagano, significó la consolidación de la ofensiva contra la izquierda universitaria ; After Perón's death, in August 1974, the replacement of the Secretary of Education, Jorge Alberto Taiana by Oscar Ivanissevich (who remained in office until August, 1975) took place. Such replacement occurred in a context of continuous repression exerted by the state and parastatal organizations. A few days after assuming, the new Secretary of Education appointed Alberto Ottalagano as Rector Interventor, at the University of Buenos Aires. In this article, I focus on the measures taken by the new rector during his brief management, and the main actions carried out by right wing Peronist organizations at the University of Buenos Aires. Among such organizations we can mention the Nationalist Liberation Alliance, the National University Concentration, the Peronist Revolutionary Legion, and the National University Movement. Several of them came from nationalist sectors which had approached Peronism within the framework of the political radicalization process of the 1960s. Others came from the Peronism, however, had incorporated many elements of right-wing nationalism. All of them shared a political culture which sought to combat communism both outside and within the Peronist Movement, as a result of the idea of the defense of Peron's government. The management of Ivanissevich and Ottalagano resulted in the consolidation of the offensive against the university left. ; Fil: Besoky, Juan Luis. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina
The notion of 'Care' has occupied a central place as foundation in nursing theory, ethics and practice. An examination of critical and authoritative documents reveals that the term is vague and ill defined. The literature on care does not theorise the concept as fully as expected in a profession where the concept is considered central. Moreover, even the best theories of care neglect justice. Applying Wittgenstein's concept of family resemblance allows the debate to move on from definitional issues to assess the applicability of 'care' to the practice of the profession. An examination of a range of assessments of nursing practice shows that although 'care' is frequently used in connection with nursing, it does not appear to be a major consideration in key areas of appraisal. This thesis explores the relationship between care and justice in nursing and proposes that they be integrated within nursing theory. A theory for nursing that does not exclude care, but that has justice as its basis is proposed. Care, when used in the context of justice provides nursing with a theory that is appropriate not only for nursing theory and ethics but also assists the profession meet the demands of modern practice.
Public administrations in practically all countries face challenges with respect to the efficiency and quality of their services. In their endeavours for better performance, they progressively implement general public management principles and quality management. Countries exercise different approaches which have a common aim: to build the institutional and administrative capacity to adequately support their political management and national economies. The paper will present the broader context of how countries could or should manage their public administrations to strengthen their administrative capacity for quality management and achieve a sustainable public administration. Secondly, the paper will present the results of a comparative analysis of quality management in EU member states and the trends observed, and, thirdly, the case of Slovenia will be used to illustrate the approach to quality management in public administration, together with future development goals. ; Gotovo svugdje u svijetu javne se uprave suočavaju s izazovima u području učinkovitosti i kvalitete usluga. Nastojeći unaprijediti rezultate postupno grade osnovne temelje javnog upravljanja kao i upravljanja kvalitetom. Različite države različito pristupaju ovom pitanju, no zajednički im je cilj izgradnja institucionalnih i administrativnih kapaciteta koji će moći pružiti odgovarajuću podršku političkom upravljanju i nacionalnoj ekonomiji. U radu se predstavlja širi kontekst unutar kojeg pojedine države mogu ili trebaju na dređeni način upravljati javnom upravom i razviti administrativne kapacitete u svrhu upravljanja kvalitetom i postizanja održive javne uprave. Nadalje, predstavljaju se rezultati usporedne analize upravljanja kvalitetom u državama članicama EU-a i uočeni trendovi. Konačno, studija slovenskog slučaja pokazat će pristup upravljanju kvalitetom u slovenskoj javnoj upravi te planove za razvoj u budućnosti.
John Croft is a former head of the UK's Home Office Research and Planning Unit, so is able to draw on extensive experience to offer this reflective examination of half a century of involvement in the criminal justice system. He surveys the shifting patterns of research, popular attitudes and social emphasis, relates them to the changing political context, and asks a number of telling questions — including 'What works?' The author concludes that not much does work, and that government has had little influence on fluctuations in the crime rate since the Second World War. He recommends periodic reviews of research across the whole criminal justice system, perhaps on a ten‐year cycle; more comparative research, which would help to illuminate problems and perhaps suggest solutions; a closer look at the interaction between social and criminal policies; and a re‐examination of risk assessment, particularly in its implications for penology.
Based upon coordination with public and government agencies, combined with evaluation of technical considerations, the Wasatch Front Regional Council has identified a Light Rail Transit (LRT) systems as the preferred alternative to serve the Airport to University Transportation Corridor of Salt Lake City, Utah. The 10.9 mile west-east corridor will be constructed from the Salt Lake City International Airport, through the Central Business District (CBD) to the University of Utah Health Sciences Center. It will interface with the existing north-south LRT line at 400 South and Main Street, and at South Temple and 400 West. The West-East LRT project will fulfill the following objectives: improve transit reliability between major destinations within the corridor; reduce traffic congestion; improve air quality; interface with the existing and planned regional transit system; assure minimal impacts on the natural and manmade environment; support development of a multi-modal transportation system that is convenient, accessible, and flexible enough to increase capacity; and connect with service extended to new areas in the future. This document describes the environmental impacts associated with the construction and operation of the West-East LRT, and a No-Build alternative. The purpose of analyzing a No-Build alternative is to provide a baseline for comparison of alternatives, as well as to determine the effect of taking no action. The No-Build alternative includes all existing transportation improvements as well as all planned and committed transportation projects listed in the State Transportation Improvement Plan. The environmental, transportation and financial impacts of the two alternatives are evaluated and compared against a wide range of considerations including: land use, visual and aesthetic impacts, historic and cultural impacts, parks and open spaces, socioeconomic and demographic, public safety and security, environmental justice, wetlands, ecosystems, water and air quality, floodplains, potential containment sources noise and vibration, minerals, utilities, mobility, cost effectiveness, and transportation systems. Some impacts to the natural and manmade environment will occur. These impacts, along with mitigation measures to reduce anticipated impacts are detailed in this document.
En Colombia, el feminicidio es un tipo penal cerrado, en cuya estructura de delito autónomo, el legislador determinó, según el artículo 2° de la Ley Rosa Elvira Cely LREC, que el sujeto pasivo es la mujer cis, considerada así desde lo biológico, en razón de su sexo de nacimiento. En la jurisprudencia colombiana, cometer feminicidio es causar la muerte a una mujer, necesariamente motivada "por su condición de ser mujer o por motivos de su identidad de género, móvil que hace parte del tipo dolo calificado" (Sentencia C-297 de 2016). Según Ramos de Mello (2015), en el feminicidio "el Estado es incapaz de garantizar la vida de las mujeres, de respetar sus derechos humanos, de actuar con legalidad y de hacerse respetar, de buscar y administrar la justicia, de prevenir y erradicar la violencia que ocasiona"; mientras que, las teorías sociológicas consideran al feminicidio como un crimen de Estado (Legarde, 2008) o como violencia sexual sistemática, propia de las relaciones de poder: social, cultural (machismo, patriarcado), política y económica, dominantes (Monárrez, 2009). En la LREC, el legislador no definió con precisión que el sujeto pasivo en el delito de feminicidio allí consagrado, podría extenderse a personas transgénero, concepto general que para la CIDH de la OEA constituye una denominación básica para designar a "aquellas personas cuya identidad de género u orientación sexual es diferente de las expectativas basadas en características físicas sexuales o en el sexo que les fue asignado al momento del nacimiento" (CIDH-OEA, 2015); los modelos o estereotipos sociales establecen disimilitudes en la sociedad, aunque la perspectiva antropológica del rol de mujer trans (travesti, transexual y transgénero), no necesariamente está vinculada a procedimientos médico-quirúrgicos para la reasignación de sexo, sino a la construcción de la identidad de género (Cano-Caballero, 2010). En la sociedad contemporánea, existen grupos de personas LGBTI, considerados vulnerables por su diversidad sexual, quienes no tienen regulados sus derechos de identidad jurídica en la legislación nacional, a pesar que la comunidad jurídica internacional se los haya reconocido en razón o por su condición de género (CIDH, 2015); situación que los expone al prejuicio que a su vez los hace objeto de violencia y estigmatización (Ramos-Salcedo & González-Mauricio, 2015). De otra arista, el orden social en los Estados no está organizado estructuralmente para dar prioridad y adaptar procesos pertinentes con identidad de género o sexual, por lo cual deberían ser considerados como "construcción del cuerpo social como eje de transversalidad para la culturización y la difusión de información, para que la sociedad contemporánea, respete y asimile un proceso más inclusivo, que genere mayor atención hacia el cuerpo distinto, presente en la persona" (Cedeño & Cedeño, 2018). En Colombia, los derechos de las personas LGBTI no solo son irrespetados, sino que además no le son garantizados a plenitud, dado que, las autoridades de tipo judicial y administrativa, "anteponen el estereotipo o prejuicio al momento de aplicar la legislación o por una actitud omisiva desconocen las precarias e infravaloradas condiciones y estigmatización social" (Colombia Diversa, 2020); debido quizá a que el sistema está cimentado sobre la base del binarismo de género, invisibilizando a las mujeres trans y desconociendo la realidad de personas con género no binario. Aunque la Corte Constitucional colombiana ha sentado jurisprudencia a través de múltiples sentencias en materia de derechos de parejas del mismo sexo, en el país persiste la discriminación homofóbica por razones de orientación sexual e identidad de género, registrándose en forma continua, la vulneración a los derechos humanos y fundamentales como la integridad personal, la libertad, la intimidad, la libertad de expresión, a pesar de las normas y las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales que trabajan por su garantía. Transcurridos dos decenios del siglo XXI, estos derechos de las personas transgénero siguen siendo ignorados y como personas humanas, "marginados y discriminados por una sociedad que le niega la existencia de una identidad de género propia de las personas trans, el derecho de igualdad sin distinción de sexo o género, sin exclusión" (Cardona-Cuervo, 2016; Godoy, 2019). El no reconocer de forma incluyente a la persona trans, mediante política pública o legislación más precisa, desatiende la valoración social, la identidad de género no normativa y la identidad jurídica, siendo un condicionamiento que conlleva a la incorrecta imputación como homicidio agravado, al tipo penal de feminicidio cuyo sujeto pasivo es la mujer-adolescente trans. En esta tesis se desarrolla una investigación sociojurídica tipo analítica y comparada, dado su método de análisis interseccional de contenido, basado en fuentes de doctrina, jurisprudencia y política criminal, así como del derecho comparado con países de Latinoamérica en cuya legislación se incluya el tipo penal de feminicidio delimitando su unidad de análisis a adolescente transgénero y el sintagma gnoseológico se desarrolla mediante tratamiento multidimensional e interdisciplinar, con tres categorías analíticas abordadas desde la antropología social, psicología, derecho y ciencia forense; para determinar la construcción social e identidad jurídica como mujer-adolescente transgénero, necesaria para proponer su inclusión taxativa como sujeto pasivo en la LREC. Desde lo procesal-penal, se propone el protocolo de actuación médico forense y se incorporan los elementos socio-jurídicos incidentes que, como mecanismo judicial se requieren direccionar para una efectiva imputación en el proceso de investigación criminal del feminicidio transgénero. Desde lo académico, el problema jurídico y su solución, se abordan desde el conocimiento interdisciplinario y transdisciplinario en las áreas de Antropología, Derechos Humanos, Ciencia Forense, Derecho Procesal-Penal y Criminología; con lo cual se logra un aporte transversal, contemporáneo y de impacto sociojurídico, que genera una prospectiva como nueva línea de investigación y futuras investigaciones de alto impacto a nivel teórico e institucional en la USTA. ; In Colombia, Femicide is a closed criminal type, in whose structure of autonomous crime, the legislator determined, according to article 2 of the Rosa Elvira Cely LREC Law, that the taxable person is the woman considered thus from the biological point of view, in reason for your birth sex In Colombian jurisprudence, committing Femicide is causing the death of a woman, necessarily motivated "by her condition of being a woman or by reasons of her gender identity, motive that is part of the type of qualified fraud" (Sentence C-297 of 2016). According to Ramos de Mello (2015), in Femicide "the State is incapable of guaranteeing the lives of women, of respecting their human rights, of acting legally and enforcing respect, of seeking and administering justice, of preventing and eradicating the violence it causes "; While, sociological theories consider Femicide as a crime of the State (Legarde, 2008) or as systematic sexual violence, typical of power relations: social, cultural (machismo, patriarchy), political and economic, dominant (Monárrez, 2009 ). In the Rosa Elvira Cely Law, the legislator did not precisely define that the taxpayer in the crime of Femicide enshrined therein, could be extended to transgender people, a general concept that for the IACHR of the OAS constitutes a basic denomination to designate "those persons whose identity of gender or sexual orientation is different from the expectations based on sexual physical characteristics or on the sex assigned to them at the time of birth "(IACHR-OEA, 2015); social models or stereotypes establish dissimilarities in society, although the anthropological perspective of the role of trans women (transvestites, transsexuals and transgender), is not necessarily linked to medical-surgical procedures for the reassignment of sex, but to the construction of identity gender (Cano-Caballero, 2010). In contemporary society, there are groups of LGBTI people, considered vulnerable due to their sexual diversity, who do not have their legal identity rights regulated in national legislation, despite the fact that the international legal community has recognized them by reason or by their status as gender (IACHR, 2015); a situation that exposes them to prejudice that in turn makes them the object of violence and stigmatization (Ramos-Salcedo & González-Mauricio, 2015). On the other hand, the social order in the States is not structurally organized to prioritize and adapt pertinent processes with gender or sexual identity, for which they should be considered as "construction of the social body as an axis of transversally for culturalization and dissemination of information, so that contemporary society respects and assimilates a more inclusive process that generates greater attention to the different body present in the person" (Cedeño & Cedeño, 2018). In Colombia, the rights of LGBTI people are not only disrespected, but they are also not fully guaranteed, given that judicial and administrative authorities "put the stereotype or prejudice before applying the legislation or by a omisive attitude ignore the precarious and undervalued conditions and social stigmatization "(Colombia Diversa, 2020); perhaps due to the fact that the system is founded on the basis of gender binaries, making trans women invisible and ignoring the reality of people with non-binary gender. Although the Colombian Constitutional Court has established jurisprudence through multiple judgments on the rights of same-sex couples, homophobic discrimination persists in the country for reasons of sexual orientation and gender identity, with the violation of rights being continuously recorded. human and fundamental such as personal integrity, freedom, privacy, freedom of expression, despite the rules and Non-Governmental Organizations that work for their guarantee. After two decades of the 21st century, these rights of transgender people continue to be ignored and as human persons, "marginalized and discriminated against by a society that denies the existence of a gender identity typical of trans people, the right to equality without distinction. of sex or gender, without exclusion" (Cardona-Cuervo, 2016; Godoy, 2019). Not recognizing the trans person in an inclusive way, through public policy or more precise legislation, neglects social valuation, non-normative gender identity and legal identity, being a condition that leads to the incorrect imputation as aggravated homicide, to a criminal type of Femicide whose taxpayer is the transgender woman-adolescent. In this thesis, an analytical and comparative socio-legal research is developed, given its method of intersectional content analysis, based on sources of doctrine, jurisprudence and criminal policy, as well as comparative law with Latin American countries in whose legislation the criminal type is included from feminicide, delimiting its unit of analysis to a transgender adolescent and the epistemological phrase is developed through multidimensional and interdisciplinary treatment, with three analytical categories approached from social anthropology, psychology, law and forensic science; to determine the social construction and legal identity as a transgender woman-adolescent, necessary to propose her exhaustive inclusion as a taxpayer in the LREC. From the procedural-criminal point of view, the forensic medical action protocol is proposed and the incident socio-legal elements are incorporated that, as a judicial mechanism, are required to address for an effective imputation in the criminal investigation process of transgender Femicide. From the academic point of view, the legal problem and its solution are approached from interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary knowledge in the areas of Anthropology, Human Rights, Forensic Science, Procedural-Criminal Law and Criminology; with which a transversal, contemporary contribution with a socio-legal impact is achieved, which generates a prospective as a new line of research and future research of high impact at the theoretical and institutional level in the USTA. ; Magister en Derecho Penal y Procesal Penal
Este trabajo trata sobre la modernización del discurso jurídico español y consta de siete apartados. En el primero, planteamos la relación que existe entre discurso jurídico e historicidad y literalidad, lo que ha acarreado el anquilosamiento comunicativo de este tipo de lenguaje en todas las tradiciones conocidas. En el segundo apartado, presentamos una breve panorámica de cuál es el recorrido y la situación actual de la clarificación de este tipo de discurso en el escenario internacional. En el tercero de ellos, describimos la situación del discurso jurídico en España y, en concreto, la iniciativa que ha supuesto la publicación del Informe de la Comisión Interministerial de modernización del discurso jurídico. En el cuarto, se plantean las razones sociológicas que explican la necesidad de un cambio comunicativo en la Administración de Justicia en España. El quinto apartado se dedica a describir una de las seis investigaciones universitarias que sustentan dicho Informe; en concreto, la más larga y exhaustiva de ellas: el Estudio de campo: el lenguaje escrito. El apartado siguiente presenta las diez aportaciones más innovadoras que reúne esta investigación y describe con cierto detalle una de ellas, la relativa a la metodología utilizada. En el último apartado se presentan unas breves conclusiones. ; Este trabajo trata sobre la modernización del discurso jurídico español y consta de siete apartados. En el primero, planteamos la relación que existe entre discurso jurídico e historicidad y literalidad, lo que ha acarreado el anquilosamiento comunicativo de este tipo de lenguaje en todas las tradiciones conocidas. En el segundo apartado, presentamos una breve panorámica de cuál es el recorrido y la situación actual de la clarificación de este tipo de discurso en el escenario internacional. En el tercero de ellos, describimos la situación del discurso jurídico en España y, en concreto, la iniciativa que ha supuesto la publicación del Informe de la Comisión Interministerial de modernización del discurso jurídico. En el cuarto, se plantean las razones sociológicas que explican la necesidad de un cambio comunicativo en la Administración de Justicia en España. El quinto apartado se dedica a describir una de las seis investigaciones universitarias que sustentan dicho Informe; en concreto, la más larga y exhaustiva de ellas: el Estudio de campo: el lenguaje escrito. El apartado siguiente presenta las diez aportaciones más innovadoras que reúne esta investigación y describe con cierto detalle una de ellas, la relativa a la metodología utilizada. En el último apartado se presentan unas breves conclusiones. ; This paper deals with the modernization of the Spanish legal discourse and it comprises seven sections. In the first, we propose the relationship between the legal discourse and the historicity and literalness, which has led to the stagnation of such communicative language in all known traditions. In the second section, we present a brief overview and the current status of the clarification of this kind of discourse on the international scene. In the third one, we describe the situation of the legal discourse in Spain and, in particular, the initiative that has led to the publication of the Report of the Interministerial Commission for modernization of the legal discourse. In the fourth, we raise the sociological reasons that explain the need for a communicative change in the Justice Administration in Spain. The fifth section is devoted to describing one of the six academic researches that underpin this report, specifically, the longest and most comprehensive of them: Estudio de campo: el lenguaje escrito. The following section presents the ten most innovative contributions that this research brings and describes in some detail one of them, on the methodology used. In the last section we present some brief conclusions.
