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Political jurist, philosopher, and publicist, Christian Thomasius (1655–1728), in seeking to set apart the ordering principle of political society from that of the religious community, in effect put forth two distinct ethics of mutuality, an "intrinsic" ethic of inherent purpose and an "extrinsic" ethic of instrumentality, the former characterized by disinterested love, in need of no further justification, the latter characterized by prudential reciprocity, in demand of a rational grounding. Unity in the former is viewed as consensual and necessary, whereas it is seen as plural and contingent in the latter, thus designating politics as the domain of instrumentality, plurality, and contingency. Similarly, citizenship is sharply contrasted with the idea of fraternity. Its defining quality is identified withdecorum, which, though it entails elements of moral and legal accountability, is held to be neither strictly moral nor strictly legal. Its effective operation is, however, posited on the possibility of an unfalsified consciousness. In exploring the category ofdecorumas an ethic of mutuality, reference is made to contemporary discussions on liberal and communitarian theory and on the conditions of rational debate in politics.

How are feelings of fraternity distributed within nation-states? This paper deals with the status dimension of ethnic stratification in Canada, and specifically with the way comfort levels with a whole range of ethno-national group labels vary between Canadian regions. Previous research found that the Canadian population gives the highest status evaluations to those of British origin, with evaluations following a downward gradient through various European origins, with the lowest evaluations being reserved for "non-whites." This article presents further analyses of data from the 1991 Canadian Multiculturalism and Citizenship attitude survey (N=3,325). Detailed breakdowns of comfort levels are presented for Canada's main regions, and special attention paid to patterns evident in Canada's three largest cities, namely Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver. The lowest comfort levels with most group labels are displayed in Quebec, and the highest levels are displayed in British Columbia. Since the latter province was the setting of much anti-Asian agitation in earlier decades, and has been a major destination for Asian immigration to Canada in recent decades, this regional difference is an interesting aspect of the current Canadian scene. These findings are set against the backdrop of other research on regional differences in Canada.

The revival of the academic interest in the problem of fair distribution of resources in the society, which is one of the key issues for the political thought today, is largely associated with the name of John Rawls and his Theory of Justice. The article is devoted to the analysis of Rawls's arguments in support of the difference principle as one of the principles of social justice. According to Rawls (whose arguments later formed the foundation for a separate direction in the political-philosophical thought known as luck egalitarianism), due to the random nature of the original distribution of talents, inequality in human wellbeing cannot be justified by an appeal to a merit. However, because strict equality in distribution might reduce productivity of the owners of talent, achieving the best outcome for all requires such inequalities that incentivize the more talented to work as efficiently as possible for the benefit of the less talented. This compromise drew criticism from ardent egalitarians, among which Gerald Cohen articulated objections to the difference principle most clearly and compared the claims of the most talented for material rewards with extortion. Having considered possible justifications for the need for incentives, based on Rawls's argument in the Theory of Justice, the authors conclude that these justifications do not solve the problem that Cohen revealed. Appealing to human nature merely translates the dispute into the methodological realm: should the theory of justice proceed from reality, or should it be guided by the ideal? In turn, the inevitability of a conflict of private interests does not fit well with Rawls's ideal of fraternity as an integral part of a just social order. According to their conclusion, in order to resolve the internal contradiction in Rawls's theory, it is necessary to abandon either the postulates of luck egalitarianism or difference principle. However, both of these options directly contradict Rawls's intellectual constructs and undermine the basic foundations of his concept.

Las enfermedades raras reciben, en general, menos financiación para su investigación y tratamientos médicos que el resto de enfermedades. Al margen de explicaciones científicas y económicas conocidas, existen dos grandes posiciones éticas respecto a este hecho, la que lo aprueba por razones de ética utilitarista, y la que lo condena insistiendo en razones igualitaristas y de derechos individuales. En este artículo, analizo los problemas de ambos tipos de justificación moral, y propongo una alternativa ética basada en la idea de fraternidad política que, aplicada a las enfermedades raras, evita las peores consecuencias tanto del utilitarismo como del lenguaje del derecho individual a la salud y el mero igualitarismo ; Rare diseases generally receive less funding for their medical research and treatments than other diseases. Apart from well-known scientific and economic explanations, there are two major ethical positions regarding this fact, the one that approves it for reasons of utilitarian ethics, and the one that condemns it by insisting on egalitarian and individual rights reasons. In this article, I analyse the problems of both types of moral justification, and propose an ethical alternative based on the idea of political fraternity that, applied to rare diseases, avoids the worst consequences of both utilitarianism and the language of individual rights to health and mere egalitarianism

Rare diseases generally receive less funding for their medical research and treatments than other diseases. Apart from well-known scientific and economic explanations, there are two major ethical positions regarding this fact, the one that approves it for reasons of utilitarian ethics, and the one that condemns it by insisting on egalitarian and individual rights reasons. In this article, I analyse the problems of both types of moral justification, and propose an ethical alternative based on the idea of political fraternity that, applied to rare diseases, avoids the worst consequences of both utilitarianism and the language of individual rights to health and mere egalitarianism. ; Las enfermedades raras reciben, en general, menos financiación para su investigación y tratamientos médicos que el resto de enfermedades. Al margen de explicaciones científicas y económicas conocidas, existen dos grandes posiciones éticas respecto a este hecho, la que lo aprueba por razones de ética utilitarista, y la que lo condena insistiendo en razones igualitaristas y de derechos individuales. En este artículo, analizo los problemas de ambos tipos de justificación moral, y propongo una alternativa ética basada en la idea de fraternidad política que, aplicada a las enfermedades raras, evita las peores consecuencias tanto del utilitarismo como del lenguaje del derecho individual a la salud y el mero igualitarismo.

AbstractThis chapter examines leadership and social class in the context of fraternities and sororities. With no extensive research in this area, recommendations provided may help educators create a plan to address the intersection of social class, leadership education, and membership in a fraternity or sorority.