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Item 1017-A, 1017-B (microfiche) ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

From the Annual report of the American historical association, 1900, vol. I, p. 237-463, 3 pl. ; The Justin Winsor prize for the American historical association was awarded to the author for this essay. ; "List of references": p. 461-463. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Cover" -- "Title Page" -- "Copyright Page" -- "Contents Page" -- "Series Editors' Preface" -- "Author's Preface and Acknowledgements" -- "Introduction Pedro Tavares de Almeida & Javier Moreno Luzón" -- "Part One" -- "1 Elections and Parliamentary Recruitment in Portugal Pedro Tavares de Almeida" -- "2 Elections in Spain Carlos Dardé" -- "3 Prosopography of the Spanish Deputies María Antónia Peña and María Sierra" -- "Part Two" -- "4 The Political Role and Functioning of the Portuguese Parliament Paulo Jorge Fernandes" -- "5 The Parliamentary Model of the First Portuguese Republic: Legacies and Discontinuities Fernando Catroga" -- "6 Legislation, Accountability and Consensus in the Spanish Parliament Miguel Martorell Linares" -- "7 The Images of Parliament in Portugal: Literature, Iconography and Politics Paulo Silveira e Sousa and Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro" -- "8 Literary and Cartoon Representations of Spanish Parliamentarism Javier Moreno Luzón" -- "Consolidated Bibliography" -- "The Editors and Contributors" -- "Index

CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 89 H381-56 ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Intro -- Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe (c. 1200-c. 1690) -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Illustrations -- Contributors and Editors -- An Introduction: Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe (c. 1200-c. 1690) -- Part 1: Top-down or Bottom-up? Princes, Communities and Representation -- 1 Assemblies of Estates and Parliamentarism in Late Medieval Europe -- 2 Political Representation and the Fiscal State in Late Medieval and Early Modern Castile -- 3 Forms of Political Representation in Late Medieval Northern Italy: Merits and Shortcomings of the City-State Paradigm (14th-early 16th Century) -- 4 Representation in Later Medieval and Early Modern Ireland -- 5 Speaking in the Name of: Collective Action, Claim-making, and the Development of Pre-modern Representative Institutions -- Part 2: Prelates, Nobles and Patricians: The Composition of the Representative Institutions -- 6 "The King wishes and commands?" Reassessing Political Assembly in Scotland, c.1286-1329 -- 7 Officers of State and Representation in the Pre-modern Scottish Parliament -- 8 The Nobility in the Estates of the Late Medieval Duchy of Brabant -- 9 Representation by Numbers: How Attendance and Experience Helped Holland to Control the Dutch States General (1626-1630) -- Part 3: Controlling the State: Ideas and Discourses -- 10 The Antwerp Clerk Jan van Boendale and the Creation of a Brabantine Ideology -- 11 Rituals of Unanimity and Balance: Deliberation in 15th- to 16thcentury Hainaut: A Fool's Game? -- 12 Speech Acts and Political Communication in the Estates General of Valois and Habsburg Burgundy c. 1370-1530: Towards a Shared Political Language -- 13 Parliament, War and the "Public Sphere" in Late Medieval England: The Experience of Lancastrian Kent

This book examines the nature of representation in democracy, focusing on constituent evaluations of Congress members and the implications these results have on citizens' influence on government. This analysis elaborates on the complex relationship citizens have with their representatives, shedding light on the constituent perspective in two ways. First, the model unpacks the rarely-examined evaluation process, a lynchpin in the representational relationships between member behavior and elections. Second, it engages a broader perspective of representative responsiveness which includes the intangible aspect of symbolic responsiveness, an under-studied component of research within comprehensive assessments of representation. "Constituent Perceptions of Political Representation" shows that symbolic responsiveness is often the most influential factor affecting constituent evaluations while also posing significant questions about the basis of our democracy: if we are dissatisfied with the caliber of our government, do we acknowledge our role as citizens in setting poor or vague standards? Why are we dismayed when representatives give us what we ask for? Robin M. Lauermann addresses these questions in a comprehensive and readable work that will appeal to students and scholars interested in the unique, ever-important relationship between public opinion and Congressional outcomes

The theory of representative bureaucracy suggests that a demographically diverse public sector workforce (passive representation) will lead to policy outcomes that reflect the interests of all groups represented, including historically disadvantaged communities (active representation). Implicit in the passive-active link is the expectation that minority public administrators, in particular, will have similar attitudes to minority citizens on issues of critical import and relevance to those citizens, and those attitudes, in turn, will influence policy decisions. This research examines the attitudes of citizens and administrators on a series of survey items focused on the responsibilities of local government administrators to advocate for the interests of the African-American community. The survey results confirm the hypothesis that African-American citizens and administrators are more likely than white citizens and administrators to support governmental behaviors that specifically target the interests of the African-American community and that African-American citizens and administrators hold markedly different attitudes from white administrators. Most significantly, attitude congruence with the views of African-American citizens by administrators is shown to be a significant predictor of the adoption of an African-American representative administrative role, overwhelming the influence of other variables including race. Adapted from the source document.

"Bibliographie," at end of discussion of each country. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This text discusses the central role of bureaucratic representation as a key vehicle for representing the general interests of most citizens in a way that is consistently superior to electoral systems in representative democracies, particularly large states. Though formal elections remain indispensable, bureaucracies in the capital, public and social sectors, have used their superior expertise and continuity, combined with social policies like affirmative action and equal pay, to achieve responsible discretion and creative implementation

Rethinking the institutions of representative democracy -- Which people are represented in a representative democracy? -- Fact: quasi-citizens in the community are represented -- Fact: quasi-citizens in other jurisdictions are represented -- Connecting people and decision makers -- Fact: organizations and their alliances change rapidly -- Fact: personal networks are important -- Law- and policy making -- Fact: deliberation is as important as bargaining -- Fact: decisions are made in multiple venues