Suchergebnisse

Preface: excursions to the margins -- Introduction: Islam, secularism, and civil society in the Turkish present -- 1. Varieties of Islam in the Turkish public sphere -- 2. Confessional pluralism and the civil society effect -- 3. Counterpublic spatial practices of Muslim civil society -- 4. Temporal practices of Muslim civil society, or the dilemmas of historicism -- 5. Fashioning the neo-Ottoman chronotope of Istanbul -- Afterword: a panorama of Muslim civil society in miniature -- Bibliography

Introduction: the rise of mimetic media -- Part 1: Media made mimetic -- Logics: the fundamentals of memetic participation -- Grammar: structures for making statements and making do -- Vernacular: everyday expression in the memetic lingua franca -- Part 2: Memetic public participation -- Antagonism: race, gender, and counterpublic contestation -- Voice: pop and populism in public commentary -- Conversation: cultural participation and the culture industries -- Conclusion: the world made meme -- Appendix: methods and ethics

This project sought to identify the most visible Twitter users before and after one of the most critical events in recent climate politics: President Trump declaring his intent on 01/06/17 to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. The lead-up to, and aftermath of, the much-anticipated announcement brought an unprecedented social media focus to the issue of climate change, providing an opportunity for debate and a strong 'retort' to Trump and his supporters from an emerging counterpublic.

Introduction: Worlding postcolonial sexualities : archives, activism, and anterior counterpublics -- "Betta mus cum" : Jamaica as the 'problem-space' of gay and lesbian liberation -- "Rights a di plan" : Sistren and sexual solidarities in Jamaica -- Creating a locational counterpublic : Manushi and the articulation of human rights and sexuality from Delhi, India -- Outing Indian sexualities : Bombay Dost and the limits of queer intersectionality -- Worlding sexualities under apartheid : from gay liberation to a queer Afropolitanism -- Mediated sexualities : civic feminism and development critique in South Africa -- Digital counterpublics and intergenerational listening.

Messy beginnings -- Demosthenes in America -- From sensibility to nationalism in elocutionary education -- Vindicating female eloquence -- Girls' oratory and the rise and fall of a female counterpublic -- Mourning for Logan -- "Indian eloquence" and the making of an American public -- "A club is a nation in miniature" -- Young men on the make and their debating societies -- Saint Franklin -- Journeymen printers and the medium of democratic virtue -- "Who's afraid" of Frances Wright? -- Media debates about the public and its spokesmen in 1829 -- The ongoing process of making an American public

Intro -- Structural Violence -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter One: The Power and Control Wheel: From Critical Pedagogy to Homogenizing Model -- Chapter Two: Difficult Maneuvers: Stopping Violence against Latina Immigrants in the United States -- Chapter Three: Speech at the Margins: Women in Prostitution and the Counterpublic Sphere -- Chapter Four: Homophobia, Structural Violence, and Coalition Building -- Chapter Five: Spaces of Judgment and Judgments of Space: Competing Logics of Violence in Court -- Chapter Six: "Why Doesn't She Just Leave?" -- Chapter Seven: Tentative Conclusions and Small-Scale Solutions -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Slobodanka Peković, Časopisi po meri dostojanstvenog ženskinja: Ženski časopisi na početku 20. veka (Journals suited for respectable women: Women's journals from the early twentieth century), Novi Sad-Beograd: Matica srpska, Institut za književnost i umetnost,
2015, 378 pp., RSD 550 (paperback), ISBN 978-86-7946-154-4.Stanislava Barać, Feministička kontrajavnost: Žanr ženskog portreta u srpskoj periodici 1920–1941 (The feminist counterpublic: A genre of woman's portrait in the Serbian periodical press from 1920 to 1941), Beograd: Institut za književnost i umetnost, 2015, 436 pp., RSD 1100 (paperback), ISBN 978-86-7095-224-9.

Drawing on 2 years of ethnographic fieldwork, this article examines the accessibility organizing efforts of queer and transgender of color community initiatives in Toronto, Canada. I argue that these efforts constitute a kind of counterpublic making in which queer and trans of color organizers discursively construct the marginalized populations that they seek to include. In contrast to approaches to accessibility that prioritize conventional service institutions as the locus of social transformation, this article illustrates the significance of social workers supporting the work of existing community initiatives in their drive toward an intersectional politics of inclusion.

This article aims to understand the limits on the expansion of the public space that is occurring through democratic innovations, and to investigate strategies for overcoming these limits. With an approach rooted in standpoint epistemology, this article studies the participation experiences of sixteen women belonging to a feminist subaltern counterpublic in fifteen apparatuses in the Autonomous Region of the Basque Country. The study considers that this expansion of the public space has taken place with three limits, related to the delegitimisation of the private, the undervaluation of relational aspects and the naturalization of a universal idea of participation. Opposing this, the article states that the practice of counterpublics facilitates greater inclusion in the designs of democratic innovations due to those parallel publics' subaltern position in the public space. ; This article aims to understand the limits on the expansion of the public space that is occurring through democratic innovations, and to investigate strategies for overcoming these limits. With an approach rooted in standpoint epistemology, this article studies the participation experiences of sixteen women belonging to a feminist subaltern counterpublic in fifteen apparatuses in the Autonomous Region of the Basque Country. The study considers that this expansion of the public space has taken place with three limits, related to the delegitimisation of the private, the undervaluation of relational aspects and the naturalization of a universal idea of participation. Opposing this, the article states that the practice of counterpublics facilitates greater inclusion in the designs of democratic innovations due to those parallel publics' subaltern position in the public space.

Health policies and the problems they constitute are deeply shaped by multiple publics. In this article we conceptualize health policy counterpublics: temporally bounded socio-political forms that aim to cultivate particular modes of conduct, generally to resist trajectories set by arms of the state. These counterpublics often emerge from existing social movements and involve varied forms of activism and advocacy. We examine a health policy counterpublic that has arisen in response to new forms of HIV public health surveillance by drawing on public documents and interview data from 2021 with 26 stakeholders who were critical of key policy developments. Since 2018, the national rollout of molecular HIV surveillance (MHS) and cluster detection and response (CDR) programs in the United States has produced sustained controversies among HIV stakeholders, including among organized networks of people living with HIV. This article focuses on how a health policy counterpublic formed around MHS/CDR and how constituents problematized the policy agenda set in motion by federal health agencies, including in relation to data ethics, the meaningful involvement of affected communities, informed consent, the digitization of health systems, and HIV criminalization. Although familiar problems in HIV policymaking, concerns about these issues have been reconfigured in response to the new sociotechnical milieu proffered by MHS/CDR, generating new critical positions aiming to remake public health. Critical attention to the scenes within which health policy controversies play out ought to consider how (counter)publics are made, how problems are constituted, and the broader social movement dynamics and activist resources drawn upon to contest and reimagine policymaking in public life.

Self-policing is essential for addressing wildlife-related crime where illegal activity is extremely diffuse, and limited resources are available for monitoring and enforcement. Emerging research on self-policing suggest key drivers including economics, folk traditions, and socio-political resistance. We build on this research with a case study evaluating potential drivers of self-policing illegal wolf killing among Swedish hunting teams. Swedish hunters marginally leaned toward considering illegal hunting of wolves an expression of resistance (10.30 out of a possible 17 on a resistance scale) and strongly believed outsiders had undue influence over hunting (15.79 out of a possible 21 on an influence scale). Most (73%) Swedish hunters stated they would report illegal wolf killing to authorities, but 20% stated they would handle the infractions through internal sanctions. Viewing illegal hunting of wolves as a form of political resistance, viewing wolf management as being controlled locally, and perceived prevalence of illegal wolf killing among hunting acquaintances were positive predictors of preferring internal sanctions to address illegal wolf killing over reporting the crimes. Resistance and perceived prevalence of wolf killing also predicted preferring no action to address illegal wolf killing. These results suggest that a counterpublic of marginalized ruralism may promote forms of self-policing that rely on internal censure for illegal wolf killing rather than using formal legal channels. Similarly, folk traditions within this counterpublic (e.g., perceptions of prevalence of illegal wolf killing) shape if and how internal sanctions are advocated. Re-engaging marginalized hunting groups and emphasizing the rarity of illegal wolf killing may promote wolf conservation, both in Sweden and in other democratic regimes.

In this research, we examine the advocacy and community building of transgender women on Twitter through methods of network and discourse analysis and the theory of networked counterpublics. By highlighting the network structure and discursive meaning making of the #GirlsLikeUs network, we argue that the digital labor of trans women, especially trans women of color, represents the vanguard of struggles over self-definition. We find that trans women on Twitter, led by Janet Mock and Laverne Cox, and in response to histories of misrepresentation and ongoing marginalization and violence, deliberately curate an intersectional networked counterpublic that works to legitimize and support trans identities and advocate for trans autonomy in larger publics and counterpublics.

Self-policing is essential for addressing wildlife-related crime where illegal activity is extremely diffuse, and limited resources are available for monitoring and enforcement. Emerging research on self-policing suggest key drivers including economics, folk traditions, and socio-political resistance. We build on this research with a case study evaluating potential drivers of self-policing illegal wolf killing among Swedish hunting teams. Swedish hunters marginally leaned toward considering illegal hunting of wolves an expression of resistance (10.30 out of a possible 17 on a resistance scale) and strongly believed outsiders had undue influence over hunting (15.79 out of a possible 21 on an influence scale). Most (73%) Swedish hunters stated they would report illegal wolf killing to authorities, but 20% stated they would handle the infractions through internal sanctions. Viewing illegal hunting of wolves as a form of political resistance, viewing wolf management as being controlled locally, and perceived prevalence of illegal wolf killing among hunting acquaintances were positive predictors of preferring internal sanctions to address illegal wolf killing over reporting the crimes. Resistance and perceived prevalence of wolf killing also predicted preferring no action to address illegal wolf killing. These results suggest that a counterpublic of marginalized ruralism may promote forms of self-policing that rely on internal censure for illegal wolf killing rather than using formal legal channels. Similarly, folk traditions within this counterpublic (e.g., perceptions of prevalence of illegal wolf killing) shape if and how internal sanctions are advocated. Re-engaging marginalized hunting groups and emphasizing the rarity of illegal wolf killing may promote wolf conservation, both in Sweden and in other democratic regimes. ELECTRONIC SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL: The online version of this article (10.1007/s13280-018-1072-5) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction: Police Ethics after Ferguson -- Part I. The Role of Police -- 1. Clashing Narratives of Policing? -- 2. Legitimate Policing and Professional Norms -- 3. Reward and "Real" Police Work -- Part II. Use of Force -- 4. Soldiers and Police -- 5. When Police Do Not Need to Kill -- 6. Prioritization of Life as a Guiding Principle for Police Use of Deadly Force -- Part III. Race, Bias, and Resistance -- 7. Policing Narratives in the Black Counterpublic -- 8. Police Ethics through Presidential Politics and Abolitionist Struggle -- Part IV. Policing's Past and Future -- 9. Police and Slave Patrols -- 10. From Protection to Predation -- 11. Police, Drones, and the Politics of Perception -- 12. Predictive Policing and the Ethics of Preemption -- Acknowledgments -- About the Editors -- About the Contributors -- Index

This article deconstructs the conceptual framework of the social theorist Salman Sayyid by critically examining his work on the political and hegemony in relation to the thought of the post-Marxist philosopher Ernesto Laclau. Sayyid elaborates a theory of the political that necessitates a communal break with existing society, a move very similar to Laclau and post-Marxist thought more generally. In analyzing Sayyid's theories of the caliphate with Laclau's conception of hegemonic struggle, the author suggests that the construction of any caliphate should think about the question of solidarity with "plebs" or those discarded from the system of capitalism. The article concludes with an analysis of how Sayyid's theoretical praxis can be applied in American Muslim political activism through the concept of the counterpublic.