Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1: Introduction -- 1 Marginalization as Concept and Theory -- 2 Social Identity -- 3 Intersectionality -- 4 Ba -- 5 The Social World of Japan -- 6 Chapter Overview: Modalities of Marginalization -- References -- Part I: Marginalization and Natural Language Data -- 2: Strategies of Discourse (Re)-Framing as Micropolitics Among Contemporary Japanese University Students -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Discourse (Re)-Framing -- 3 Forms of Mitai Na -- 4 Data -- 5 Analysis -- 5.1 Discourse (re)-framing and Female Strength -- 5.2 Discourse (re)-framing and Locating an Experience in the Everyday -- 6 Discussion and Conclusion -- References -- 3: When the Model Becomes the Marginalized: Identity Struggles of Japanese Job-Hunters -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Theoretical Framework -- 2.1 Social constructionist perspectives of self and identity -- 2.2 Gurōbaru jinzai -- 3 Methodology -- 3.1 Data collection -- 3.2 Research design -- 4 Survey Results and Discussion -- 4.1 Understandings and perceptions of a model gurōbaru jinzai -- 4.2 The myths and realities of gurōbaru jinzai -- 5 Identity Struggles -- 6 Conclusions -- References -- 4: The Struggle Against Hegemonic Femininity: The Narrative of a Japanese Actress -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Background -- 2.1 Status of Japanese women -- 2.2 Women's lifestyles, between choice and forced choice -- 3 Data -- 4 The Stories and Analysis -- 4.1 Can you sell your body? Women cry and men work -- 4.2 As if I do something very wrong: Apology for being a absent mother -- 5 Discussion -- 6 Conclusion -- 7 Transcription Conventions -- References -- 5: Intersectional Identities: Voices from the Margins of ELT in Japan -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Literature Review -- 2.1 Native-speakerism in ELT in Japan.

This book focuses on Arab youth marginalization along intersectional lines of gender, ethnicity and social class in four cities: Jerusalem, Amman, Cairo, and Tunis. The author explores how the political and economic climates in each city influence the life prospects of youth and uncovers their narratives around their aspirations, disappointments and life choices. Providing an interdisciplinary approach, the project will interest a wide range of audiences including graduate students, scholars, and policy makers in the fields of the Middle Eastern studies, political science, urban studies, and education. Rawan Asali Nuseibeh is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Educational Research, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia.

This book focuses on Arab youth marginalization along intersectional lines of gender, ethnicity and social class in four cities: Jerusalem, Amman, Cairo, and Tunis. The author explores how the political and economic climates in each city influence the life prospects of youth and uncovers their narratives around their aspirations, disappointments and life choices. Providing an interdisciplinary approach, the project will interest a wide range of audiences including graduate students, scholars, and policy makers in the fields of the Middle Eastern studies, political science, urban studies, and education. Rawan Asali Nuseibeh is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Educational Research, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia.

Although UN Security Council Resolution 1325 calls for increased participation of women in all stages of a peace process, the number of women who participate in formal peace negotiations is still very limited. In order to augment their number, UN Women and other international organizations have published a series of policy reports in which they argue that women's participation increases the success of peace negotiations and leads to more inclusive peace agreements. However, based on an analysis of relevant policy reports and interviews with women and men involved in peace negotiations, I argue that the policy reports do not lead to women's empowerment. Instead, they contribute to women's marginalization in peace negotiations, because they entrap women between conflicting expectations. The type of behaviour that international advocates of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda expect of women when they participate in peace negotiations limits the women's room for manoeuvre—at best. At worst, this type of behaviour prevents women from participating in the negotiations, because it is dismissed by domestic (male) negotiators. But if women who participate in peace negotiations violate the behavioural script proposed by the policy reports, they are considered as not acting in line with the WPS agenda. Hence, no matter how women behave when they sit at the negotiation table, they either lose the support of international or national gatekeepers.

This Specialist Meeting (Santa Barbara, CA, 15-17 Oct. 1998) brought together individuals with deep experience with public participation GIS to share experiences about alternative GIS designs and applications to better reflect community interests and involve and empower its members. The meeting also explored the unintended consequences of PPGIS in marginalizing people and communities. The participants presented case studies in a diversity of social contexts. Key themes of the meeting included: identifying community information needs and how PPGIS might contribute to those needs; the multiple ways in which PPGIS are being designed and implemented; the impacts on communities arising from differential access to GIS hardware, software, data, and expertise; the nature of GIS knowledge distortion and the ways in which socially differentiated communities and their local knowledge might be represented within a PPGIS; changes in local politics and power relationships arising from the use of PPGIS in decision making; unintended outcomes of PPGIS implementation, including red-lining, local surveillance, and breaches of confidentiality and privacy; and the potential of PPGIS to empower people and communities. Extended abstracts of papers from 38 participants, discussion summaries, and meeting recommendations are provided in this report.

A recent Human Rights Watch report documented the ways in which people with mobility impairments in Russia are both physically and socially marginalized by the built environment in Russian cities, which is strikingly inaccessible. These photos attempt to center the perspective of people with disabilities traversing (or being limited by) the Russian cityscape, and explore the ways in which (failure to adhere to) building codes effectively limit the public participation of people with (certain) disabilities in the daily life of the democracy. Subtle barriers, immediately obvious to a wheelchair-‐‐user, begin to emerge for the viewer considering these photographs. They document the ways in which people with disabilities recognize the material structures of the city as socially produced, and as a key factor excluding them from public life. Seemingly passive objects and the history of particular infrastructures turn out to be arbiters of marginalization, domination, and discrimination. Some of these photos have appeared on a collaborative blog documenting accessible and inaccessible entryways in the city of Petrozavodsk, Russia. Some images are examples of what I call check-‐‐mark ramps -‐‐ objects that look like ramps, but don't "work," i.e. that don't actually facilitate access for people with mobility impairments. Images of such "failed" ramps have circulated as an internet meme, but their ubiquity elides the fact that there are far more places that simply lack the elements of accessible architecture altogether. This photo essay is related to the ongoing digital installation project DYTLI, based on the same ethnographic research.

Metadata only record ; The article exposes the twofold potential of community Forestry management programs. On one hand the forum has the potential to be a vehicle of empowerment for the most disadvantaged groups such as women, poor, and 'lower' castes. In many instances, women's participation has been increasing. Some groups even targeted women to be the recipients of trainings improving women's ability to fully participate. In many areas women have led others to form and lead groups and co-operatives. Community forestry management programs are supposed to allow local people's participation in decision making processes such as the management of their own resources, and through discussion regarding development projects. These discussions often reflect the need to build a school, irrigation systems, drinking water, or road development. Many see community forestry to have more impact than local governments. On the other hand, community forestry management programs can be a vehicle to reinforce marginalization of the same local people with policies and programs that benefit elites. These policies reinforce the control and access of the Forest User Group Committee (FUCs) mainly composed by elite members. Hence the title: Empowerment or marginalization. The analysis is based on the concept that empowerment through participation depends on the existing socio-political power structures. This being, participation can be empowering only if it allows the less heard to challenge the status quo and to create change that favours them. The articles give an example of how an abandoned woman was trapped by the exploitative nature of the FUC policies which further marginalized her.

Television is an important political tool in Latin America. In recognition of its ability to shape public opinion and influence political behavior, Brazilian electoral authorities provide political parties with free television airtime in the weeks preceding elections. While Brazil's publicly financed electoral program levels the playing field between parties, it may contribute to intraparty resource disparities. This article contends that racial considerations influence how party elites distribute television airtime and thus contribute to the political marginalization of Afro-Brazilians. Using original data from Rio de Janeiro's 2012 municipal elections, it shows that party officials provide Afro-Brazilian candidates significantly less airtime than their white counterparts, even after controlling for theoretically important nonracial candidate characteristics. Moreover, it shows that there are racial differences in how candidates use the airtime they are awarded. Afro-Brazilian candidates are nearly ten times more likely than whites to focus on racial issues in their campaign ads. These results provide new insight about why Afro-Brazilians are rarely elected to public office and, when elected, the types of issues they may address. ResumoA televisão é uma importante ferramenta política na América Latina. Reconhecendo sua habilidade em conformar uma opinião pública e influenciar o comportamento político, a lei eleitoral brasileira concede tempo gratuito de TV para que os partidos políticos possam apresentar suas campanhas nas semanas anteriores ao período eleitoral. Enquanto o horário político eleitoral gratuito busca nivelar a competição entre esses partidos, ele expressa também as desigualdades internas a eles na distribuição do tempo de TV dentre seus candidatos. Nosso argumento neste artigo é que vieses raciais influenciam o modo como os dirigentes partidários distribuem o tempo de televisão gratuito e, assim, contribuem para a marginalização política das candidaturas afro-brasileiras (pardas e pretas). Utilizando dados inéditos das eleições municipais de 2012 no município do Rio de Janeiro, mostramos que dirigentes partidários distribuem menos tempo de televisão para candidatos afro-brasileiros do que para seus pares brancos, mesmo quando controlamos outras de suas características. Mais importante ainda, nós encontramos diferenças no modo como os candidatos utilizam o tempo de campanha que recebem. Candidatos afro-brasileiros tendem a focar dez vezes mais em questões raciais do que brancos, por exemplo. Esses resultados trazem novas perspectivas sobre porque candidatos afro-brasileiros são pouco eleitos e os tipos de questões que eles abordam quando eleitos.

Bama hailed as a first Dalit women writer in India. She portrays the sufferings of Dalit people through her novel Karukku (1992). An autobio graphical work depicts the difficulties and challenges faced by her in different stages of her life. Karukku refers to a double- edged stem of the palm leaf that represents the life of Dalits in Indian society. Karukku, she describes the subjugated Dalit people and the disgrace faced by the domination of the upper class. Dalit people are exploited both politically and economically and also been discriminated and brutalized by the upper caste society. Dalits are considered as 'outcastes.' Dalit women face discrimination, and abuse like sexual abuse by upper caste men and even shown discrimination in employment and wages. They were treated me rely like slaves to the upper class. Discrimination by caste in Indian society is considered as vulnerable to oppression and suffering. Karukku is an elegy to the community she belongs, and she writes humorous incidents from her childhood. She says about how women and Dalit people are marginalized, hegemonized and downgraded. She wants Dalit women to awake and rise for their rights.This paper focuses on the humiliation, discrimination, exploitation faced by women based on caste, religion, gender and the perilous situation of Dalit community.