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Introduction. The article is devoted to the memorialization of the anti-Soviet movement in the South of Russia, which took place during the Civil War. The author considers the approaches of Denikin and Cossack (Don and Kuban) governments to the glorification of the struggle against the Bolsheviks, the canonization of the leaders of this struggle, the creation of so-called places of memory. Methods and materials. The research is based on legislative acts and documentation records of anti-Soviet governments in the South of Russia. The unpublished documents are stored in central and regional archives of the Russian Federation and Hoover Institution Archives (USA). The other significant sources are periodicals, propaganda products, artistic texts of 1918–1920, and private correspondence. Analysis and results. The politics of memory of the "white" and Cossack governments was an important part of the official propaganda. It was aimed to legitimize and consolidate the anti-Bolshevik movement. During the Civil War, documents and other artifacts were actively collected for future archives and museums of the "liberation war". The Military-Historical Commission under Denikin Propaganda Department played an important role in this activity. Museums of the struggle against Bolshevism in the Kuban and Don were being formed at the initiative of Cossack governments. There were monumental, toponymical and other projects to perpetuate the memory of the anti-Bolshevik movement heroes. The presence of the opposing memorial narratives in the South of Russia was the result of serious contradictions between the main actors inside the anti-Bolshevik camp.

This poster focuses on three mediums of commemoration: the monument, the memorial, and the museum as tools of state-sanctioned memory creation, and thereby spaces for politicized rituals of memory which further state-building projects. Specifically, during and after The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) the al-Shaheed Monument (1983), and the Victory Arch (1989) in Baghdad and the Martyrs' Museum (1996) in Tehran functioned as politically strategic representations of collective trauma. Both the Ba'ath party in Iraq and the emerging Islamic Republic in Iran used these sites to render and politicize memories of violence and loss. Despite obvious differences, the projects in Baghdad and Tehran appealed to a need to address national trauma while bolstering idealized images of statehood. The Ba'athist party under Saddam Hussein capitalized on the collective trauma of the Iraq-Iran war to further a hegemonic Sunni identity, which was both religious and political. The use of immense scale, vulgar displays of power, and Islamic imagery in both the al-Shaheed Monument and Victory Arch linked Sunni and Ba'athist causes and allowed Hussein to characterize the Iran-Iraq War as a sacred project of national and religious vindication. Similarly, the Martyrs' Museum in Tehran constructs a specific version of history using motifs of the Battle of Karbala, Imam Husayn, martyr and civilian deaths, and blood to tie Iranian national identity to ritualized Shia martyrdom. The Martyrs' Museum parallels the religification of national identity as seen in Iraq, and configures death as a public, religiopolitical act. Despite Ba'athist Iraq's secular self-image, the strategic harnessing of trauma both Iraq and Iran demonstrates a constructed connection between political state hegemony, religious practice, and rituals of grief. In these ways, state propagated imagery through physical commemorations of the Iran-Iraq War furthered the political – and resulting religious – sectarian divide in the official positions of the two nations.

ObjectiveThe United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) played an important role in constructing monuments commemorating the Civil War. Memorialization of the "Lost Cause" and preserving southern heritage are often cited as reasons for monument construction. Here, we study whether these monuments were also used as tools to mobilize potential members.MethodWe use data on Confederate monuments and UDC membership to empirically test if monument construction mobilized women to join the UDC.ResultsStates with more Confederate monuments tended to have more UDC members. Confederate monument construction, especially courthouse monuments, was also predictive of the annual growth in UDC membership in a state. However, membership in individual chapters was not consistently affected by building a monument in a communityConclusionConfederate monuments could be a boon to UDC membership, underscoring how memorials can be used as catalysts for interest group mobilization.

Physical environments and their images feature increasingly prominently today in efforts to contend publicly with political violence, making aesthetics ever-significant to discourses and practices of testimony. Critics have shown that the publicness of the platforms and practices used in these efforts is marked by disparate levels and types of participation and agency. Relatively underexplored, however, is how those disadvantaged by this disparity navigate it and what role aesthetics may play therein. I explore these questions through fieldwork on architectural memorializations of the 1993 Solingen arson attack where a family with Turkish background were targeted at home in their sleep. I argue that the arson attack has featured in these memorializations not simply as the subject of testimony but also as a force structuring its aesthetics.

Physical environments and their images feature increasingly prominently today in efforts to contend publicly with political violence, making aesthetics ever-significant to discourses and practices of testimony. Critics have shown that the publicness of the platforms and practices used in these efforts is marked by disparate levels and types of participation and agency. Relatively underexplored, however, is how those disadvantaged by this disparity navigate it and what role aesthetics may play therein. I explore these questions through fieldwork on architectural memorializations of the 1993 Solingen arson attack where a family with Turkish background were targeted at home in their sleep. I argue that the arson attack has featured in these memorializations not simply as the subject of testimony but also as a force structuring its aesthetics.

Starting from Hirsch and Smith's concept of a feminist counterhistory and referencing the theoretical framework of cultural trauma, this paper undertakes a (re)reading of Zora Neale Hurston's Their Eyes Were Watching God as construction of gendered countermemory. Such an interpretation would enable a recognition of the political function of the novel as an identity matrix of African-American womanhood. Expanding upon the classical, post-Lacanian approach to trauma studies and its post-colonial reconfigurations, I use a poststructuralist framing of collective trauma, and the Saussurian concept of signification, to highlight the struggle for self-determination of an oppressed community as it is signified-upon by its oppressors through violently imposed discourse. I further question the complicity between conventional forms of narration and the hegemony of an external signifier, and I trace this patterned mechanism of aggression within the linguistic and diegetic fabric of the novel, in order to expose Hurston's literary methodology of collective memorialization and the way it challenges canonical representations of trauma.

Can reenactments be a way to create counter-narratives in and for the museum? Through the analysis of political performance (or what the artist Tania Bruguera calls 'political-timing-specific' artworks), this essay discusses the potential of reenactment as both a practice of materializing memories and narratives of oppression and of rethinking museum policies in terms of preservation and display. Its main argument is that, while the archive can be regarded as a form of materializing the memory of these works, reenactment is more than a way of recovering the past; it is also a device for reconstructing memories of activism and oppression. This essay further suggests that reenactments of political-timing-specific works demand a change in accessioning, conservation, and presentation practices, which might be inclined to erase decentralized art-historical and material narratives. ; Hélia Marçal and Daniela Salazar, '"Political-Timing-Specific" Performance Art in the Realm of the Museum: The Potential of Reenactment as Practice of Memorialization', in Over and Over and Over Again: Reenactment Strategies in Contemporary Arts and Theory , ed. by Cristina Baldacci, Clio Nicastro, and Arianna Sforzini, Re-, 21 (Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2022), pp. 239-54