Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Contributors -- Introduction -- Effects of space and time on turnout in European Parliament elections -- European elections as counterfactual national elections -- European Parliament elections and losses by governing parties -- Comparing the views of parties and voters in the 1999 election to the European Parliament -- Locating support for European integration -- The media and European Parliament elections: Second- rate coverage of a second-order event? -- Media effects on attitudes toward European integration -- Non-voting in European Parliament elections and support for European integration -- EU support and party choice -- The sleeping giant: Potential for political mobilization of disaffection with European integration -- Prospects for electoral change -- European elections, domestic politics, and European integration -- Postscript -- Appendix A -- Appendix B -- Appendix C -- Appendix D -- References -- Author Index -- Subject Index.

The European Union and Sustainable Development: Internal and External Dimensions -- Title Page -- Contents -- Introduction -- The EU and Sustainable Development: An Ambiguous Relationship -- The Political Process Leading to the Development of the EU Sustainable Development Strategy -- The EU Sustainable Development Strategy: Its Implementation and Ongoing Review -- The Constitution: A Charter for Sustainable Development in Europe? -- Missing the Point? The EU's Institutional and Procedural Approach to Sustainability -- Achievements and Challenges for National Sustainable Development Strategies in the EU: A Governance Perspective -- EU Sustainable Development: A Critical Perspective from Environmental Organisations -- Sustainable Development: The Role of the Private Sector -- Sustainable Development and Business Strategies: The Belgian Pharmaceutical Industry -- The Role of Energy Policy in Sustainable Development: Greening the Environment and Securing Energy Supply -- Integrating Environmental Concerns into the European Common Fisheries Policy -- The Commission's Impact Assessment Process: Handling the External Dimensions of Sustainability -- Political Governance: Adapting Development Policy Design to the 21st Century -- Global Sustainable Development and Multilateralism: Towards a Partnership between Japan and the EU -- The Legal and Economic Imperatives of Sustainable Development in Eastern Europe: Reconciling Post-communism with EU Membership -- List of contributors -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- K -- L -- M -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- W

This paper explores the nationalizing policies of Estonia & Latvia in the wake of independence restoration from the incorporation into the Soviet Union. As in all newly independent postcommunist states, the national question consumed the initial stages of the democratization process. The case studies provide an example of the EU's political conditionality in promoting conditions in which the resolution of ethnic conflicts becomes possible. The EU's commitment to cohesion, cooperation, & multiculturalism is at this stage an elite-led process, while the integration of ethnic groups within states requires a society-wide readjustment to new institutions. Adapted from the source document.

The objective of this paper is to examine the relationship between international trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) empirically. It analyses whether the reduction of trade barriers over time has increased FDI for the particular case of the European Union (EU) during the period from 1995 to 2009. To analyze this issue the authors estimate in first place the European Border Effect by means of a gravity equation. Once the border effect is obtained we test whether there is a positive (complementary) or negative (substitution) relationship between this border effect and the FDI within the European countries. A gravity model for trade and FDI is estimated using the Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood. The results suggest that there is a positive and decreasing border effect up to 2007 while it turns upward for 2008 and 2009, offsetting the previous decline. For the particular case of the EU, commercial integration and FDI reinforce each other, thus being complements rather than substitutes. In addition to trade integration measures, this paper also analyzes the potential role of other traditional determinants of FDI, as the market size of the host country and the cost differential among home-host economies. Cost differentials are not as relevant as the possibility of gaining market share which leads us to conclude that in the EU the FDI pattern follows a market-seeking strategy rather than a cost-efficient model.

Compares & contrasts regulatory legitimacy in the US & EU, especially given the growing interrelatedness within the latter polity of domestic & supranational policies based on cooperation & networking instead of on the traditional vertical distribution of obligations. The origins & development of regulatory federalism in the EU & of regulatory legitimacy in the US are discussed, followed by consideration of the US Federal Administrative Procedure Act (APA), which is assessed in light of a possible European APA. The following section discusses subsidiarity, focusing on the structure of government agencies. The conclusion argues for the similarity of normative discourse in terms of assessment standards, & endorses an emphasis on coordination rather than verticality for the EU's regulatory future. 24 References. K. Coddon

The economic crisis within the European Union has had a significant impact on domestic politics in the member states, affecting the links between parties and citizens and accentuating the tensions parties face between governing responsibility and being responsive to public opinion. This article examines whether parties in EU countries have shifted their left–right ideological positions during the current crisis and whether such shifts are a direct response to the pressures of wider economic conditions or are more affected by changes in the preferences of the median voter. Party-based and citizen-based data are examined between 2002 and 2015, encompassing both the precrisis and crisis periods. The main findings are that the economic crisis has made parties less responsive to public opinion on the left–right dimension, and this effect is more pronounced for parties that have been in government.

This article discusses European Union (EU)-North Africa energy relations with a special focus on renewables in North Africa, arguing that the research so far has not taken due account of North African perceptions of EU external energy policy. It is argued that current research on EU-North African relations has not taken sufficient note of the multidimensionality of energy or addressed the inconsistent nature of EU policy making. However, addressing these issues is vital in approaching EU-North Africa energy relations and EU policy towards North Africa in general. The study of perceptions is introduced as one way to develop research further, to give further impetus on understanding how EU-North African energy relations develop and to understand energy relations in their complexity.

The aim of this article is to show that the activities of the European Space Agency contribute significantly to the security of the European Union. What was required to develop space potential and to start using it for security purposes was the political and programmatic evolution of both organizations. The original objectives for which the European Space Agency was established were not related to security. Before the ESA became an organization with important implications for the security of the EU, it was an intergovernmental organization exclusively dedicated to the exploration and exploitation of space for peaceful purposes. The paper assumes that in order for this evolution to be possible, both the ESA and the EU had to find and/or develop common platforms and forms of possible cooperation. The paper identifies the most important reasons for and stages of this evolution, as expressed in program documentation. As this process is not yet complete, the remaining obstacles to the optimal use of the potential of both organizations to strengthen the security of the European Union are identified. The paper was created on the basis of the descriptive method, analysis of the content of documents and synthesis.