Suchergebnisse

Članek preučuje umeščenost državljanske vojne znotraj nedavnih razprav o politični ikonografiji. Prične z dvema nedavnima teoretičnima in kuratorskima intervencijama v umetnostno zgodovino T. J. Clarka in Georgesa Didi-Hubermana, ki krožita okoli vprašanja tragedije, preizkušata meje tragedije kot miselnega okvira politike podob in zoperstavlja Clarkovo in Didi-Hubermanovo analizo nedavnim ponovnim branjem Picassove Guernice Carla Ginzburga. Članek nato spelje temo državljanske vojne do samih začetkov moderne politične misli s kritičnim raziskovanjem nekaterih nedavnih branj slike na platnici Hobbsovega Leviathana, predvsem tistega, ki ga je predlagal Giorgio Agamben v svoji knjigi o paradigmi državljanske vojne. Članek se sklene z refleksijo negativne politične ikone, ki v očeh mnogih tako kristalizira kot obsoja vstajniška gibanja v Italiji poznih 70ih let 20. stoletja. ; This article explores the place of civil war in recent debates on political iconography. It begins with two recent theoretical and curatorial interventions into art history, by T. J. Clark and Georges Didi-Huberman, which orbit around the question of the tragic, probing the limits of tragedy as a frame to think the politics of images and contrasting Clark and Didi-Huberman's analyses with Carlo Ginzburg's recent re-reading of Picasso's Guernica. The article then takes the theme of civil war to the origins of modern political thought, through a critical exploration of some recent readings of the frontispiece to Hobbes's Leviathan, chief among them the one proposed by Giorgio Agamben in his book on the paradigm of civil war. The article concludes with a reflection on a negative political icon that came to both crystallise and condemn, in the eyes of many, the insurrectionary movements of Italy's late 1970s.

This article examines Luhmann's contributions to contemporary political theory from a different light than has been made available thus far in Anglo-American political theory. More specifically, I argue that social systems theory makes a provoking and productive intervention in the ongoing debate on competing conceptions of 'critique' and normativity. I first compare Luhmann's approach with that of Foucault's and show that systems theory powerfully interrogates the sociological validity of the structure of normativity often found in the currently prominent liberal-universalist political theory. Later in the article, however, I identify a central theoretical problem in Luhmann's brand of systems theory – namely a highly constricted notion of politics. This, I argue, stems from a strong apolitical structure of its overarching concept, the social. I trace this problem by analyzing the peculiar character of Luhmann's normativism, or what I call 'reluctant normativism', and then by putting his central concepts alongside the recent developments in the theories of 'the political'. ; OAIID:oai:osos.snu.ac.kr:snu2014-01/102/2015000705/3 ; ADJUST_YN:N ; EMP_ID:A079983 ; DEPT_CD:216 ; CITE_RATE:.367 ; DEPT_NM:정치외교학부 ; EMAIL:joohyung@snu.ac.kr ; SCOPUS_YN:Y ; CONFIRM:Y

In 1999, a controversy erupted in Romania over a high school history textbook that nationalists & right-wing intellectuals alleged shortchanged Romania's past & national identity to disproportionately foreground the present & European cultural identity. The essay describes the origins of the textbook scandal & the vast popular as well as political reach of the public debate. The scope of the controversy may indicate a gradual willingness on the part of some Romanians to adopt a critical stance toward their national history, identity, & culture. K. Coddon

Examination of the past two decades of available research regarding public attitudes toward science & technology reveals a high level of favorable response. Public confidence in science sagged in the 1970s &, though science suffered considerably less than most other major social institutions, a larger minority now view it as harmful. The public's attitude toward science & scientists, however, is that they appear to be based on nebulous & distorted conceptions, dominated by themes of applied technology. The most noteworthy discovery, however, is the paucity & inadequacy of information on this subject. Four suggestions for future research are presented. 4 Tables. Modified AA.

To what extent does conventional survey measurement capture the political interest of men and women equally well? We aim to answer this question by relying on unique data from a national online survey in Spain, where we used various questions unpacking the standard indicator of political interest. The findings show that men and women nominate different personal political interests. We also find that the gender gap in political interest vanishes once these specific interests are taken into account. This suggests that at least part of the documented gender gap in general political interest might be due to the fact that, when prompted to think about politics, women disregard their own specific political interests and instead focus on the dominant, male-oriented understanding of politics. ; Peer reviewed

TANNER LECTURE --Letting Go: Understanding Mormon Growth in Africa Philip Jenkins, 1 ARTICLES --California Provided the Answer John K. Carmack, 27 --The RLDS Church on the Pacific Slope Ronald E. Romig, 43 --The Tragic Matter of Louie Wells and John Q. Cannon Kenneth L. Cannon II, 126 --Handcarts Going East: The 1857 Missionaries Karen Ann Griggs, 191 REVIEWS --Ronald W. Walker, Richard E. Turley Jr., and Glen M. Leonard. Massacre at Mountain Meadows: An American Tragedy Edward Leo Lyman, 238 -Lola Van Wagenen, Sister-Wives and Suffragists: Polygamy and the Politics of Woman Suffrage, 1870–1896 Andrea G. Radke-Moss, 245 --Matthew C. Godfrey, Religion, Politics, and Sugar: The Mormon Church, the Federal Government, and the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, 1907–1921 Michael Harold Paulos, 250 --Dorothy Allred Solomon, The Sisterhood: Inside the Lives of Mormon Women C. Bríd Nicholson, 259 --Gregory M. Franzwa. The Mormon Trail Revisited Darrell E. Jones, 264 BOOK NOTICES --Jean Miles Westwood. The Political Autobiography of an Unintentional Pioneer, 269 --Hawaiian Mission, Ka Elele o Hawaii, 270 --John P. Livingstone, W. Jeffrey Marsh, Lloyd D. Newell, Craig James Ostler, John P. Starrs, and David M. Whitchurch. Salt Lake City: Ensign to the Nations. Hallowed Ground, Sacred Journeys, 271 --Stephen Singular. When Men Become Gods: Mormon Polygamist Warren Jeffs, His Cult of Fear, and the Women Who Fought Back, 273 --Guy L. Dorius, Craig K. Manscill, and Craig James Ostler, eds. Ohio and Upper Canada. Vol. 6 in REGIONAL STUDIES IN LATTER-DAY SAINT CHURCH HISTORY, 275 --Christian Probasco. Highway 12 276 E. Keith Howick. Polygamy: The Mormon Enigma, 277

In recent years a number of theorists have maintained that the obligation to obey the law is best conceived and justified as an associational obligation. Not consent or utility or fair play but membership is the source of political obligation. These theorists are wrong, I argue, but they are wrong in interesting and illuminating ways. For an examination of the advantages and disadvantages of the membership account of political obligation underscores the merits of a rival account of obligation grounded in the principle of fair play.

The article is devoted to the phenomenon of mentoring in art education. The essence of the concept of mentoring in foreign and domestic scientific literature is comprehensively studied. The mentoring role as a special form of interaction between a teacher and a pupil is substantiated Through the prism of philosophical views. The outstanding mentors' activity in art education is analyzed.

The problem of measuring group social capital is primarily related to the difficulty of determining its indicators and collecting and processing the necessary statistical data. The systematization of statistical information is secondary to the justification of indicators, since it is initially important to specify "What?", and then - "How to measure social capital?". There is no unified position on this in academic circles. In the 21st century, thanks to special research by individual national governments and groups of scientists under the auspices of the World Bank and the OECD, a significant breakthrough has been made in elucidating indicators for measuring social capital. The Governments of Australia, Great Britain, Canada and New Zealand have been the most active in developing a methodology for assessing social capital.