Suchergebnisse

La ponencia tiene el objetivo de participar del debate acerca del análisis del éxito de las políticas educativas de inclusión social en el nivel secundario. Particularmente, se presenta un trabajo de investigación dedicado a analizar las decisiones, elecciones y acciones llevadas a cabo por los directores de escuelas secundarias de gestión estatal y privada en Argentina, con relación al cumplimiento de la ley nacional de obligatoriedad de asistencia al nivel. Para ello, se plantean dos supuestos teóricos de partida. En primer lugar, cada política educativa plantea una relación diferente con los procesos de gestión educativa, traduciéndose en sus estructuras organizacionales. Dichas estructuras comprenden desde la tradicional estructura burocrática - orientada a favorecer procesos sociales de disciplinamiento y control social- hasta la estructura de democracia educativa - orientada al reconocimiento político del individuo a los fines de lograr una autonomía libre de dominación-. En segundo lugar, los tipos de gestión construyen particulares articulaciones entre los aspectos institucionales-organizacionales, curriculares y comunitarios de la escolarización. Al respecto, las discusiones son complejas, aunque se dirimen principalmente entre las posturas que reconocen que la posibilidad de contar con una variedad de ofertas educativas financiadas por el Estado -estatal, privada, y social o cooperativa- brinda autonomía para la elección de la formación. Por otro lado, aquellas posturas que entienden que no sería justo que los sectores más empobrecidos financiaran mediante sus impuestos la educación de los sectores ricos -aquellos que se benefician con las ganancias de la producción económica-. En este marco, la metodología se inscribe en los estudios socio- educativos de la administración de la educación, orientada a analizar cualitativamente las prácticas educativas desde una perspectiva institucional. Se utilizan fuentes de datos primarias a través de entrevistas en profundidad realizadas a 28 directivos de escuelas secundarias de la ciudad de La Plata (correspondiente al 20del total de escuelas secundarias de la ciudad de La Plata, cada porcentaje por sector). Como estrategia de análisis, el estudio utiliza la "comparación pedagógica", cuya finalidad es ampliar el conocimiento sobre un determinado fenómeno a partir de cuestiones conocidas mediante la analogía, la similitud o el contraste. Finalmente, los resultados de la investigación permiten conocer que en la práctica escolar el objetivo de disciplinamiento no es compatible con el objetivo de ciudadanía en la formación secundaria. Las escuelas secundarias o están orientadas hacia el control y la sanción de conductas que se desvíen de los objetivos planteados por una minoría (como se muestra claramente en la gestión educativa privada). O bien, las escuelas secundarias están orientadas hacia la discusión colectiva de las decisiones y acuerdos (como se muestra claramente en la gestión educativa estatal). ; The paper aim is to participate in the debate about the analysis of the success of educational policies of social inclusion at the secondary level. Particularly, this research work is dedicated to analyze the decisions, elections and actions carried out by the directors of secondary schools of state and private management in Argentina, in relation to the fulfillment of the national law of compulsory attendance at the level. For this, two theoretical assumptions arise. In the first place, each educational policy presents a different relationship with the educational management processes, translating into its organizational structures. These structures range from the traditional bureaucratic structure - oriented to favor social processes of discipline and social control - to the structure of educational democracy - oriented towards the political recognition of the individual in order to achieve autonomy free of domination. Second, types of management present particular articulations between the institutional-organizational, curricular and community aspects of schooling. In this respect, the discussions are complex, even if they are mainly based on positions that recognize that the possibility of having a variety of educational offerings financed by the state - state, private, and social or cooperative - provides autonomy for the choice of training. On the other hand, those positions that understand that it would not be fair for the poorest sectors to finance the education of wealthy sectors - those who benefit from the profits of economic production. In this context, the methodology is part of the socio-educational studies of the Administration of Education, aimed at qualitative analysis of educational practices from an institutional perspective. Primary data sources are used through in-depth interviews conducted with 28 high school directors in the city of La Plata (corresponding to 20of all high schools in the city of La Plata, each percentage by sector). As a strategy of analysis, the study uses "pedagogical comparison", whose purpose is to expand knowledge about a given phenomenon from issues known through analogy, similarity or contrast. Finally, the research results show that in school practice the objective of discipline is not compatible with the objective of citizenship in secondary education. Secondary schools are either oriented towards the control and sanctioning of behaviors that deviate from the objectives set by a minority (as is clearly shown in private educational management). Or, secondary schools are oriented towards the collective discussion of decisions and agreements (as clearly shown in state educational management). ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Resumen El artículo es, en rigor, una propuesta de cuestión a investigar: una sociología histórica de las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas que, en una perspectiva de larga duración, recupere la extensa etapa protocientífica (o estudios sociales de primera generación), básicamente ensayística, pero generadora de dos legados que las ciencias sociales institucionalizadas y profesionalizadas (desde mediados del siglo XX) asumieron y potenciaron: la vocación por el cambio social, es decir, la interacción entre conocimiento y política, y la constitución de redes (personales en el primer caso, institucionales, en el segundo). El proceso de constitución de las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas, se sostiene, debe analizarse teniendo en cuenta la estrecha relación con las sucesivas coyunturas internacionales, especialmente a partir de la segunda posguerra, coyunturas que permiten explicar mejor la cambiante agenda de problemas abordados por los científicos sociales -básicamente desde una perspectiva de pensamiento crítico- a lo largo de los últimos setenta años. Así, por caso, los debates sobre el carácter feudal o capitalista de la colonización, los estudios de situaciones de dependencia, el Estado y la democracia. Estas cuatro grandes cuestiones derivan, de algún modo, de las críticas a la teoría de modernización, tan importante en los inicios de la institucionalización. Para el análisis de ésta, asimismo, debe tenerse en cuenta el primordial papel desempeñado por tres organismos internacionales -CEPAL, FLACSO y CLACSO- y por los centros académicos independientes. Se enfatiza el carácter innovador de nuestras ciencias sociales, particularmente durante las décadas de 1960 y 1970, el cual se diluyó a partir de fines o mediados de los años 1980, cuando se produjo un retorno a prácticas caracterizadas por el colonialismo cultural. Empero, en los últimos años se está gestando un proceso de retorno a pensar América Latina desde América Latina, proceso que abre la perspectiva de un rico debate. Palabras claves: ciencias sociales latinoamericanas,ResumoO artigo é, a rigor, uma proposta de questão a investigar: a sociologia histórica das ciências sociais latino-americanas que, em uma perspectiva a longo prazo, recupere a extensa fase protocientífica (ou estudos sociais de primeira geração), basicamente ensaística, mas que acabou gerando dois legados que as ciências sociais institucionalizadas e profissionalizadas, em meados do século XX, assumiram e reforçaram: a vocação para a mudança social, ou seja, a interação entre conhecimento e política, e o networking (pessoal, no primeiro caso, e institucional, no segundo). O processo de formação das ciências sociais latino-americanas, argumenta-se, deve ser considerado tendo em conta a estreita relação mediante sucessivas articulações internacionais, especialmente desde a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Tais articulações permitem explicar melhor a variante agenda de questões abordadas pelos cientistas sociais - basicamente, a partir da perspectiva de pensamento crítico ao longo dos últimos 70 anos. Assim, por exemplo, as discussões sobre o caráter feudal ou capitalista da colonização estudam situações de dependência, do Estado e da democracia. Estas quatro grandes questões derivam de alguma forma, das críticas à teoria da modernização, tão importante no início da institucionalização. Para esta análise também deve ser observado o papel fundamental desempenhado por três organizações internacionais -ECLAC, FLACSO e CLACSO- e pelos centros acadêmicos independentes. O caráter inovador de nossas ciências sociais são enfatizados, principalmente durante os anos 1960 e 1970, que foi diluída a partir de finais ou meados dos anos 1980, quando houve um retorno a práticas caracterizadas pelo colonialismo cultural. No entanto, nos últimos anos se tem feito um processo de volta para a América Latina pensada pela América Latina, tal processo expõe a possibilidade de um debate mais profundo. Palavras-chave: --- AbstractThe article is, in fact, a proposed research question: a historical sociology of Latin American social sciences, in a long term perspective, recall the vast stage of the social studies of first generation basically essays, but generating two legacies that institutionalized and professionalized social sciences (from mid-twentieth century) assumed and reinforced: the vocation for social change, the interaction between knowledge and policy, network building (personal in the first case, institutional, in the second). The process of formation of Latin American social sciences should be analyzed taking into account the close relationship between the successive international situation, especially since the Second World War, joints that allow better explain the changing list of problems approached by social scientists from basically perspectives critical thinking over the last seventy years. So, for instance, the discussions on the feudal or capitalist nature of colonization, studies of dependency situations, the state, and democracy. These four major issues arise, somehow criticism of modernization theory, so important in the early institutionalization. For this analysis, it should also be noted the key role played by three international agencies -CEPAL, FLACSO, and CLACSO- and independent academic centers. The innovative nature of our social sciences is emphasized, particularly during the 1960s and 1970s, which was diluted from mid or late 1980s, when there was a return to practices characterized cultural colonialism. However, in recent years it is developing a process to think back to Latin America from Latin America, a process that opens up the prospect of a rich discussion. Keywords: Latin American Social Sciences,

En un escenario en el que los valores y los vínculos sociopolíticos y ambientales pasan a ser estratégicos en la dinámica de la construcción social de los mercados, iniciativas como la del comercio justo (CJ) se vuelven cada vez más relevantes. En este artículo se discute el CJ en el contexto del debate sobre las alternativas de acceso a los mercados para la agricultura familiar brasileña. Se utilizan informaciones cuantitativas y cualitativas con la finalidad de presentar las definiciones, los principios, la estructura comercial y el escenario mercadológico actual del CJ en el contexto internacional y en Brasil. Seguidamente se presentan los principales enfoques sobre el CJ, discutiendo las críticas recíprocas derivadas de estas diferentes posiciones, así como sus ambivalencias. Además, se presenta el caso de Brasil, marcado por un panorama singular, que tiene en cuenta que el uso del CJ como una política pública de lucha contra la pobreza pasa a ser guiado por el discurso de la horizontalidad comercial y por el estímulo al comercio en el eje Sur-Sur. A pesar de las críticas y polisemias que pueden ser dirigidas contra el CJ, este parece configurarse como una alternativa de mercado con un potencial razonable para beneficiar porciones expresivas de la agricultura familiar brasileña. No obstante, el desafío del CJ en Brasil está en la expansión de productores que operan en este circuito, que se encuentra muy por debajo de la verdadera potencialidad que este mercado viene mostrando en el contexto internacional. ; In a context where sociopolitical and environmental values and links become strategic tools in the dynamics of social construction of markets, initiatives such as the fair trade (FT) are deemed more and more relevant. In this article, FT is approached in the context of discussion about the alternatives of access to the markets for the Brazilian farmer. Qualitative and quantitative information are used to present the definitions, principles, commercial structure and current market scenery of the contextual FT abroad and in Brazil. First, the main focus is on presenting the FT, arguing the reciprocate criticisms derived from different position, as well as their ambivalences. Then, the Brazilian case is presented, marked by a peculiar outlook, having in mind that the use of FT as a public policy of fighting poverty oriented by the discourse on horizontal or South-South trade. Despite the criticisms and the various meanings that can be pointed out, FT seems to perform as a market alternative with reasonable potential to benefit considerable numbers of Brazilian farmers. Nevertheless, the FT challenge in Brazil in the need to increase the number of farmers operating in this circuit, which is well below the real potentiality that this market has internationally. ; Sob um cenário onde valores e vínculos sociopolíticos e ambientais passam a ser estratégicos nas dinâmicas de construção social dos mercados, iniciativas como a do Comércio Justo (CJ) tornam-se cada vez mais relevantes. Neste artigo, aborda-se o CJ no âmbito da discussão sobre as alternativas de acesso a mercados para a agricultura familiar no Brasil. Recorre-se a informações qualitativas e quantitativas para apresentar as definições, princípios, estrutura comercial e o atual cenário mercadológico do CJ no contexto internacional e brasileiro. Na sequência, são apresentados os principais enfoques sobre o CJ, discutindo as críticas recíprocas derivadas destas diferentes posições, bem como suas ambivalências. Analisa-se também o caso brasileiro, marcado por um panorama singular, tendo em vista que a utilização do CJ como política pública de enfrentamento à pobreza passa ser orientada pelo discurso da horizontalidade comercial e o estímulo ao comércio no eixo sul-sul. Apesar das críticas e polissemias que podem ser apontadas ao CJ, este parece se configurar como uma alternativa de mercado com razoável potencial para beneficiar parcelas expressivas da agricultura familiar brasileira. No entanto, o desafio do CJ no Brasil está essencialmente centrado na ampliação de produtores operando este circuito, que se encontra muito abaixo da real potencialidade que este mercado apresenta no contexto internacional. ; Dans un contexte où les valeurs et les liens sociopolitiques et écologiques deviennent stratégiques pour les dynamiques de construction social des marchés, les initiatives comme le fair trade (commerce équitable) deviennent chaque jour plus importants Cet article cherche à mettre en lumière la relation entre le fair trade et l'agriculture familiale du Brésil. Nous utilisons pour cette recherche des informations quantitatives et qualitatives afin de fournir les définitions, les principes, la structure et le cadre actuel du marché commercial du commerce équitable dans le contexte international et national. Ensuite, l'article présente les différentes approches du fair trade selon les auteurs. Nous présentons le cas du Brésil qui est marqué par un contexte singulier: celui de l'utilisation du commerce équitable comme une politique publique qui veut faire face à la pauvreté, et qui est orienté par le discours de l'horizontalité commercial et par l'impulsion des échanges de l´axe sud-sud. Malgré les critiques et les polysémies du fair trade, qui contraste avec l'agriculture familiale du Brésil, nous avons vu que le fair trade se révèle être une niche de marché dotée d'un fort potentiel qui peut en faire bénéficier l'agriculture familiale brésilienne. Le défi du commerce équitable au Brésil est d'augmenter le nombre de producteurs qui est actuellement au-dessous de sa valeur potentielle sur la scène internationale. ; 79-94 ; nathalialimars@gmail.com ; jmarcos.froehlich@gmail.com ; semestral

A alimentação escolar é uma política pública que atende a quase 50 milhões de brasileiros, com pelo menos uma refeição ao dia. Legislação recente passou a vincular as compras públicas de gêneros para os escolares, através de repasses do Governo Federal com a agricultura familiar. Este estudo, de caráter descritivo, buscou estimar o efeito dos programas combinados de alimentação escolar e desenvolvimento rural nas dimensões: melhoria das condições de vida dos agricultores, desenvolvimento local e a qualidade da alimentação servida aos escolares. Foram estudados dois municípios que compartilham características sócio-econômicas, demográficas e culturais; um deles havia implantado a aquisição de alimentos da agricultura familiar (teste), e o outro não (controle) durante os anos de 2010 e 2011. Os resultados mostram que a organização dos agricultores familiares a partir de incentivos e de mecanismos de apoio por parte da gestão municipal é essencial para a implantação de programas públicos de aquisição de alimentos. As dificuldades operacionais relativas à compra e ao abastecimento limitam o ritmo da implantação das compras para a alimentação escolar. Análises do componente nutricional das refeições demonstram que a aquisição de alimentos da agricultura familiar não é suficiente para promover cardápios mais adequados. Palavras-chave: agricultura familiar, políticas públicas, alimentação escolar, desenvolvimento local, Brasil. ; La alimentación escolar es una política pública que sirve a cerca de 50 millones de brasileños, quienes reciben al menos una comida al día. La legislación reciente ha vinculado la adquisición de alimentos en las escuelas a la agricultura familiar a través de transferencias del gobierno federal. Este estudio, del tipo descriptivo, ha evaluado el efecto combinado de los programas de alimentación escolar y el desarrollo rural en las siguientes dimensiones: la mejora de las condiciones de vida de los agricultores, el desarrollo local y la calidad de los alimentos servidos a los estudiantes. La investigación se centró en dos municipios que comparten aspectos socio-económicos, demográficos y culturales. Uno de ellos había implantado la adquisición de alimentos de la agricultura familiar (prueba), en tanto el otro no (control), durante los años 2010 y 2011. Los resultados muestran que la organización de los agricultores familiares basada en incentivos y mecanismos de apoyo por parte de la administración municipal es esencial para poner en práctica los programas públicos destinados a la adquisición de alimentos. Las dificultades operativas relativas a la adquisición y la administración contribuyen a restringir el ritmo de implantación de las compras para la alimentación escolar. El análisis de los componentes nutricionales de los alimentos muestra que la compra de alimentos de la agricultura familiar no es suficiente para promover menús más adecuados. Palabras clave: agricultura familiar, políticas públicas, comedores escolares, desarrollo local, Brasil. ; School feeding is a public policy that serves nearly 50 million Brazilians, which receive at least one meal a day. Recent legislation has tied the procurement of food to the schools to family farming through transfers from the federal government. This descriptive study sought to assess the combined effect of school feeding programs and rural development in the following dimensions: improvement of the living conditions of farmers, the local development and the food quality served to students. The research focused in two municipalities that share socio-economic, demographic and cultural aspects. One of them had implanted the food procurement from family farms (test), and the other not (control) during the years 2010 and 2011. The results show that organization of family farmers from incentives and support mechanisms by the municipal administration is essential to implement the municipal procurement. Operational difficulties relating to the purchase and supply limit the pace of the food procurement from local family farmers. Regarding nutritional components of school meals analyzed it's possible to conclude that purchasing food from family farms is not sufficient to promote more appropriate menus. Key-words: family farming, public policies, school feeding, local development, Brazil. ; L'alimentation scolaire est une politique publique qui concerne environ 50 millions de Brésiliens, qui reçoivent au moins un repas par jour. La récente législation a lié l'achat des aliments dans les écoles à l'agriculture familiale à travers des transferts du gouvernement fédéral. Cette étude descriptive, a évalué l'effet combiné de programmes d'alimentation scolaire et le développement rural dans le cadre des dimensions suivantes: l'amélioration des conditions de vie des agriculteurs, le développement local et la qualité des aliments servie aux étudiants. La recherche est focalisée sur deux municipalités ayant en commun des indices socio-économique, démographique et culturel. L'une d'entre eux avait planifié l'achat de denrées alimentaires provenant des exploitations familiales (test), par contre l'autre municipalité préfère (le contrôle), durant les années 2010 et 2011. Les résultats montrent que l'organisation des agriculteurs familiaux fondés sur des incitations et des mécanismes de soutien par le gouvernement local est essentielle pour mettre en œuvre des programmes publics pour l'achat de la nourriture. Les difficultés opérationnelles liées à l'achat et la gestion contribuent à limiter le rythme de l'approvisionnement alimentaire des écoles. L'analyse des composantes nutritionnelles des aliments montre que l'achat de denrées alimentaires provenant des exploitations agricoles familiales ne suffit pas de promouvoir des menus plus appropriées. Mots-clés: agriculture familial, politiques publiques, cantines scolaires, développement local, Brésil. ; 57-72 ; belik@eco.unicamp.br; walterbelik@gmail.com ; semiramis.domene@unifesp.br ; semestral

Against the background of the dependence of cultural institutions on public funding and the increasing pressure on public budgets, this thesis aims to make a contribution to the economic analysis of the German cultural sector. For this purpose, three empirical studies focusing on the German cultural sector are conducted, using different methods to quantify the analyzed effects. Chapter 2 describes an application of the contingent valuation method (CVM) for assessing public approval of the amount of subsidies spent on cultural facilities. For our analysis, we conducted a contingent valuation study to capture the willingness to pay (WTP) for the municipal cultural supply in Lüneburg, Germany. To identify the factors associated with the respondents' WTP, we supplemented an ordinary least squares (OLS) and a Tobit regression model with a quantile regression (QR) model. The findings suggest the existence of non-use values. Since the QR analyzes the coefficients at different points of the distribution of the dependent variable, it accounts for the heterogeneity of preferences. Overall, the results indicate that the QR can provide useful information in deriving implications for cultural policy. In contrast to the consumption-oriented approach of chapter 2, chapters 3 and 4 focus on the production of performing arts in public theaters. Data were taken from the theater reports published by the German Stage Association (Deutscher Bühnenverein) from 1993 to 2007. Chapter 3 uses a stochastic frontier analysis approach to analyze the efficiency of German public theaters. Whether the assumption of cost-minimizing behavior is reliable in the case of public theaters is of particular interest. Thus, in addition to the input distance function model, we employ a cost function model in order to evaluate whether the cost-minimizing behavior can be maintained. We also applied several panel data models that differ in their ability to account for unobserved heterogeneity to evaluate the impact of unobserved heterogeneity on the efficiency estimates. The results indicate that the cost-minimizing assumption cannot be maintained. We also find a considerable unobserved heterogeneity across the theaters that causes a significant variation in the models' efficiency estimates. Taken together, our results suggest that there is still space for improvement in the employment of resources in the area of performing arts production in Germany. The third study, presented in Chapter 4, discusses the development and sources of productivity in German public theaters. As labor costs increase, productivity decreases over time; this phenomenon is referred to as "Baumol's cost-disease". However, productivity is not influenced only by technological change; technical efficiency and scale efficiency also play a role. Thus, which of the three factors are positive or negative drivers for productivity change in the case of German public theaters is of particular interest. Using a stochastic distance frontier approach to decompose the total factor productivity into the three different sources of productivity the findings indicate that there is no significant technological progress that can countervail the negative productivity trend caused by increasing wages and, thus, support the cost-disease hypothesis. Furthermore, increasing returns to scale for the majority of theatres were found. Chapter 5 summarizes the main results of the three empirical analyses. This is followed by concluding remarks on the need for further research. ; Kulturelle Einrichtungen in Deutschland sind in hohem Maße auf öffentliche Mittel angewiesen, gleichzeitig wächst jedoch der Kostendruck auf die öffentlichen Haushalte. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit, einen Beitrag zur ökonomischen Analyse des deutschen Kultursektors zu leisten. Hierfür sind drei empirische Studien, die sich mit dem deutschen Kultursektor befassen, durchgeführt worden. Mit Hilfe verschiedener Methoden werden die jeweils analysierten Effekte quantifiziert. Im ersten Papier "The Monetary Value of Cultural Goods: A Contingent Valuation Study of the Municipal Supply of Cultural Goods in Lüneburg, Germany" wird die Contingent Valuation Method (CVM) angewandt, mit der die öffentliche Zustimmung zur Höhe von Subventionen gemessen werden kann. Am Beispiel des städtischen kulturellen Angebots in Lüneburg wird mit der CVM die Zahlungsbereitschaft der Bürger erfasst. Um die relevanten Einflussfaktoren auf die Höhe der Zahlungsbereitschaft zu ermitteln, wird neben der Methode der kleinsten Quadrate sowie einer Tobit-Regression eine Quantilsregression durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse der Analyse deuten darauf hin, dass dem kulturellen Angebot in Lüneburg sogenannte nutzungsunabhängige Werte beigemessen werden. Da die Quantilsregression die Koeffizienten an verschiedenen Punkten der Verteilung der abhängigen Variable analysiert, ist es mit dieser Methode möglich, die Heterogenität der Präferenzen besser zu berücksichtigen. Es zeigt sich, dass diese Methode brauchbare Ergebnisse liefert, aus denen Politikimplikationen abgeleitet werden können. Im Gegensatz zum konsumentenorientierten Ansatz des ersten Papiers liegt der Fokus des 2. und 3. Papiers auf dem Produktionsprozess darstellender Kunst in öffentlichen Theatern. Die Daten dieser Analysen wurden aus den Theaterstatistiken der Jahre 1993 bis 2007, die vom Deutschen Bühnenverein publiziert werden, entnommen. Im zweiten Papier "The Efficiency of German Public Theaters: A Stochasitc Frontier Analysis Approach" wird unter Verwendung eines Stochastic Frontier Modells die Effizienz öffentlicher Theater in Deutschland analysiert. Von besonderem Interesse ist, ob die Annahme des kostenminimierenden Verhaltens im Falle der Theater aufrecht erhalten werden kann. Aus diesem Grund wird zusätzlich zur Distanzfunktion eine Kostenfunktion geschätzt. Darüber hinaus wurden verschiedene Paneldaten-Modelle, die in unterschiedlichem Ausmaß unbeobachtete Heterogeniät berücksichtigen können, verwandt, um den Einfluss der unbeobachteten Heterogenität auf die Effizienz zu überprüfen. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die Annahme der Kostenminimierung nicht aufrecht erhalten werden kann. Zudem weisen die Theater im Datensatz eine deutliche unbeobachtete Heterogenität auf, die zu einer großen Varianz in den Ergebnissen der verschiedenen Modelle führt. Insgesamt zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass Effizienzgewinne im Falle öffentlicher Theater in Deutschland möglich sind. Im dritten Papier "Baumol's Cost-Disease, Efficiency, and Productivity in the Performing Arts: An Analysis of German Public Theaters" werden Entwicklung und Bestandteile der Produktivität öffentlicher Theater in Deutschland analysiert. Da die Lohnkosten beständig ansteigen, sinkt c. p. die Produktivität im Zeitablauf. Dieses Phänomen wird als 'Baumolsche Kostenkrankheit' bezeichnet. Allerdings wird die Produktivität nicht allein von technologischem Fortschritt, sondern auch von technischer Effizienz und Skaleneffizienz beeinflusst. Hieraus ergibt sich die Frage, welche der drei Faktoren einen Einfluss auf die Entwicklung der Produktivität öffentlicher Theater in Deutschland haben. Unter der Verwendung eines Stochastic Frontier Modells wird die Produktivität in die drei Faktoren zerlegt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass es keinen bedeutenden technologischen Fortschritt gibt, was darauf hinweist, dass die Baumolsche Kostenkrankheit vorliegt. Für die Mehrheit der Theater konnten zudem zunehmende Skalenerträge nachgewiesen werden. Im letzten Kapitel der Arbeit werden die wesentlichen Ergebnisse der drei empirischen Studien zusammengefasst. Schließlich wird ein Ausblick auf weitere Forschungsfragen gegeben.

Consultable sur Internet : www.cairn.info/revue-francaise-d-administration-publique-2005-4-page-595.htm ; International audience ; The term "metier" (occupation, craft), encompasses a soft personnel policy reform carried out by the State for its agents. The term was introduced to convey methods which aim at foreseeing possible evolution of both staff and know-how based on general lists of "similar jobs" required to accomplish State missions and the needed associated competences. The analysis of the effective use of these methods put forward the failure of a project using one single instrument to serve simultaneously as a basis for training programmes, potential career development for civil servants and mid-term prospective of personnel needs etc. In reality we observe more precise and effective practices such as: assistance to re-position civil servants whose functions have become outmoded because of technological advances (computerization of data) or institutional changes (suppression of duty stations, decentralisation entailing transfer of responsibilities to regions or local Administrations), base for control of expenses (accounting), creation of a common vocabulary to facilitate mobility from one Ministry to the other. What is being underlined is more the acknowledgement of the weight of know-how and professionalism rather than that of recognising organised groupings forming an established profession within the Civil Services. We find this reflected in a recent report by the Conseil d'Etat (the highest jurisdiction in France) which suggests allowing the heads of unities to choose individuals according to their objective professional background and their competence rather than their status as member of a given "Corps" (public body), as in the past. The report also adds in this optic, management of careers no longer based on "corps" but rather on the basis of larger groupings. The notion of "occupation" has been mobilised through transformations of the GRH tools or, as the above-mentioned report has outlined, by propositions of structure reforms, in order to relate two moving entities: on one hand the movement of the evolution of the mission carried out by public organisations and on the other hand that of individuals during their careers. Making reference to the term "occupation" signifies more a quest for renewal of a model for career-based Civil Services rather than questioning it. This soft reform is not necessarily however a conservative one in that it shakes the pillar of the French Public services based on the "Corps". ; Le terme « métier » condense le projet d'une réforme soft des politiques de personnel des agents de l'Etat en France. Le terme a été introduit avec des méthodes qui visent à prévoir les évolutions des effectifs et des savoir-faire à partir de « référentiels » recensant l'ensemble des « emplois types » nécessaire à l'accomplissement des missions de l'Etat et des compétences associées. L'analyse des usages effectifs de ces méthodes met en évidence l'échec du projet d'un instrument permettant de servir de base simultanément pour toutes les fonctions de GRH : politique de recrutement, conception des programmes de formation, cartographie offerte aux fonctionnaires pour leurs choix de carrière, prospective à moyen terme des besoins de personnel, .En revanche, ces démarches se sont avérées plus opérationnelles autour d'un certain nombre d'usages plus précis associés à des enjeux forts de tel ou tel ministère : aider au reclassement de fonctionnaires dont la mission a été remise en cause par une évolution technologique (informatisation du traitement de données, .) ou institutionnelle (suppression des douanes, transferts aux communes ou région après la décentralisation) , offrir une base de discussion entre les allocataire de ressources et les responsables d'unité dans une perspective de contrôle de gestion, offrir une base de discussion pour la gestion des carrières ou favoriser la mobilité des fonctionnaires occupant des fonctions support (comptabilité, GRH, .) entre les ministères. Dans l'ensemble, comme cela se reflète dans le vocabulaire employé, il s'agit plus de reconnaître l'importance des savoir-faire et du professionnalisme que de reconnaître des groupements organisés ayant la forme de profession dans la fonction publique. Cette idée se retrouve dans un rapport récent du Conseil d'Etat qui propose de donner les moyens aux responsables d'unité de choisir les individus selon leurs parcours professionnel réel et selon les compétences acquises plus que selon le statut du « corps » d'appartenance. Ce rapport propose d'ailleurs dans cette fin de gérer les carrières non plus à partir de ces « corps » mais de regroupement plus larges de « cadres statutaires ». A travers des transformation d'outils de GRH ou, comme dans ce rapport à travers des propositions de réforme de structure, la notion de métier est mobilisée pour mettre en relation deux entités en mouvement : d'une part le mouvement de l'évolution des missions des organisations publiques, d'autre part le mouvement de l'évolution des individus au cours de leur carrière. Faire référence au terme de métier consiste donc plus à rechercher un renouveau du modèle d'une fonction publique de carrière qu'à le remettre en cause. Cette politique soft de réforme n'est pas cependant tout à fait conservatrice dans la mesure ou elle bouscule le pilier du modèle français de la fonction publique que constituent les « corps ».

Consultable sur Internet : www.cairn.info/revue-francaise-d-administration-publique-2005-4-page-595.htm ; International audience ; The term "metier" (occupation, craft), encompasses a soft personnel policy reform carried out by the State for its agents. The term was introduced to convey methods which aim at foreseeing possible evolution of both staff and know-how based on general lists of "similar jobs" required to accomplish State missions and the needed associated competences. The analysis of the effective use of these methods put forward the failure of a project using one single instrument to serve simultaneously as a basis for training programmes, potential career development for civil servants and mid-term prospective of personnel needs etc. In reality we observe more precise and effective practices such as: assistance to re-position civil servants whose functions have become outmoded because of technological advances (computerization of data) or institutional changes (suppression of duty stations, decentralisation entailing transfer of responsibilities to regions or local Administrations), base for control of expenses (accounting), creation of a common vocabulary to facilitate mobility from one Ministry to the other. What is being underlined is more the acknowledgement of the weight of know-how and professionalism rather than that of recognising organised groupings forming an established profession within the Civil Services. We find this reflected in a recent report by the Conseil d'Etat (the highest jurisdiction in France) which suggests allowing the heads of unities to choose individuals according to their objective professional background and their competence rather than their status as member of a given "Corps" (public body), as in the past. The report also adds in this optic, management of careers no longer based on "corps" but rather on the basis of larger groupings. The notion of "occupation" has been mobilised through transformations of the GRH tools or, as the above-mentioned report has outlined, by propositions of structure reforms, in order to relate two moving entities: on one hand the movement of the evolution of the mission carried out by public organisations and on the other hand that of individuals during their careers. Making reference to the term "occupation" signifies more a quest for renewal of a model for career-based Civil Services rather than questioning it. This soft reform is not necessarily however a conservative one in that it shakes the pillar of the French Public services based on the "Corps". ; Le terme « métier » condense le projet d'une réforme soft des politiques de personnel des agents de l'Etat en France. Le terme a été introduit avec des méthodes qui visent à prévoir les évolutions des effectifs et des savoir-faire à partir de « référentiels » recensant l'ensemble des « emplois types » nécessaire à l'accomplissement des missions de l'Etat et des compétences associées. L'analyse des usages effectifs de ces méthodes met en évidence l'échec du projet d'un instrument permettant de servir de base simultanément pour toutes les fonctions de GRH : politique de recrutement, conception des programmes de formation, cartographie offerte aux fonctionnaires pour leurs choix de carrière, prospective à moyen terme des besoins de personnel, .En revanche, ces démarches se sont avérées plus opérationnelles autour d'un certain nombre d'usages plus précis associés à des enjeux forts de tel ou tel ministère : aider au reclassement de fonctionnaires dont la mission a été remise en cause par une évolution technologique (informatisation du traitement de données, .) ou institutionnelle (suppression des douanes, transferts aux communes ou région après la décentralisation) , offrir une base de discussion entre les allocataire de ressources et les responsables d'unité dans une perspective de contrôle de gestion, offrir une base de discussion pour la gestion des carrières ou favoriser la mobilité des fonctionnaires occupant des fonctions support (comptabilité, GRH, .) entre les ministères. Dans l'ensemble, comme cela se reflète dans le vocabulaire employé, il s'agit plus de reconnaître l'importance des savoir-faire et du professionnalisme que de reconnaître des groupements organisés ayant la forme de profession dans la fonction publique. Cette idée se retrouve dans un rapport récent du Conseil d'Etat qui propose de donner les moyens aux responsables d'unité de choisir les individus selon leurs parcours professionnel réel et selon les compétences acquises plus que selon le statut du « corps » d'appartenance. Ce rapport propose d'ailleurs dans cette fin de gérer les carrières non plus à partir de ces « corps » mais de regroupement plus larges de « cadres statutaires ». A travers des transformation d'outils de GRH ou, comme dans ce rapport à travers des propositions de réforme de structure, la notion de métier est mobilisée pour mettre en relation deux entités en mouvement : d'une part le mouvement de l'évolution des missions des organisations publiques, d'autre part le mouvement de l'évolution des individus au cours de leur carrière. Faire référence au terme de métier consiste donc plus à rechercher un renouveau du modèle d'une fonction publique de carrière qu'à le remettre en cause. Cette politique soft de réforme n'est pas cependant tout à fait conservatrice dans la mesure ou elle bouscule le pilier du modèle français de la fonction publique que constituent les « corps ».

[ES] El presente artículo aborda la realidad formativa del profesorado desde la perspectiva de las escuelas, entendidas como organizaciones que aprenden. La primera parte de la colaboración plantea los cambios que había experimentado la escuela en los últimos quince años en España y las consecuencias de orden ontológico, epistemológico y teológico que ello ha supuesto para el normal desenvolvimiento de las Ciencias pedagógicas. Los nuevos cambios se orientan hacia una institución educativa que camina a planteamientos autogestionários. Una segunda idea que aborda el artículo se refiere a las nuevas pautas que sigue la institución educativa en el proceso de conversión en organización que aprende; en un primer momento la realidad del centro se orienta al desarrollo de la información, que se plasma en las vivencias del profesorado, en sus diálogos y reconoce el aprendizaje como interpretación de sucesos y acontecimientos; en un segundo momento se alude al compromiso colaborativo del profesorado para actualizar el proyecto curricular; en la tercera fase se acude a las intenciones mutables como verdaderas normas de referencia que ordenan la orientación del profesorado en su función docente y, simultáneamente, producen innovación; por último, un cuarto momento alude a la actividad responsable del profesorado que se mueve entre el deseo de mejora y el retraimiento ante las consecuencias desconocidas de dicha mejora. Por último, aludimos a las nuevas concepciones que se plantean en la formación del profesorado, atendiendo a las escLielas como realidades organizativas y los problemas que las desviaciones producidas en los centros de profesores aportan a su formación, como consecuencia de su utilización como difusores de la política educativa, dejando en un segLindo término su actividad formativa a la carta. ; [EN] This article handles the formative reality of the teachers from the point of view of schools, considering them as organizations who, themselves, learn. The first part of this collaboration establishes the changes that the school has experienced along the last fifteen years in Spain and the consequences of an ontological, epistemological and theological category which has meant the normal development of the pedagogic Sciences. The new paths point towards an educational institution which walks to self-management approaches. A second idea that is studied in this article is referred to the new guidelines that the educational institution follows in the process of change into an organization which really learns itself; firstly, the own school reality is orientated to the development of information, which takes its form in the teachers' personal experiences, and in their dialogues, and which considers learning as an interpretation of events; secondly, we refer to the collaborative commitment to bring up to date the CLirricular design; thirdly, stage we come to the changeable intentions as the true reference rules which put in order the teachers' guidance in their teaching performance and, simultaneously, they bring up innovation; to end it up, this last moment refers to the responsible activity of teachers moving from the desire of improvement and the reserve to the unknown consequences of that improvement. At the end we speak about the new concepts emerging from the teacher training, paying attention to schools as organizational realities, and the problems deviations, produced in the training centre -where teachers courses are imparted-, provide to their formation, as a consequence of using them as spread of the educational policy, leaving on a second term their educational activity à la carte. ; RÉSUME: Dans cet article on aborde la réalité formative du professorat dvi point de vue des écoles, des organizations elles-mêmes qui apprennent. D'un premier côté, la collaboration nous pose les échanges que l'école a expérimentée dans les derniers quinze ans en Espagne et les consequences d'ordre ontologique, épistémologique et théologique que cela a représenté pour le normal développement des Sciences pédagogiques. Les nouveaux échanges se dirigent à une institution éducative qui marche vers des façons autogestionnaire. Le deuxième sujet que cet article traite ce sont les nouveaux lignes que l'institution éducative suit dans ce procès dans lequel est l'organization elle-même qui apprend; premièrement, on peut dire que la réalité du centre écolier se dirige à l'expansion de l'information, que s'est concrétisé par les différents vécus du profesorat, par ses dialogues et qui reconnaît l'apprentissage comme l'interprétation des événements; deuxièmement on fait allusion au engagement de collaboration des professeurs pour actualiser le programme; dans une troisième étape nous recoudrons aux intentions mutables comme les vrais normes de référence qui ordonnent l'orientation du profesorat dans sa fonction d'enseignement et, au même temps, elles produisent innovation; finalement, dans une quatrième phase on parle de cette activité responsable du corps enseignant qui varie entre le désire de améliorer et le retraite devant les consequences inconnues de cette amélioration. Enfin, nous parlons des nouveaux concepts établis dans la formation du profesorat, attendu que les écoles sont des réalités organizatrices et que les problèmes que les déviations qu'ont été produit dans les centres des professeurs amènent à sa formation, à la suite de son utilisation comme des diffuseurs d'une politique éducative, en laissant à l'arrière-plan son activité formative à la carte.

With Israel's invasion of Gaza inching toward the possibility of a long-term ceasefire, if not a formal resolution, we can begin to draw certain conclusions about the strategic course of the latest Middle Eastern conflagration. Above all, despite inflicting widespread destruction on the impoverished Gaza Strip, Israel's stated maximalist objective of destroying Hamas appears firmly out of reach. While part of this failure to strike a decisive blow follows from the inherent difficulty of counterinsurgency operations, Hamas's major allies — Iran, Hezbollah, Yemen's Houthis, and Shia Islamist militias in Iraq — also played a significant role. Crucially, these forces, constituting a loose coalition called the Axis of Resistance, are pressuring Washington to push Israel to the bargaining table by striking American weak points in the Middle East.Central to the Axis of Resistance's apparent logic in the latest conflict, and its struggle against the U.S.-Israel alliance more generally, lies the inescapable fact that its enemies possess overwhelming military, technological, and economic advantages. Yet the very global primacy of the United States that underlies this disproportion can make Washington uniquely vulnerable to smaller, more tactically nimble opponents.The regional ripples of the current war make this vulnerability especially clear. Rather than face the U.S. and Israel head-on, Iran and its allies took advantage of the overstretched American position in the Middle East. The efforts of Yemen's Houthis in the Red Sea provide perhaps the most dramatic illustration of this asymmetrical strategy. Central to the United States' international status is its naval dominance, which has allowed American policymakers to confer on their nation the mantle once worn by Britain in its imperial heyday: global manager and guardian of seaborne commerce.With just a few cheap drones and missiles, the Houthis instituted an effective blockade of the Red Sea, thus challenging this U.S. claim to be the worldwide arbiter of freedom of navigation. While U.S. forces have apparently proven relatively effective in destroying Houthi projectiles once launched, even President Joe Biden has admitted that U.S-UK airstrikes on Houthi positions in Yemen have largely failed to degrade the group's capacity for action. According to one metric, as of this writing the volume of traffic moving through the Red Sea's Bab al-Mandeb strait, as measured by weight, remains less than half of what it was this time last year.Elsewhere in the Middle East, other members of the Axis of Resistance similarly turned building blocks of American global preeminence into liabilities for Washington. In Iraq, Islamist Shia militias, formally integrated into the country's military as components of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) even as they sustain close links with Iran, have maintained a steady stream of attacks against U.S. military infrastructure. Though the U.S. withdrew from Iraq in 2011, its forces returned in 2014 as part of the battle against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). In the minds of American planners, the bases thus established both bolster the U.S. presence in the world's major oil-producing region and its efforts to contain Iran. Now, though, they look more like sitting ducks than strategic assets. In fact, reflecting the entwinement of the Axis's goal of relieving pressure on Hamas with the narrower interests of its constituent parts, the consistent series of militia attacks likely contributed to Washington's recent ascension to formal negotiations with Iraq over a phased withdrawal of American troops — 2,500 of which remain in the country despite a 2020 resolution by the Iraqi parliament calling for their removal.The international struggle against ISIS also presented the U.S. an opportunity to gain a foothold in conflict-torn Syria, where American arms and training for rebel factions helped fuel a brutal civil war. The main U.S. presence in Syria is concentrated in the country's oil-rich northeast, though American forces also control the strategically vital al-Tanf border crossing with Iraq.The roughly 900 American troops in the country assist U.S.-allied Kurdish forces and allow Washington to deprive the Syrian state of critical oil revenue. But, like their counterparts in Iraq, they have lately been at the mercy of drone and rocket strikes, largely from the aforementioned Iraqi PMF. Indeed, analogous to the situation in Iraq, the precarity of U.S. positions in Syria as driven home by these assaults has reportedly spurred debate within the Biden administration about an American departure from that country as well.While such attacks in the Red Sea, Iraq, and Syria demonstrate the upside of the Axis of Resistance's regional campaign, its asymmetrical calculus is not without risks. Perhaps the best illustration of this was a recent drone strike, undertaken by Iraqi militia, against a secretive U.S. base in Jordan, near that country's tri-border region with Iraq and Syria. The attack killed three American troops, the first U.S. combat casualties in the present conflict.This result set off alarm bells in Tehran (and prompted the most wide-ranging series of American strikes yet against targets in Iraq and Syria). Central to the Axis's overall strategy, coordinated, if not — as many Western commentators insist — wholly directed, by Iran's national security apparatus, is the need to avoid full-scale conventional war with the United States. Without even factoring in the massive power disparity with the U.S., Iran's elite, in particular, can ill afford such a confrontation right now. The state is beset by a crisis of legitimacy, enflamed by its propensity for repression, and the nation's economy faces deep-rooted challenges, due in part to punishing American sanctions. As a result, Iran has taken steps to, temporarily at least, mitigate the chance of open conflict with the U.S. — most notably by curtailing strikes by PMF groups against American targets in Iraq.Yet, in taking that step, Iran's leaders likely feel secure in the knowledge that, despite the delicate balance required to tiptoe around the possibility of full-blown escalation, the Axis of Resistance's regional calculus has paid off significantly. In undertaking their broader campaign against the U.S., Hamas's regional allies leveraged Israel's intense dependence on its American patron. Without American support, Israel cannot hope to continue any major military campaign for very long — it is thus critically susceptible to pressure from Washington. While public opinion also plays a major role, the shower of blows rained upon American positions in the Middle East over the past few months has likely factored into U.S. policymakers' efforts to steer Israel away from its most maximalist aims and toward negotiations.Enabling both Israel's brutal assault on Gaza and the Axis of Resistance's ability to exert pressure on Tel Aviv through the U.S. are, of course, Washington's imperial ambitions. Iran and its allies have, unwittingly, presented American policymakers with a precious opportunity to pivot away from the kind of unilateralist overreach that, in large part, structures the present conflict. In doing so, they could begin to craft the kind of constructive foreign policy that puts the needs of U.S. citizens first — precious few Americans, after all, want to stumble into another Middle Eastern "forever war" just because of a few drones launched by Iraqi militias. And, perhaps most crucially, such a shift could perhaps prevent the kind of destruction unleashed on Gaza over the last few months — its scale a horrifying corollary to the depth of hubris that fuels American great power pretensions.

The situation along the Lebanese-Israeli front continues to escalate as Hezbollah and the Israeli military intensify cross-border operations. Despite the escalation, the Lebanese Shiite movement's strategy appears unchanged — to force Israel to divert substantial military forces from its Gaza offensive against Hamas without provoking a full-blown war with the Jewish state. Against this backdrop, Hezbollah's stance ironically appears to align with the Biden administration's goal of preventing a wider conflict as Israel continues its campaign against the Palestinian movement in Gaza.A new phase of escalation on the Lebanese-Israeli frontTensions between Hezbollah and Israel have peaked following an Israeli airstrike that targeted a civilian car in south Lebanon. The November 5 attack, which Human Rights Watch denounced as "an apparent war crime," led to the death of a woman and her three grandchildren, prompting retaliation from Hezbollah that led to the death of one Israeli civilian near the northern town of Kiryat Shmona. That incident marked the first time the Lebanese movement appeared to deliberately target Israeli civilians in this latest round of cross-border fighting.The situation has sharply escalated since then, with Israel bombing a hospital in the southern Lebanese town of Mays Aljabal, leaving one person wounded. Hezbollah meanwhile carried out a -border missile attack that left over 20 people wounded, including at least seven Israeli soldiers.The Lebanese Shiite movement's leader Hasan Nasrallah meanwhile announced that Hezbollah has upped the tempo and tactics of its cross-border operations. In his second address since the beginning of the war in Gaza, Nasrallah declared last Saturday that the Shiite movement has raised the level of its military action "in terms of the number of operations, targets and the type of weapons." This, he explained, included the use for the first time of "Burkan" missiles which have a higher explosive impact, in addition to suicide drones.Nasrallah stops short of declaring warImportantly Hezbollah's leader, while announcing the escalation at the tactical and tempo levels, did not declare a change to the movement's overall strategy since the beginning of the conflict in Gaza. This strategy, as explained by Nasrallah himself in his previous speech, aims to overstretch the Israeli army by forcing it to divert military resources towards the Lebanese front, thereby preventing Israel from using its full military power to destroy Hamas. Discussing the overall situation on the Lebanese-Israeli front, he stated that "this front would remain active."Nasrallah's apparent reluctance to open a major new front with Israel is consistent with his general strategy of not initiating conflict. Following the July 2006 war, he famously stated that he would not have authorized the capture of two Israeli soldiers, which initiated the conflict, had he known it would lead to war on Lebanon itself.Sources close to the Lebanese movement emphasize that preventing a new Israeli war on Lebanon is a major factor in its approach to the current conflict in Gaza."Hezbollah will not drag Lebanon into a destructive war unless Israel imposes such a war," explained one source close to Hezbollah who spoke on condition of anonymity. According to a second source who also enjoys close ties to Hezbollah's leadership, the movement's posture proves it places a high priority on Lebanon's national interests. "Hezbollah is behaving as a Lebanese rational actor that attaches great importance to Lebanese national interests," he stressed.This argument serves to counter the image of Hezbollah as a proxy of Iran. Both Lebanese and foreign critics of the movement depict it in such a manner, but the movement itself rejects this characterization, insisting instead that Tehran plays a mere supportive role.While Hezbollah has previously hinted that a Hamas defeat would be a red line that would provoke a more aggressive approach against Israel, Nasrallah appeared to pin his hopes on growing international pressures to prevent such a scenario. "We see thousands of people in Washington, New York, London and Paris protesting against Israel" he stated, adding that support by Western governments for Israel's ongoing war in Gaza was declining.The Lebanese Shiite movement also appears aware of the danger of Israel dragging the United States into a broader regional conflict. According to the first source, Hezbollah, as things stand, will not engage in any actions that would be understood as a declaration of war that would permit Israel to fulfill its longstanding dream of forcing the United States into a larger war against Israel's regional enemies. "There are American military assets and aircraft carriers deployed in the region" he emphasized, warning that this "increases the danger of Israel dragging the U.S. into a regional war."Israel escalates its threats against LebanonSenior Israeli officials meanwhile have threatened Lebanon with a Gaza-like scenario. Following Nasrallah's latest speech, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant warned that Hezbollah was playing a dangerous game that could elicit a devastating response."What we can do in Gaza, we can also do in Beirut," he asserted during a tour of the Israeli northern front.Such statements, in addition to Israeli military action on the Lebanese front, appear to have sparked new fears in Washington. According to media reports released immediately following Gallant's remarks, U.S. Secretary of Défense Lloyd Austin expressed his concerns regarding Israeli escalation against Lebanon during a phone conversation with his Israeli counterpart.Concerns over broader escalation reflect the Biden administration's policy of preventing a widening of the conflict in Gaza to Lebanon and elsewhere in the region. Biden's senior adviser for energy and infrastructure Amos Hochstein recently visited Beirut where he held talks with high-ranking officials that focused on preventing a spillover of the conflict into Lebanon.Austin is better placed than most in the current American administration in understanding the potentially catastrophic repercussions of full-scale war on the Lebanese-Israeli front. Having served as both head of U.S. forces in Iraq and the region more broadly as head of U.S. Central Command, the Pentagon chief is no doubt well acquainted with the significant clout Hezbollah enjoys with regional players like the Houthis in Yemen and Shiite armed groups in Iraq.Nasrallah himself alluded to this, stating that operations targeting U.S. military assets and personnel launched from Iraq and Yemen would stop if Washington pressured Israel into halting its offensive in Gaza. "If you Americans want to stop these operations, you must stop the war in Gaza," he declared.Viewed against this backdrop, Hezbollah's leader was effectively sending a message to Washington offering to rein in his allies in Yemen and Iraq if the Biden administration would do the same with its Israeli ally.The U.S. administration also appears to fear being dragged by Israel into a broader regional war. According to Joshua Landis, the head of Middle East Studies at the University of Oklahoma and a non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute, concerns regarding escalation on the Lebanese front stem from fears that Israel may seek to ignite the situation there as international pressures increase for a cease-fire."Biden has compromised the U.S. position through his outright support for Israel's objectives," he said in an interview with RS, adding that "Austin and other senior officials may be concerned that Israel will take this as a green light to widen the conflict which would endanger U.S. troops." Some U.S. bases in Syria and Iraq have come under increased rocket and missile fire from pro-Iranian Iraqi Shi'a militias since the launch of Israel's offensive in Gaza and elsewhere in the region.

The historic removal of Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) from the House Speakership on Wednesday introduced a new roadblock to the prospect of future aid for Ukraine's war effort.Funding for Ukraine emerged as a centerpiece in the negotiations to pass government spending bills and avoid a government shutdown in recent weeks, and McCarthy's maneuvering last weekend was ultimately not enough to save his job. The race for who will take his spot has begun, with Reps. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and Steve Scalise (R-La.) already throwing their hats into the ring and others, like Rep. Kevin Hern (R-Okla.) are rumored to be interested as well. One attribute that all share is reluctance to provide more aid to Ukraine, at least in the immediate future. "Looking at the Republican candidates for speaker, I have a tough time seeing any of them bringing Ukraine funding to the floor — even with strings," wrote Punchbowl News' Jake Sherman on the social media platform X. Sherman later added that he "would be surprised if the W.H. gets another Ukraine aid package this year." The reluctance stems from the growing opposition in the GOP caucus to continuing to provide aid for Ukraine. During the Pentagon Appropriations Act amendment process last month, just over half of Republican House members voted against including $300 million in Ukraine aid, and a handful of members maintained that they would not vote for any government spending bills that included money for Ukraine. After much back-and-forth, McCarthy had seemingly acquiesced to the bloc of House Republicans who are skeptical of funding Ukraine. The 45-day Continuing Resolution, which passed with the support of 209 Democrats and 126 Republicans over the weekend, did not contain any further money for Kyiv. But the issue was still a major reason for McCarthy's ouster, with Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.), the leader of the revolt, accusing the former Speaker of working with President Joe Biden behind the scenes to ensure that Ukraine funding would ultimately be brought to the floor. "Members of the Republican party might vote differently on a motion to vacate if they heard what the speaker had to share with us about his secret side deal with Joe Biden on Ukraine. I'll be listening," Gaetz said earlier this week, before introducing the motion to vacate. On Sunday, Biden said that he expected McCarthy to "keep his word and secure the passage of support for Ukraine at this critical moment." McCarthy was eventually removed from his leadership position, with eight Republicans joining forces with every voting Democrat to vacate the speakership. It marked the first time ever that a "motion to vacate" had been successfully employed to remove a House Speaker from power. But if the next Speaker refuses to bring Ukraine aid up to a vote, supporters of sending more aid to Ukraine could have a couple of procedural options that would allow them to supersede the Speaker. One is a petition to discharge, a mechanism by which any House majority can bypass leadership and force floor action on a bill that has been stuck in committee. A petition to discharge would require legislation to first be introduced and be pending in a committee for 30 legislative days. Further, a petition to discharge would require the signatures of a majority of members. Even if all Democrats signed the petition, it would still need six Republicans to reach the necessary 218. There are far more than six Republicans who are in favor of continued aid for Ukraine, but the question is whether there are six who are willing to team up with Democrats and publicly buck their party's leadership. Because petitions to discharge always require members of the majority party to agree with the minority party's legislative priorities, they have rarely been employed successfully.Another option would be a maneuver known as "defeating the previous question." Voting on the previous question is a motion used to end debate on pending legislation and therefore bringing it to an immediate vote.If Democrats — once again with sufficient GOP help — vote to defeat the previous question on a future rule vote, it will leave the rule being voted on open to debate and amendment, which could theoretically be used to add in funding for Ukraine. Both options were floated in the media as ways for Democrats and moderate Republicans to overcome opposition from others in the GOP during the government funding debate. Experts viewed them unlikely to happen, because it would mean that a group of Republicans would essentially declare war on party leadership. At the time, Molly Reynolds of the Brookings Institution wrote on X that any solution that relied on a bloc of Republicans joining forces with Democrats would have to be "implicitly blessed by the GOP leadership."Therefore, bringing future Ukraine-related legislation to the floor over a speaker's public objection would require either rank-and-file Republicans taking a major political risk by going against them, or leadership doing so by privately endorsing the effort.A third possibility, a close observer of the Hill tells RS, is that members who want to continue funding Ukraine strike a deal with the next Speaker, either by pairing it with conservative policy goals like border security concessions, or by trimming down the size of the aid package. In any case, these options are all either unlikely or will take time to progress. The White House and legislators supportive of continued funding for Ukraine have argued that quickly passing another tranche of aid is essential to Kyiv's effort. "We cannot under any circumstances allow America's support for Ukraine to be interrupted," Biden said on Sunday after the stopgap funding measure was passed. "We have time, not much time, and there's an overwhelming sense of urgency," President Joe Biden said Sunday. On Tuesday, eight Senate Democrats sent a letter to House and Senate leadership, saying that "now is not the time to slow our aid to Ukraine.""It is past time for the U.S. Congress to take up and pass legislation guaranteeing Ukraine has the critical resources necessary to continue defending themselves against Putin's illegal war," they wrote. "We urge you to act immediately to advance legislation that will provide critical and sustained security and economic support for Ukraine to the President's desk for his signature."Proponents of expediting the next package argue that the money that Washington has already sent to Kyiv is quickly drying up, though as Responsible Statecraft has reported this week, the reality is more complex. Sen. Mark Warner, (D-Va.) noted on Tuesday that he does not have "100% clarity," on how much of the roughly $62 billion that has been appropriated for military aid remains. Given the events in recent months, the path forward for more Ukraine aid already seemed tricky. With House leadership in turmoil, it now appears to be even more daunting.

The concept of radicalization was embraced by the French public authorities in the mid-2010s through various action plans aiming at detecting potential or proven cases of radicalization before the commission of jihadist-inspired terrorist acts. This institutionalization of the fight against radicalization relied on the territorial outlets of the State and on existing public policies (national education, child welfare, etc.). This thesis primarily investigates specialized prevention organizations, a sector at the crossroads of social labour and child welfare, that were particularly called upon to detect so-called radicalized profiles, because of their presence in areas considered priorities by city policies.This work deals with the semantic-discursive characteristics of the lexeme radicalization in institutional and political speeches, as well as in social work speeches.The analysis uses two types of materials: 680 institutional speeches produced by the French government between 2013 and 2018 (containing the lemma radicalization), and ten semi-structured interviews conducted as part of an investigation of specialized prevention educators of the Occitanie Region. This freely accessible corpus constitutes an unprecedented resource for linguists, sociologists and political scientists, but also for students in social careers, as well as social workers wishing to analyse further the programmes of meaning and uses of the notion of radicalization.On the socio-discursive level, the contrastive study of these two corpora makes it possible to observe the production of a public policy and its reception within a sector that is directly concerned. From a linguistic point of view, it is a matter of developing and formalizing a process for analysing the notion of radicalization. The proposed model is based on an in-depth study of work in the sociology of social movements which aims to describe the mechanisms specific to radical trajectories, a synthesis of which is presented in the first part of the thesis. Three major observations emerge: (i) radicalization is a complex socio-political notion whose meaning escapes stabilization, (ii) radicalization is an intrinsically processual concept, (iii) radicalization is a multifactorial and multidimensional notion.Based on these findings, I designed an ad hoc linguistic analysis corpus that integrates three axes. On the first axis, I retrace the manifestations of the semantic and discursive instability of the notion of radicalization. I question, on the one hand, the meaning in language of the word radicalization, and, on the other hand, its discursive status of 'nomination'. For this purpose I probe into both referential and linguistic facets carried by the noun. The second axis questions the dynamics of the radicalization process and its representations in the two sources of discourse under study. The analysis emphasizes the different stages of the process, as well as the mechanisms of passage between these stages, modelled with a topologically inspired framework. The third axis focuses on the causal representations of radicalization. This representation sheds light on the causal factors that were judged decisive by institutional words and by social workers in order to explain the entering of individuals, their progression and their maintenance in radical engagement.More broadly, this work argues for a better knowledge of linguistic methods, insufficiently mobilized, and still too little known in other social sciences. It offers tools that shed light on the meaning and uses of complex and composite notions, notably through the contextualized study of their semantic profiles and the discursive processes that update them. This original interpretive path can be reproduced, in particular for disciplines whose object is to describe and model, from their discursive inscription, concepts related to socially sensitive themes. ; Le concept de radicalisation a été investi par les pouvoirs publics français au mitan des années 2010 à travers des plans d'action visant à détecter des cas potentiels ou avérés de radicalisation avant la commission d'actes terroristes d'inspiration djihadiste. Cette institutionnalisation de la lutte contre la radicalisation s'est appuyée sur les relais territoriaux de l'État et sur des politiques publiques existantes (Éducation Nationale, Aide sociale à l'enfance…). Dans ce travail je me suis intéressée aux associations de prévention spécialisée, un secteur au croisement du travail social et de l'Aide sociale à l'enfance, sollicité dans la détection de profils dits radicalisés en raison de sa présence sur des territoires classés prioritaires par les politiques de la ville.La thèse s'intéresse à la mise en discours du lexème radicalisation dans les discours institutionnels et politiques et dans les discours du travail social, selon une perspective sémantico-discursive.L'analyse utilise deux matériaux : 680 discours institutionnels produits par l'exécutif français entre 2013 et 2018 (contenant le lemme radicalisation), et dix entretiens semi-directifs menés dans le cadre d'une enquête auprès d'éducateurs de prévention spécialisée de la Région Occitanie. Ce corpus constitue une ressource inédite pour les linguistes, sociologues et politistes, mais aussi étudiants en carrières sociales et travailleurs sociaux désireux d'approfondir les programmes de sens et les usages de la notion de radicalisation.Sur le plan socio-discursif, l'étude contrastive de ces deux corpus permet d'observer la production d'une politique publique et sa réception au sein d'un secteur directement concerné. Sur le plan langagier, il s'agit d'élaborer et de formaliser une démarche d'analyse de la notion de radicalisation. La modélisation proposée repose sur l'étude approfondie des travaux en sociologie des mouvements sociaux qui cherchent à décrire les mécanismes propres aux trajectoires radicales. Trois grands constats émergent : (i) la radicalisation est une notion sociopolitique complexe dont le sens échappe à la stabilisation, (ii) la radicalisation est un concept intrinsèquement processuel, (iii) la radicalisation est une notion pluricausale et multidimensionnelle. Partant de ces constats, j'ai conçu un parcours d'analyse linguistique ad hoc qui intègre trois axes. Sur le premier axe, on retrace les manifestations de l'instabilité sémantique et discursive de la notion de radicalisation. Je m'interroge d'une part sur le sens en langue du mot radicalisation, et d'autre part à son statut discursif de nomination. De manière originale, on sonde à cet effet les facettes tant référentielles que langagières portées par la nomination. Le deuxième axe questionne les dynamiques du processus de radicalisation. L'analyse met l'accent sur les différentes étapes du processus, ainsi que sur les mécanismes de passage entre ces étapes, modélisés au moyen d'un schème d'inspiration topologique. Le troisième axe place la focale sur les représentations causales de la radicalisation. Je mets en lumière les facteurs causaux jugés déterminants par la parole institutionnelle et par les travailleurs sociaux pour expliquer l'entrée des individus, leur progression et leur maintien dans l'engagement radical. Plus largement, ce travail plaide pour une meilleure connaissance des méthodes linguistiques, insuffisamment mobilisées, et encore trop peu connues des autres sciences humaines et sociales. Il propose des outils qui permettent d'éclairer le sens et les usages des notions complexes et composites, grâce notamment à l'étude contextualisée de leurs profils sémantiques et des procédés discursifs qui les actualisent. Ce parcours interprétatif original peut être reproduit, en particulier pour les disciplines dont l'objet est de décrire et de modéliser, à partir de leur inscription discursive, des concepts liés à des sujets socialement sensibles.

In France, the Multiannual Energy Programming project published in early 2019 plans to multiply by 4 or 5 the production capacity of photovoltaic energy in less than 10 years. In this context of strong demand for "clean" energy, an electricity network with a high rate of renewable energy (ENR) (up to 30% in 2030 in France) and the expansion of solar energy, many large photovoltaic (PV) plants of the order of a few hundred MW each have to be installed. However, because of the required surfaces, the development of large-scale ground-mounted solar power plants can lead to conflicts of use with agricultural land and affect biodiversity. The question of the land availability for this use therefore becomes crucial.The objective of this thesis is to present and study a solution that can respond to this problem: take advantage of linear surfaces, extending from hundreds of meters to tens, or even hundreds of kilometers, and only a few meters or few tens of meters large, such as cycle paths, motorway edges, railways, river dikes, etc. to install high-power PV systems. These potential surfaces have the advantages of being very present in Europe and throughout the world, exploitable for PV and inexpensive (because of little value for other uses). The installation of new types of linear PV plants will open up opportunities but on the other hand, they also have challenges to face such as technical problems to identify and study.The work of this thesis will, in particular, consist in defining and optimizing the electrical architecture of these large-scale innovative linear photovoltaic systems, according to criteria related to energy performance, operating reliability and installation, maintenance costs because so-called classical architectures are unsuitable here. This thesis will also aim to identify the services contributed by these plants to the electricity network. It is divided into six chapters:-The first chapter presents the state of the art and the energy context of renewable energy, solar energy and linear PV systems.-In the second chapter, we develop a modeling tool, which must be at the same time precise, reliable, robust and which can be adapted to each of the simulation needs of the thesis. In this chapter, we present detailed Matlab / Simulink models of all major components of a typical PV system.-In the third chapter, we first constitute, from the detailed models of the components developed in the previous chapter, a complete model of a PV system. After verifying the reliability of this model, we use it to model different electrical architectures of a large-scale linear PV plant in order to estimate the relative performance of each of them, study the technical requirements or limits and determine innovative and more efficient architectures for this new type of PV system.-In the fourth chapter, we design an efficient optimization tool in order to deal with technical and economic optimization problems of large-scale linear PV systems, since financial aspects are always preponderant in the design of a plant and its components.-In the fifth chapter, we exploit the advantageous contributions that high power linear PV systems occupying a territory over a significant length can make regarding the services for the electricity network. Six different auxiliary services, or even system services are discussed: frequency adjustment, voltage adjustment, improvement of network stability, support capacity in the event of a short-circuit, congestion management and compensation of electricity transmission losses.-Finally, the thesis ends with a conclusion on the innovative points and the advantages of linear PV plants to offer the possibility of responding to real needs and provide benefits that conventional architectures cannot. We also make a review of the limits of current policy and technology regarding this new PV system type and open some perspectives that may follow this research. ; En France, le projet de Programmation pluriannuelle de l'énergie (PPE) publié début 2019 prévoit de multiplier par 4 ou 5 la capacité de production d'énergie photovoltaïque en moins de 10 ans. Dans ce contexte de forte demande en énergie « propre », d'un réseau électrique à fort taux d'énergie renouvelable (ENR) (jusqu'à 30% en 2030 en France) et d'expansion du solaire, ceci nécessite d'installer de nombreuses grandes centrales photovoltaïques (PV) de l'ordre de quelques centaines MW chacune. Or, au regard des surfaces requises, le développement des grandes centrales solaires au sol peut engendrer des conflits d'usage avec les terres agricoles et affecter la biodiversité. La question des terrains disponibles à cette utilisation devient donc cruciale.L'objectif de cette thèse est de présenter et d'étudier une solution qui répond à cette problématique : profiter de surfaces linéaires, s'étendant sur des dizaines, voire des centaines de kilomètres, comme les pistes cyclables, les bordures d'autoroute, les voies ferrées… pour installer des systèmes PV de fortes puissances. Ces surfaces potentielles ont pour avantages d'être très présentes, exploitables pour le PV et pas chères. L'installation de nouveaux types de centrales PV linéaires va ouvrir des opportunités, mais par contre, elles auront aussi des challenges à relever, comme les contraintes techniques spécifiques, à caractériser et étudier.Les travaux de cette thèse vont, entre autres, consister à définir et optimiser l'architecture électrique de ces grands systèmes photovoltaïques linéaires innovants. Elle se divise en six chapitres :-Le premier chapitre présente l'état de l'art et le contexte énergétique de l'énergie renouvelable, de l'énergie solaire et des systèmes PV linéaires.-Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous développons un outil de modélisation qui doit être à la fois précis, fiable, robuste et qui peut s'adapter à chacun des besoins en simulation de la thèse. Dans ce chapitre, nous présentons les modèles Matlab/Simulink détaillés de tous les composants principaux d'un système PV typique.-Dans le troisième chapitre, nous constituons d'abord, à partir des modèles détaillés des composants développés dans le chapitre précédent, un modèle complet d'un système PV. Après avoir vérifié la fiabilité de ce modèle, nous l'utilisons pour modéliser différentes architectures électriques d'une grande centrale PV linéaire afin d'estimer les performances relatives de chacune d'elles, d'étudier les exigences ou limites techniques et de déterminer des architectures innovantes et plus performantes pour ce nouveau type de système PV.-Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous concevons un outil d'optimisation efficace afin de traiter des problèmes d'optimisation technico-économique des grands systèmes PV linéaires, car les aspects financiers sont toujours prépondérants dans la conception d'une centrale et de ses composants.-Au cinquième chapitre, nous exploitons les contributions avantageuses que peuvent apporter les systèmes PV linéaires de forte puissance occupant un territoire sur une longueur notable vis-à-vis des services pour le réseau électrique. Six différents services auxiliaires seront abordés : le réglage de fréquence, le réglage de tension, l'amélioration de la stabilité du réseau, la capacité de support en cas de court-circuit, la gestion de congestion et la compensation des pertes de transport d'électricité.-Enfin, la thèse se termine par une conclusion sur les points innovants et les avantages que les centrales PV linéaires offrent pour répondre à de réels besoins et procurer des bénéfices, choses que les architectures classiques ne peuvent pas proposer. Nous faisons aussi un point sur les limites de la politique énergétique et de la technologie actuelle vis-à-vis de ce nouveau type de système PV et ouvrons quelques perspectives qui pourront faire suite à cette recherche.

In France, the Multiannual Energy Programming project published in early 2019 plans to multiply by 4 or 5 the production capacity of photovoltaic energy in less than 10 years. In this context of strong demand for "clean" energy, an electricity network with a high rate of renewable energy (ENR) (up to 30% in 2030 in France) and the expansion of solar energy, many large photovoltaic (PV) plants of the order of a few hundred MW each have to be installed. However, because of the required surfaces, the development of large-scale ground-mounted solar power plants can lead to conflicts of use with agricultural land and affect biodiversity. The question of the land availability for this use therefore becomes crucial.The objective of this thesis is to present and study a solution that can respond to this problem: take advantage of linear surfaces, extending from hundreds of meters to tens, or even hundreds of kilometers, and only a few meters or few tens of meters large, such as cycle paths, motorway edges, railways, river dikes, etc. to install high-power PV systems. These potential surfaces have the advantages of being very present in Europe and throughout the world, exploitable for PV and inexpensive (because of little value for other uses). The installation of new types of linear PV plants will open up opportunities but on the other hand, they also have challenges to face such as technical problems to identify and study.The work of this thesis will, in particular, consist in defining and optimizing the electrical architecture of these large-scale innovative linear photovoltaic systems, according to criteria related to energy performance, operating reliability and installation, maintenance costs because so-called classical architectures are unsuitable here. This thesis will also aim to identify the services contributed by these plants to the electricity network. It is divided into six chapters:-The first chapter presents the state of the art and the energy context of renewable energy, solar energy and linear PV systems.-In the second chapter, we develop a modeling tool, which must be at the same time precise, reliable, robust and which can be adapted to each of the simulation needs of the thesis. In this chapter, we present detailed Matlab / Simulink models of all major components of a typical PV system.-In the third chapter, we first constitute, from the detailed models of the components developed in the previous chapter, a complete model of a PV system. After verifying the reliability of this model, we use it to model different electrical architectures of a large-scale linear PV plant in order to estimate the relative performance of each of them, study the technical requirements or limits and determine innovative and more efficient architectures for this new type of PV system.-In the fourth chapter, we design an efficient optimization tool in order to deal with technical and economic optimization problems of large-scale linear PV systems, since financial aspects are always preponderant in the design of a plant and its components.-In the fifth chapter, we exploit the advantageous contributions that high power linear PV systems occupying a territory over a significant length can make regarding the services for the electricity network. Six different auxiliary services, or even system services are discussed: frequency adjustment, voltage adjustment, improvement of network stability, support capacity in the event of a short-circuit, congestion management and compensation of electricity transmission losses.-Finally, the thesis ends with a conclusion on the innovative points and the advantages of linear PV plants to offer the possibility of responding to real needs and provide benefits that conventional architectures cannot. We also make a review of the limits of current policy and technology regarding this new PV system type and open some perspectives that may follow this research. ; En France, le projet de Programmation pluriannuelle de l'énergie (PPE) publié début 2019 prévoit de multiplier par 4 ou 5 la capacité de production d'énergie photovoltaïque en moins de 10 ans. Dans ce contexte de forte demande en énergie « propre », d'un réseau électrique à fort taux d'énergie renouvelable (ENR) (jusqu'à 30% en 2030 en France) et d'expansion du solaire, ceci nécessite d'installer de nombreuses grandes centrales photovoltaïques (PV) de l'ordre de quelques centaines MW chacune. Or, au regard des surfaces requises, le développement des grandes centrales solaires au sol peut engendrer des conflits d'usage avec les terres agricoles et affecter la biodiversité. La question des terrains disponibles à cette utilisation devient donc cruciale.L'objectif de cette thèse est de présenter et d'étudier une solution qui répond à cette problématique : profiter de surfaces linéaires, s'étendant sur des dizaines, voire des centaines de kilomètres, comme les pistes cyclables, les bordures d'autoroute, les voies ferrées… pour installer des systèmes PV de fortes puissances. Ces surfaces potentielles ont pour avantages d'être très présentes, exploitables pour le PV et pas chères. L'installation de nouveaux types de centrales PV linéaires va ouvrir des opportunités, mais par contre, elles auront aussi des challenges à relever, comme les contraintes techniques spécifiques, à caractériser et étudier.Les travaux de cette thèse vont, entre autres, consister à définir et optimiser l'architecture électrique de ces grands systèmes photovoltaïques linéaires innovants. Elle se divise en six chapitres :-Le premier chapitre présente l'état de l'art et le contexte énergétique de l'énergie renouvelable, de l'énergie solaire et des systèmes PV linéaires.-Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous développons un outil de modélisation qui doit être à la fois précis, fiable, robuste et qui peut s'adapter à chacun des besoins en simulation de la thèse. Dans ce chapitre, nous présentons les modèles Matlab/Simulink détaillés de tous les composants principaux d'un système PV typique.-Dans le troisième chapitre, nous constituons d'abord, à partir des modèles détaillés des composants développés dans le chapitre précédent, un modèle complet d'un système PV. Après avoir vérifié la fiabilité de ce modèle, nous l'utilisons pour modéliser différentes architectures électriques d'une grande centrale PV linéaire afin d'estimer les performances relatives de chacune d'elles, d'étudier les exigences ou limites techniques et de déterminer des architectures innovantes et plus performantes pour ce nouveau type de système PV.-Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous concevons un outil d'optimisation efficace afin de traiter des problèmes d'optimisation technico-économique des grands systèmes PV linéaires, car les aspects financiers sont toujours prépondérants dans la conception d'une centrale et de ses composants.-Au cinquième chapitre, nous exploitons les contributions avantageuses que peuvent apporter les systèmes PV linéaires de forte puissance occupant un territoire sur une longueur notable vis-à-vis des services pour le réseau électrique. Six différents services auxiliaires seront abordés : le réglage de fréquence, le réglage de tension, l'amélioration de la stabilité du réseau, la capacité de support en cas de court-circuit, la gestion de congestion et la compensation des pertes de transport d'électricité.-Enfin, la thèse se termine par une conclusion sur les points innovants et les avantages que les centrales PV linéaires offrent pour répondre à de réels besoins et procurer des bénéfices, choses que les architectures classiques ne peuvent pas proposer. Nous faisons aussi un point sur les limites de la politique énergétique et de la technologie actuelle vis-à-vis de ce nouveau type de système PV et ouvrons quelques perspectives qui pourront faire suite à cette recherche.

В публікації висвітлено результати опитування студентів щодо сили прояву окремих детермінант якості вищої освіти. За результатами аналізу відповідей респондентів було встановлено факт домінування тих з складових змісту феномену якості вищої освіти, які пов'язані з формуванням конкурентних переваг фахівця та його здатністю до отримання більшого рівня заробітної плати. Найменша за силою прояву значущість у формуванні категоріального змісту якості вищої освіти на думку студентів відведена детермінантам можливості людини здійснювати особистісний розвиток та розуміти зміст подій навколо себе. В статті обґрунтовано напрями вдосконалення змісту та практики використання нормативно-правового механізму державного управління забезпеченням якості вищої освіти та подано пропозиції щодо зміни фокусу уваги у тлумаченні змісту відповідної категорії. ; Problem setting. A programme about the activity of Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine which was recently approved with Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine determines the issues related with providing training for competitive specialists in the system of universities of higher education on the level of one of the most priority objectives of the Government for the next five years. Such level of attention to the higher education quality is due to the fact that only 25% of employers are satisfied with the level of training of specialists in the system of higher education. The complexity of the Government's programme task is related to the diversity of manifestations of the content of the higher education quality phenomenon and inequality of stakeholders thoughts about the strength of the manifestations of its determinants. Solving the problem connected with the importance of the determinants of the higher education quality in its final content will lead to improving of the effectiveness of the implementation of state policy in the field of higher education. Recent research and publications analysis. The problematics of higher education quality, as well as the issue of its providing, always remain in the focus of the scientific attention of researchers. Among the latest publications of the relevant sphere we should pay attention to those which were published by V. P. Andrushhenko, V. P. Andrushchenko, Yu.V. Bekh, Ye. I. Pinchuk, N. G. Batechko, G. P. Klimova, V. I. Lugovy`j, Zh. V.Talanova, S. V. Mudra, O. G. Romanovs`ky, V. P. Sadkovyi and other scientists. We should pay attention to the works of A. Craft, R. Dicker, M. Garcia, A. Kelly, H. Mulrooney, B. Ruben and other foreign researchers. Despite the a sufficient level of scientific study of the problematics of the higher education quality, some areas of its positioning in the framework of scientific knowledge are still open to further scientific research. Paper objective. Basing on the results of the analysis of the students' point of view as for the level of manifestation of some of the determinants of the higher education quality phenomenon, to substantiate the ways to improve some of the mechanisms of public administration over providing of the higher education quality on both the University and state levels. Paper main body. As a tool for obtaining information from students about the level of the manifestation of individual determinants of the higher education quality, the survey method in the form of interviews and questionnaires was chosen. With the help of the interview method, the wording of the questionnaire questions was clarified, as well as the variants of possible variants of answers were determined. 585 respondents aged 18 to 35 years from Kharkiv, Poltava, Sumy, as well as controlled by Ukraine parts of Donetsk and Lugansk regions took part in the survey, out of which 43 people acted as interviewees, and 542 students as respondents in the questionnaire procedure. Due to the results of analysis obtained from the respondents of the questionnaires there were identified such a significance of the determinants of the higher education quality forming its final content: to be more competitive in the labour market – 30%; the ability to receive higher wages – 30%; the ability to ensure their positioning within a particular social group – 20%; the ability to obtain the full development of their personality –12%; the ability to understand the nature and content of the surrounding events – 8%. The held research revealed the students' concentration on the material and career components of the content of the higher education quality phenomenon, as well as on the gradual loss of significance (weight) in the so-called humanitarian determinants. So, we have to state the contradiction to the provided in the law of Ukraine "on higher education" content of the category of the higher education quality (theoretical aspect) with its real actualization in the system of value orientations of students (practical aspect). Conclusions of the research. Taking into account the results of the survey we can make such conclusions. First of all, we propose to strengthen the block of social and humanitarian disciplines, especially in the framework of teaching of natural Sciences and mathematics, technology, sports and profile with the aim to ensure the compliance of practical activities which holds University of Higher Education about giving real meaning to the phenomenon of higher education quality defined in regulatory documents of Ukraine to the standards. We also propose you to consider an opportunity to supplement the content of general competency standards for higher education, regardless of their industry sphere, regulations regarding the ability of the graduate to understand the content of social and humanitarian development of a social object. Moreover, we propose to change the content of the criteria for assessing the educational program quality with the help of focusing on the attention of competencies' importance not only for the professional activity of the future specialist, but also for the realisation of the citizen's rights and duties. Secondly, we propose to consider the possibility of government establishing free for access and qualitative in its content of massive online courses and the so-called open universities with the aim to compensate the loss society and the state gets from the objective process of reducing the number of Institutions of Higher Education and increasing the minimum amount (total) of test points of the External independent evaluation of a particular subject within the admission to an educational programme, as, nowadays, it is the vector regarding at the level of one of the possible ways to improve the quality of higher education. The creation of a network of relevant institutions will not only partially compensate for the inevitable reduction in the number of Universities of higher education lose state's human capital, but also create conditions for the full development of the individual outside the University. In addition, the use with the person of the opportunities allowing an individual development, which are offered online courses and open universities, on the one hand, can allow person to increase the level of their professional knowledge in the specialty, and on the other – actualizes the possibility of stratification transition from the one social group to another one without training in the traditional University of Higher Education.