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Intro -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Pornography, Subjectivity, and the Reinscription of Fantasy -- Pornography -- Female Sexual Subjectivity -- Fantasy -- Corpus and Structure -- One: Between Sexual Commodities and Sexual Subjects: The Feminist Pornography Debate Revisited -- A Brief History of the Debate -- The Antiporn Argument: MacKinnon's Critique of Pornography -- Pornography as Harm -- Production-Related Harm -- Consumption-Related Harm -- The Flaws of the Antiporn Position -- The Anti-Antiporn Position -- The Critique of Antiporn Strategy -- The Arguments for Pornography -- Summing Up the Debate -- Porn Wars: The Next Generation -- Two: The Phantasmatic Gay Man: Cross-Identification in Women's Pornography -- Identification with Male Homoeroticism in Anne Rice's Beauty Trilogy -- Influence, Appropriation, and the Gay Male Intertext in Lesbian Sex Culture -- Thinking Cross-Identification -- Three: Refiguring Penetration -- Dworkin: The Woman Possessed -- Bataille: The Self Dissolved -- Bersani: The Heroics of Self-Shattering -- Pornographic Reinscriptions -- Rewriting Heterosexual Penetration -- Penetration in Lesbian Sexuality -- Penetration in Gay Male Pornography -- Resignifying Penetration through Gay-Male Identification -- Penetration in Lesbian S/M Porn -- Four: The Phallus and Its Vicissitudes -- The Uses of the Phallus -- Feminist Readings of the Phallus -- Lesbian Phallus/Lesbian Fetish -- The Signification of the Dildo: The Phallus in Lesbian Pornography -- The Split Phallus -- From "Taking On" the Phallus to Penis Envy -- Five: Sexuality beyond Gender: Gender Performativity in Lesbian Pornography -- What Is Performance? -- Butler's Theory of Gender Performativity -- Gender Performativity, Gender-Bending, and the Sexual Arena.

This paper examines what is permissible sexual progress in English primary schools by exploring the possibilities – but also the limitations – of the introduction of familial sexualities. In recent years, Stonewall (a prominent and politically mainstream Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Trans charity) have increasingly utilised 'the family' as a 'child-friendly' topic to encourage primary educators to broach same-sex relationships by incorporating their 'inclusive' range of Different Families resources into lessons. This strategic manoeuvre emerges in a socio-political and spatiotemporal context dominated by neoliberal sexual politics and follows 'moral panics' surrounding queer progressive politics inspired initiatives, most notably No Outsiders (2006–2009) which previously unsettled institutionalised discourses of 'childhood (sexual) innocence' in pursuing radical, but arguably necessary approaches for disrupting and undoing heteronormativity. In spite of this, Stonewall's Different Families, Same Love initiative is now the dominant approach for introducing lesbian and gay sexualities in English primary schools; yet, little is known about how primary-aged children respond to this intervention. Focusing on a leading exponent of Stonewall's initiative, I explore 4–9 year olds dis/engagements with gay and lesbian sexualities when introduced in a familial context. Reflecting on mixed ethnographic and focus group data, I question not only which gay and lesbian sexualities 'progress' in contemporary English primary schools, but also how well. To this end, recommendations are made for improving families' curricula without losing sight of the limits of this approach.

This paper examines what is permissible sexual progress in English primary schools by exploring the possibilities – but also the limitations – of the introduction of familial sexualities. In recent years, Stonewall (a prominent and politically mainstream Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Trans charity) have increasingly utilised 'the family' as a 'child-friendly' topic to encourage primary educators to broach same-sex relationships by incorporating their 'inclusive' range of Different Families resources into lessons. This strategic manoeuvre emerges in a socio-political and spatiotemporal context dominated by neoliberal sexual politics and follows 'moral panics' surrounding queer progressive politics inspired initiatives, most notably No Outsiders (2006–2009) which previously unsettled institutionalised discourses of 'childhood (sexual) innocence' in pursuing radical, but arguably necessary approaches for disrupting and undoing heteronormativity. In spite of this, Stonewall's Different Families, Same Love initiative is now the dominant approach for introducing lesbian and gay sexualities in English primary schools; yet, little is known about how primary-aged children respond to this intervention. Focusing on a leading exponent of Stonewall's initiative, I explore 4–9 year olds dis/engagements with gay and lesbian sexualities when introduced in a familial context. Reflecting on mixed ethnographic and focus group data, I question not only which gay and lesbian sexualities 'progress' in contemporary English primary schools, but also how well. To this end, recommendations are made for improving families' curricula without losing sight of the limits of this approach.

This study analyses the linguistic landscape of Wilton Manors, Florida, as it surfaces on its main street, Wilton Drive. Wilton Manors is a community with one of the largest LGBT populations in the US. The study thus makes a contribution to the field of linguistic landscapes and sexuality, using normativity as a central theoretical reference point. The data for the study were collected during a daytime walk on Wilton Drive and consist of photos of store fronts, restaurants, bars, advertisements and other signs, supplemented by printed material collected on the Drive and information provided by the official website of Wilton Drive. In my multimodal analysis, I investigate linguistic and non-linguistic signage, identifying mechanisms that render Wilton Drive a gay space. More specifically, I analyze how signage is used to discursively construct sexual identity, gender, desire and sexual practices. It is shown that homonormativity plays a central role in this context. Same-sex sexualities are discursively constructed as the local norm. At the same time, the signage on Wilton Drive is highly exclusive in the sense that it represents predominantly gay male experiences, whereas heterosexualities, lesbian and other sexualities are discursively marginalized or even silenced. At the same time, particular versions of gay masculinity are privileged, namely ones that can be described as white, middle-class and focused on consumption, gay identity politics and non-romantic forms of sexual activity.

How can we explain variation in the organization of LGBT activism in postcommunist Europe, both across countries and over time? Much of the extant scholarship has analyzed the comparative politics of homosexuality in the region in terms of transnational norm diffusion occurring within the context of EU accession and integration. Thus, it emphasizes the empowerment of domestic gay rights groups either through maximizing the leverage of their external allies or through increasing their linkage with transnational advocacy networks. This paper argues that the effectiveness of these diffusion mechanisms is strongly constrained by the collective action problems faced by gay rights activists in societies with a legacy of civil society underdevelopment, such as in postcommunist Europe. We argue that hard-right backlash is a critical domestic factor that can help overcome these collective action problems, enabling gay rights activists to find resonant frames, build internal solidarity, and win allies—even when social movement resources are minimal. The research focuses on a close comparison of Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989 and draws on field interviews and original sources to process-trace the resonance of LGBT rights frames and how activism is organized. By building organizationally robust activism, postcommunist gay rights movements lay claim to full membership in the political community, exercise civil rights as LGBT citizens (not merely as private ones), and expand the sphere of "sexual citizenship."

We draw upon institutional theory to investigate the interactive influences of institutional mechanisms—coercive, mimetic, and normative—on the diffusion of a controversial and socially stigmatized practice, same-sex partner health benefits, in Fortune 500 corporations between 1990 and 2003. Given the social stigma associated with domestic partnerships of lesbians and gay men during the period of the study, the provision of these benefits was highly controversial and induced intense contestation between proponents and opponents of the institution of equal treatment for lesbian and gay employees. We explore the diffusion of theses benefits using data on cumulative adoptions by similar others, state laws forbidding discrimination based on sexual orientation, and overall tenor in press coverage of the benefits. Our analysis shows that the cumulative number of adoptions within industry increased the positive effect of state laws on the corporation's decision to provide the benefits. However, the cumulative number of adoptions in the state of the corporation's headquarters decreased the positive effects of both state laws and overall tenor in press coverage on such a decision. Accordingly, our study contributes to institutional theory by pointing to complex interactive influences of institutional mechanisms on the institutionalization of contested practices, and to the literature on lesbian and gay issues in the workplace by studying factors influencing organizational decisions to adopt policies supportive of lesbian and gay employees.

One marker of the hostility and animus directed towards LGBT Americans is the proliferation of attempts to use state and local ballot measures to repeal or preclude protection against employment discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. The pattern of outcomes has slowly shifted in the last 30 years from a majority of these attempts succeeding to a majority failing. Nonetheless, proponents of workplace equality for the LGBT minority have had to respond – more frequently than any other group - to repeated, well-funded campaigns to erect barriers against basic civil rights protections. According to University of Michigan political scientist Barbara S. Gamble, "[g]ay men and lesbians have seen their civil rights put to a popular vote more often than any other group. Almost 60 per cent of the civil rights[-related ballot] initiatives have involved gay rights issues… Of the 43 gay rights initiatives that have reached the ballot, 88% have sought to restrict the rights of gay men and lesbians by repealing existing gay rights laws or forbidding legislatures to pass new ones." In this chapter, we expand and update Gamble"s analysis, documenting 120 ballot measures from 1974 to 2009. Most of these, 92, were at the local level, with 28 at the state level. In this analysis we do not include the many ballot measures to repeal or prevent the extension of marriage to same-sex couples.

Linda explored many topics in this interview, primarily focusing on her political activism rooted in radical lesbian seperatist feminist ideology. She grew up playing sports in Connecticut. She has been involved in a myriad of political movements, ranging from founding a Gay-Straight Alliance at her college in the 70s to being involved in the Anti-War Movement. She has extensive experience also in anti-racist and climate-related activism. She describes herself as a working-class butch woman with an interest in intersectional community organizing. She also discusses studying in Maine before living in New York City for 16 years, where she worked at the newspaper "Village Voice" and was heavily involved in the lesbian feminist writing scene. She explores her experience knowing and working with authors such as Audre Lorde, Mary Daly, Dorothy Allison, and Gloria Anzaldua. Linda was involved in the gay and lesbian bar scene in Connecticut, Maine, and New York. Towards the end, she shares multiple entrepreneurial ventures she's taken later in life, such as restoring and opening an Opera House in downeast Maine. Please cite as: Querying the Past: LGBTQ Maine Oral History Project Collection, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer+ Collection, Jean Byers Sampson Center for Diversity in Maine, University of Southern Maine Libraries. For more information about the Querying the Past: Maine LGBTQ Oral History Project, please contact Dr. Wendy Chapkis. ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/querying_ohproject/1081/thumbnail.jpg

Governor Angus King signed a gay- and lesbian-inclusive non-discrimination bill as a roomful of legislators and activists looked on. Image description: Governor King (bottom left) speaks to the press about LD1 116. ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/annette_dragon/1086/thumbnail.jpg

"Sexual/Liberation addresses the paradoxes of sexual freedom in contemporary neoliberal Ireland. It invites readers to imagine a revolutionary form of sexual liberation beyond the present objective of achieving equality within a grossly unequal social order. Centrally, the book offers a critical meditation on images of gay men circulating in post-marriage equality Irish culture. Such images tell us little about the actual lives of gay men but offer us considerable insight into the political imaginary - the values, norms, anxieties and contradictions - of the society in which those images circulate"--

This far-reaching and contemporary new Encyclopedia examines and explores the lives and experiences of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer (LGBTQ) individuals, focusing on the contexts and forces that shape their lives. The work focuses on LGBTQ issues and identity primarily through the lenses of psychology, human development and sociology, emphasizing queer, feminist and ecological perspectives on the topic, and addresses questions such as: · What are the key theories used to understand variations in sexual orientation and gender identity? · How do Gay-Straight All

The article theorizes and presents normalization as a movement-level strategy available to social movements dealing with an internal threat. By defining themselves against an internal threat's abnormality through a process of normalization, social movement organizations assert how they and the movement operate within socially and politically respectable parameters. Drawing on ethnographic, interview, and newspaper data, I show how mainstream South African lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement organizations deployed normalization to marginalize and expel an internal threat, the Gay and Lesbian Alliance, between 1998 and 2006.

This paper examines how Korean gays and lesbians negotiate South Korea's heteronormative system anchored in the heterosexual and patriarchal family through marriages of convenience ("contract marriages"). Korean gays and lesbians pursue contract marriages in order to fulfill their filial duties to marry, while maintaining their gay and lesbian lifestyles. Yet, in pursuing contract marriages as individuals but in the service of conforming to the family, they both reinscribe and transform the heteronormative values of marriage, family, and children. They also challenge the Westernized model of the "out and proud" gay or lesbian.

This article serves as an inquiry into masculine space: it uses the gay male clubs of the 1970s to discuss masculinity, performance, and spatial configuration. Within these spaces, gay men underwent a conversion (public to the other men at the clubs, private to society at large); they inverted dominant culture for their own purposes, projecting, acting on, and maybe even transcending their imaginings and desires. The reciprocity between space and program as conceptual frame and the individual's practices as intervention are important parts of this article.

Drawing on examples of mainstream sport and the philosophy of the Gay Games, this article uses sporting bodies to rethink the links between sexuality, pride and shame. The contrast between the two highlights the ways in which the Gay Games downplays the dynamics of shame and competition in favour of its project of pride. Against the domestication of the body in some theories of embodiment, it is argued that shame may provide a productive ground for revitalizing the study of the body in terms of affect, politics and ethics.