Problem setting. Aspects of leadership have been studied throughout the entire history of humanity, and since the 80s of the 20th century it has become a subject of systematic research of various sciences, scientific investigations of ways and means of development of leadership qualities of a person have been carried out [25, p. 73]. The phenomenon of leadership is extremely rich in its manifestations and functions and depends on historical epochs, types of political systems, specific situation, peculiarities of leaders and their constituents and other factors [25, p. 76].Accordingly, during the critical period in the development of the Ukrainian society, the old principles of governance lose their efficiency and stop to work. It becomes difficult to exercise leadership in a world where creativity is valued more than diligence, indicating a change in the nature of the leadership phenomenon. Taking into account that Ukraine is currently in a zone of turbulence, there is an urgent need to improve approaches to human resource management in the system of public authorities. Therefore, aspects of enhancing the effectiveness of management and leadership in the public service are still gaining relevance in further research.In our publication we will focus on our own thoughts on the development of leadership in general and leadership in public service on the basis of analysis of the source base of scientific research on leadership.Recent research and publications analysis shows that the problem of leadership in public administration is constantly in the sight of the scientists who are trying to grasp all edges of the leadership phenomenon. However, this topic is still more thoroughly designed and developed by foreign scientists, among them: A. Adler, K. Lewin, R. Bales, R. Tannenbaum, I.Weschler and F. Masaryk, P. Drucker, F. Fiedler, V. Vroom, F. Yeatton, M. Mescon, P. Hersi and C. Blanchard, W. Bass, Conger and R. Kanungo, A. Fllley, R. House, S. Kerr, B. Chester, C. Shrishame, F. Fiedler and others. The scientific paths of formation and development of leadership were also studied by native scientists. These include T. Vasylevska, N. Honcharuk, I.Hrishchenko, S. Derzhanovska, A. Kliuchnikov, A. Lipentsev, L. Pashko, A.Pakhariev, T. Pidlisna, L. Prykhodchenko, A. Rachynskii, I. Surai, S. Seriohin, V.Tolkovanov, P. Khaitov and others. At the same time, the leadership of the civil service was repeatedly emphasized by NAPA (National Academy for Public Administration) scientists O. Parkhomenko-Kutsevil, O. Piddubchak, V. Poberezhnaia, N. Popadiuk, P. Sydorenko, R. Storozhev, S. Chernova, S. Haiduchenko, and others. Some positions of works of these scientists are used in the further for substantiation of own understanding of leadership.At the same time, the largest Google search engine for the query «leadership in public administration» (status 23.08.2021) received 558,000 links, which indicates that the concept of leadership is very popular. We have reviewed a few of them that are relevant to our own research [6, p. 35].Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The research of leadership development in the public service is of particular relevance for modern Ukrainian society. Accordingly, the authors studied theoretical and conceptual approaches to the research and development of leadership in public authorities, taking into account the priorities of the "Public Administration Reform Strategies in Ukraine for 2022-2025", approved by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of 21 July 2021, №831-p.Aim of the paper. The article aims to reveal theoretical and conceptual approaches to the research of leadership in public authorities in the context of the tasks of scientific support for the implementation of the main goals of the "Strategy for Public Administration Reform in Ukraine for 2022-2025".Paper main body. Summarizing various definitions, we can define leadership as a type of managerial interaction (in this case – between the leader and followers), based on the combination of different sources of power depending on a specific situation and aimed at motivating people to achieve common goals. In other words, leadership is the relationships of dominance and subordination, influence and direction in the system of interpersonal relations in the group, which lead to the intended goal. However, in socio-political life, the concept of "leader" is often associated with the concept of "manager". Thereby, serious debates about the similarity or divergence of these concepts take place in the scientific community today. In particular, researchers are trying to reveal who is more required in a modern civil service – a manager, a leader, or a manager-leader? They also try to find out if a specialist can be an informal leader. If yes, how can a manager successfully use such a human resource then?Besides, the practice shows that a manager in public authorities is not always a leader, and a leader is not always a manager. It has also been proven that a manager with managerial skills, who exercised leadership, is more effective. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Leadership in public authorities is an understudied phenomenon that requires comprehensive research. Comparing the phenomena of leadership and governance within classical management and leadership, it can be argued that leadership involves the ability to lead employees to a common goal, to motivate them to want to do what is necessary.The way to an effective model of public administration management is the systematic development of leadership at all management levels.Development of innovative and service aspects of organizational culture and its management - this is the main task of leaders at all levels in public authorities in the context of the implementation of the "Strategy for Public Administration Reform until 2025". ; Досліджено теоретичні засади лідерства в органах публічної влади на основі аналізу різних підходів та теорій лідерства. Акцентовано увагу на використанні наукових підходів та розробок вітчизняних і зарубіжних вчених при дослідженні лідерства, обґрунтовано роль лідерства у державному управлінні на сучасному етапі соціально-економічного розвитку та доведено необхідність системного розвитку лідерства в органах публічної влади.
International Carpathian School is a fast-growing volunteer project in Kosiv, Ivano-Frankivsk region, Ukraine, designed as a local centre of non-formal education to address youth adaptation to the globalized world. It intended to overcome the existing gaps in the education of socially conscious youth, finding optimal ways of skill-sharing activities to local communities. Among others, the school is oriented for delivering knowledge, skills and attitudes of the EU best practices in the field of municipal solid waste management (MSWM). In a broader meaning, the Carpathian School Agenda serves for the environmental protection of the vulnerable mountain landscapes to meet the Sustainable Development Goals Ukraine-2030 (hereof and after SDG), entered in force by the Decree of the President of Ukraine in order to ensure the national interests of Ukraine in relation to sustainable economic development [1]. The School activity is aligned with both SDG-4 "Quality education" and SDG-11 "Sustainable cities and communities". It has an interdisciplinary approach to learning where academic concepts of geoscience are coupled with real-world lessons. Carpathian Winter School hosted researches from Ukraine, Georgia and Armenia together with five educational entities from Baltic Sea Region (BSR). Scholars were exposed to a cross-cultural experience that facilitates connections between the classroom and the world around them. Simultaneously, the School is providing a prospect to local scientists in maintaining professional links with their foreign colleagues and obtaining hands-on scientific information on MSWM. Having a central geographical position and well-developed informal tuition activities, the Carpathian School may have a good chance to become a placement for students' mobility, people-to-people contacts and promoting youth employability that is coherent with The Eastern Partnership (EaP) policy [2]. The educational project of the Swedish Institute LASUWAMA [3], which was considered at the Carpathian Winter School, combined researchers from Ukraine, Georgia and Armenia with five educational institutions of the Baltic Sea region. Representatives of EU universities, involved in the development of educational programs, provided the relevant knowledge and skills, needed to students for gaining an in-depth understanding of the sustainable development concept [4], including, inter alia, access to further vocational training in EU countries ; Международная Карпатская школа – это быстрорастущий волонтерский проект в Косовской районе Ивано-Франковской области, Украина, разработанный как локальный центр неформального образования для решения проблем адаптации молодежи к глобальной среде глобализированного мира. Он был направлен на преодоление существующих пробелов в образовании социально сознательной молодежи, поиск оптимальных способов обмена навыками с местными сообществами. Среди прочего, школа ориентирована на передачу знаний, навыков и отношения к лучшим практикам ЕС в области управления твердыми бытовыми отходами (ТБО). В более широком смысле, Карпатская школьная программа служит защите окружающей среды уязвимых горных ландшафтов для достижения Целей устойчивого развития (ЦУР) Украина-2030 (далее и далее ЦУР), вступивших в силу Указом Президента Украины в целях обеспечения национальных интересов Украины относительно устойчивого экономического развития [1]. Деятельность Школы согласована как с ЦУР-4 «Качественное образование», так и с ЦУР-11 «Устойчивые города и сообщества». В нем используется междисциплинарный подход к обучению, в котором академические концепции геонаук сочетаются с уроками реального мира. Карпатская зимняя школа собрала исследователей из Украины, Грузии и Армении вместе с пятью образовательными учреждениями из региона Балтийского моря (РБМ). Ученые познакомились с межкультурным опытом, который способствует установлению связей между классом и окружающим миром. Одновременно Школа предоставляет местным ученым возможность поддерживать профессиональные связи со своими зарубежными коллегами и получать практическую научную информацию о ТБО. Имея центральное географическое положение и хорошо развитую неформальную учебную деятельность, Карпатская школа может иметь хорошие шансы стать местом для мобильности студентов, контактов между людьми и содействия трудоустройству молодежи, что согласуется с политикой Восточного партнерства (ВП) [2]. Образовательный проект шведского института LASUWAMA [3], который рассматривался в Карпатской зимней школе, объединил исследователей из Украины, Грузии и Армении с пятью учебными заведениями региона Балтийского моря. Представители университетов ЕС, участвующие в разработке образовательных программ, предоставили студентам соответствующие знания и навыки, необходимые для получения глубокого понимания концепции устойчивого развития [4], включая, в частности, доступ к дальнейшему профессиональному обучению в странах ЕС ; Міжнародна карпатська школа - це швидкозростаючий волонтерський проект на Косівщині (Івано-Франківська область, Україна), задуманий як місцевий центр неформальної освіти для вирішення питань адаптації молоді до глобалізованого світу. Він мав намір подолати існуючі прогалини в освіті соціально свідомої молоді, знайти оптимальні способи обміну навичками для місцевих громад. Серед іншого, школа орієнтована на надання знань, компетентностей і навичок та поширення кращих практик ЄС у сфері поводження з твердими побутовими відходами (ТПВ). У більш широкому значенні, Карпатська школа служить для захисту вразливих гірських ландшафтів для досягнення Цілей сталого розвитку Україна 2030 (далі ЦСР). впроваджених Указом Президента України з метою забезпечення національних інтересів України щодо сталого розвитку економіки [1]. Діяльність школи узгоджується як із ЦСР-4 "Якісна освіта", так і із ЦСР-11 "Сталі міста та громади". Школа впроваджує міждисциплінарний підхід до навчання, де академічні концепції геоекології поєднуються з практичними прикладами. Одночасно вона надає перспективу місцевим науковцям у підтримці професійних зв'язків із закордонними колегами та отриманні наукової інформації щодо поводження з ТПВ. Маючи центральне географічне положення та досвід впровадження неформальної освіти, Карпатська школа може мати хороші шанси стати місцем для мобільності студентів, контактів між людьми та сприяти працевлаштуванню молоді, що відповідає політиці Східного партнерства, спільної політичної ініціативи, спрямованої на поглиблення та зміцнення відносин між Європейським Союзом (ЄС), його державами-членами та шістьма східнимисусідами: Вірменією, Азербайджаном, Білоруссю,Грузією,Молдовоюта Україною [2]. Освітній проект Шведського Інституту LASUWAMA [3], діяльність якого була розглянута у Карпатській зимовій школі, поєднав науковців з України, Грузії та Вірменії, з колегами із п'ятьох навчальних закладів регіону Балтійського моря. Представники університетів країн ЄС, які брали участь у розробці освітніх програм, забезпечили здобуття належних знань та навичок, необхідних студентам для поглибленого сприйняття концепції сталого розвитку, затвердженої документом Саміту ООН Ріо-92 "Порядок денний на ХХІ століття» [4], включаючи, серед іншого, доступ до подальшого професійного навчання в країнах ЄС
Summary. The purpose of the research is to study the peculiarities of depicting the events of the military campaign of 1649 in Polish historiography of the first half of the twentieth century, and in particular the siege of Zbarazh by the Cossack troops and the Battle of Zborow; isolate various stereotypes, patterns and historical myths; analyze the approaches of Polish scholars to the image of various historical figures, the creation of educational ideals of heroes of the homeland or anti-heroes for the younger generation of Poles; study the diversity of historians' approaches to the analysis of the circumstances of the conclusion and conditions of the Zboriv Peace Treaty; consider the visions of Polish scholars on the international context of the events of 1649, on the vision of the influences on the Cossacks of various foreign policy forces.The research methodology is based on the scientific principles of historical science, namely the principles of historicism, objectivism, systematization and verification, scientific constructivism, as well as the general scientific principles of analysis, synthesis and generalization. Special historical methods are used, such as historical-genetic, historical-comparative and historical-typological.The scientific novelty of the study lies in the coverage of a whole range of problems raised by Polish scholars in the first half of the twentieth century while constructing an image of the events of the Polish-Ukrainian confrontation in 1649. Great attention is paid to the ideological approaches of historians and their political beliefs through the prism of which they considered historical events. The research investigates historical mythologies, stereotypes and patterns that influenced the representation of the past in Polish historiography and received their response in the historical consciousness of Poles and all further development of studies on the history of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the Polish science.Conclusions. The events of the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1649 became significant in the presentation of the image of Khmelnytsky region by Polish researchers. The main accents on them were laid at the end of the XIX century by the Polish historian L. Kubala and the writer G. Sinkevych and continued to develop actively in the historiography of the first half of the XX century. Their images were significantly influenced by the educational ideals of the Polish society in its stateless period, which served to «strengthen the hearts» of the people. After World War I, scholars' approaches to historical material were superimposed on their ideological attitudes due to their commitment to one or another political camp of the Second Polish Republic, and in particular the ideology of the National Democrats or the camp of Marshal J. Pilsudski. Through their prism, the international context of the event was considered, in particular the influences of the Crimean Khanate, the Ottoman Empire or the Moscow Empire. Researchers' political visions also influenced their views on internal processes among the Ukrainian people, in particular the formation of a political nation and state-building processes.Layering of mythological archetypes in the presentation of various facts of the military campaign is of particular interest, which had an impact on the formation of anti-Ukrainian stereotypes and phobias. Polish researchers and artists paid a lot of attention to the creation of the ideal of a hero-defender of the fatherland and an exemplary representative of the noble «Sarmatian people» from the figure of Prince Jeremia Vyshnevetskyi. In the context of the analysis of the significance and consequences of the Zboriv Peace Treaty, historians considered the very circumstances and processes of transformation of the Polish-Ukrainian conflict, its internal social and cultural incentives. ; Анотація. Мета дослідження полягає у вивченні особливостей зображення подій військової кампанії 1649 року у польській історіографії першої половини ХХ ст., а зокрема облоги козацькими військами Збаража та битви під Зборовим, вичленуванні різноманітних стереотипів, шаблонів та історичних міфів, які використовувалися у змалюванні цих подій. Проаналізувати підходи польських науковців до зображення різноманітних історичних персоналій, створення із них виховних ідеалів героїв батьківщини чи антигероїв для молодого покоління поляків. Вивчити різноплановість підходів істориків до аналізу обставин укладення та умов Зборівського мирного договору. Розглянути візії польських вчених на міжнародний контекст подій 1649 року, на бачення впливів на козацтво різних зовнішньополітичних сил. Методологія досліджень спирається на наукові принципи історичної науки, а саме історизму, об'єктивізму, системності та верифікації, наукового конструктивізму, а також на загальнонаукові принципи аналізу, синтезу й узагальнення. Використовуються спеціально-історичні методи: історико-генетичний, історико-порівняльний, історико-типологічний. Наукова новизна дослідження полягає у висвітленні цілого комплексу проблем, які підіймалися польськими вченими у першій половині ХХ ст. при конструюванні образу подій польсько-українського протистояння у 1649 році. Звертається увага на ідейні підходи істориків та їх політичні переконання, через призму яких вони розглядали історичні події. Вивчаються історичні міфологеми, стереотипи та шаблони, що заважали на представленні минулого у польській історіографії, і отримали свій відгук в історичній свідомості поляків та усьому подальшому розвитку студій над історією польсько-українських взаємин в польській науці.Висновки. Події польсько-української війни 1649 року стали знаковими у представленні польськими дослідниками образу Хмельниччини. Основні акценти на них були поставлені ще у кінці ХІХ ст. польським істориком Л. Кубалею та письменником Г. Сінкевичем і продовжили активно розвиватись історіографією першої половини ХХ ст. Значний вплив на їх зображення мали виховні ідеали польського суспільства у його бездержавний період, які слугували «зміцненню сердець» народу. Після І світової війни на підходи вчених до історичного матеріалу наклалися їх ідеологічні установки зумовлені прихильністю до того чи того політичного табору ІІ Речі Посполитої, а зокрема ідеології націонал-демократів або табору маршала Ю. Пілсудського. Через їх призму розглядався міжнародний контекст події, у т. ч. впливи Кримського ханства, Османської імперії чи Московського царства. Також політичні візії дослідників впливали на бачення ними внутрішніх процесів у середовищі українського народу, а зокрема формування політичної нації та державотворчі процеси. Особливо цікавим є нашарування міфологічних архетипів у представленні різних фактів військової кампанії, що перекладались на формування антиукраїнських стереотипів і фобій. Багато уваги польські дослідники та митці присвятили творенню із постаті князя Єремії Вишневецького ідеалу героя-захисника вітчизни та зразкового представника шляхетського «сарматського народу». У контексті аналізу значення та наслідків Зборівського мирного договору історики розглядали самі обставини й процеси трансформації польсько-українського конфлікту, його внутрішні соціальні та культурні стимули.
Summary. The purpose of the research is to study the peculiarities of depicting the events of the military campaign of 1649 in Polish historiography of the first half of the twentieth century, and in particular the siege of Zbarazh by the Cossack troops and the Battle of Zborow; isolate various stereotypes, patterns and historical myths; analyze the approaches of Polish scholars to the image of various historical figures, the creation of educational ideals of heroes of the homeland or anti-heroes for the younger generation of Poles; study the diversity of historians' approaches to the analysis of the circumstances of the conclusion and conditions of the Zboriv Peace Treaty; consider the visions of Polish scholars on the international context of the events of 1649, on the vision of the influences on the Cossacks of various foreign policy forces.The research methodology is based on the scientific principles of historical science, namely the principles of historicism, objectivism, systematization and verification, scientific constructivism, as well as the general scientific principles of analysis, synthesis and generalization. Special historical methods are used, such as historical-genetic, historical-comparative and historical-typological.The scientific novelty of the study lies in the coverage of a whole range of problems raised by Polish scholars in the first half of the twentieth century while constructing an image of the events of the Polish-Ukrainian confrontation in 1649. Great attention is paid to the ideological approaches of historians and their political beliefs through the prism of which they considered historical events. The research investigates historical mythologies, stereotypes and patterns that influenced the representation of the past in Polish historiography and received their response in the historical consciousness of Poles and all further development of studies on the history of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the Polish science.Conclusions. The events of the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1649 became significant in the presentation of the image of Khmelnytsky region by Polish researchers. The main accents on them were laid at the end of the XIX century by the Polish historian L. Kubala and the writer G. Sinkevych and continued to develop actively in the historiography of the first half of the XX century. Their images were significantly influenced by the educational ideals of the Polish society in its stateless period, which served to «strengthen the hearts» of the people. After World War I, scholars' approaches to historical material were superimposed on their ideological attitudes due to their commitment to one or another political camp of the Second Polish Republic, and in particular the ideology of the National Democrats or the camp of Marshal J. Pilsudski. Through their prism, the international context of the event was considered, in particular the influences of the Crimean Khanate, the Ottoman Empire or the Moscow Empire. Researchers' political visions also influenced their views on internal processes among the Ukrainian people, in particular the formation of a political nation and state-building processes.Layering of mythological archetypes in the presentation of various facts of the military campaign is of particular interest, which had an impact on the formation of anti-Ukrainian stereotypes and phobias. Polish researchers and artists paid a lot of attention to the creation of the ideal of a hero-defender of the fatherland and an exemplary representative of the noble «Sarmatian people» from the figure of Prince Jeremia Vyshnevetskyi. In the context of the analysis of the significance and consequences of the Zboriv Peace Treaty, historians considered the very circumstances and processes of transformation of the Polish-Ukrainian conflict, its internal social and cultural incentives. ; Анотація. Мета дослідження полягає у вивченні особливостей зображення подій військової кампанії 1649 року у польській історіографії першої половини ХХ ст., а зокрема облоги козацькими військами Збаража та битви під Зборовим, вичленуванні різноманітних стереотипів, шаблонів та історичних міфів, які використовувалися у змалюванні цих подій. Проаналізувати підходи польських науковців до зображення різноманітних історичних персоналій, створення із них виховних ідеалів героїв батьківщини чи антигероїв для молодого покоління поляків. Вивчити різноплановість підходів істориків до аналізу обставин укладення та умов Зборівського мирного договору. Розглянути візії польських вчених на міжнародний контекст подій 1649 року, на бачення впливів на козацтво різних зовнішньополітичних сил. Методологія досліджень спирається на наукові принципи історичної науки, а саме історизму, об'єктивізму, системності та верифікації, наукового конструктивізму, а також на загальнонаукові принципи аналізу, синтезу й узагальнення. Використовуються спеціально-історичні методи: історико-генетичний, історико-порівняльний, історико-типологічний. Наукова новизна дослідження полягає у висвітленні цілого комплексу проблем, які підіймалися польськими вченими у першій половині ХХ ст. при конструюванні образу подій польсько-українського протистояння у 1649 році. Звертається увага на ідейні підходи істориків та їх політичні переконання, через призму яких вони розглядали історичні події. Вивчаються історичні міфологеми, стереотипи та шаблони, що заважали на представленні минулого у польській історіографії, і отримали свій відгук в історичній свідомості поляків та усьому подальшому розвитку студій над історією польсько-українських взаємин в польській науці.Висновки. Події польсько-української війни 1649 року стали знаковими у представленні польськими дослідниками образу Хмельниччини. Основні акценти на них були поставлені ще у кінці ХІХ ст. польським істориком Л. Кубалею та письменником Г. Сінкевичем і продовжили активно розвиватись історіографією першої половини ХХ ст. Значний вплив на їх зображення мали виховні ідеали польського суспільства у його бездержавний період, які слугували «зміцненню сердець» народу. Після І світової війни на підходи вчених до історичного матеріалу наклалися їх ідеологічні установки зумовлені прихильністю до того чи того політичного табору ІІ Речі Посполитої, а зокрема ідеології націонал-демократів або табору маршала Ю. Пілсудського. Через їх призму розглядався міжнародний контекст події, у т. ч. впливи Кримського ханства, Османської імперії чи Московського царства. Також політичні візії дослідників впливали на бачення ними внутрішніх процесів у середовищі українського народу, а зокрема формування політичної нації та державотворчі процеси. Особливо цікавим є нашарування міфологічних архетипів у представленні різних фактів військової кампанії, що перекладались на формування антиукраїнських стереотипів і фобій. Багато уваги польські дослідники та митці присвятили творенню із постаті князя Єремії Вишневецького ідеалу героя-захисника вітчизни та зразкового представника шляхетського «сарматського народу». У контексті аналізу значення та наслідків Зборівського мирного договору історики розглядали самі обставини й процеси трансформації польсько-українського конфлікту, його внутрішні соціальні та культурні стимули.
Fourth Generation (4G) Road Infrastructure projects are developed through Public-Private Partnership programs (PPP) and they are a key driver of Colombian economic development. Concessions' financial model is based on a high degree of leverage (Project Finance) with different finance providers, in order to meet contractual conditions and obtain a financial closure certification. Leverage funds are mostly provided by foreign institutions, raising financial risk factors significantly, which in turn, can affect profitability of the infrastructure project and investors' return on investment. On the other hand, fiduciary companies have a relevant role within 4G Road Concessions business structure, since they manage all of the infrastructure financial resources through their trust administration services. Hence, risk management becomes a pillar to ensure Road Concessions' financial viability and, consequently, concessionaires as trustors and special-purpose companies design and execute the risk management strategy, reducing or eliminating risks by using mainly derivative hedging instruments. Such contracts have a significant impact on trust financial results and, therefore, on stakeholders' decision making. Owing to that important role, this research work is devoted to characterize the hedge accounting model, identify how risk management affects trust's financial statements and establish if such model adapts to factors and particularities of 4G concessions fiduciary business. The first part of the research work presents a characterization of the road infrastructure concessions fiduciary business in Colombia. Afterwards, risk management theoretical assumptions and their relation with hedge accounting are explored. Thirdly, current regulatory aspects related to hedging accounting model and its application within fiduciary businesses are analyzed. Finally, the last part is focused on the characterization and empirical analysis of hedge accounting, based on the case study methodology proposed by Yin, R. (2002). As a result, this research work exhibits how Fourth Generation (4G) Road Infrastructure projects, given their Project Finance model, are part of an environment of constant uncertainty and, because of that, concessionaire structures and executes an interest rate and exchange rate risk management strategy in order to guarantee project's financial viability and build trust among Government, investors, contractors and capital providers. Likewise, hedge accounting model brings together financial risk management and project's ability to provide useful financial information, since meeting IFRS 9 requirements evidences the integral execution of a risk management strategy by the concessionaire. Furthermore, applying Hedge Effectiveness methodology enables financial statements to reflect the effects of the aforementioned strategy without affecting the results due to hedged item's volatility, thus, influencing stakeholders' control and decision making within 4G concessions model. ; Por medio de las Asociaciones Público Privadas -APP- se desarrollan los proyectos de infraestructura vial de concesiones 4G, los cuales tienen particular relevancia en el desarrollo económico colombiano. El modelo financiero de dichos proyectos se basa en un alto grado de apalancamiento (Project Finance) con diferentes proveedores financieros, a fin de cumplir las condiciones contractuales y obtener la respectiva certificación de cierre financiero. En una importante proporción el apalancamiento se realiza con entidades del exterior, suscitando factores de riesgos financieros que pueden afectar significativamente la rentabilidad del proyecto de infraestructura y el retorno de la inversión a los respectivos socios. Por otro lado, las sociedades fiduciarias toman un papel relevante en la estructura institucional del negocio de concesiones viales 4G, dado que por medio de los patrimonios autónomos se deben administrar todos los recursos de los respectivos proyectos de infraestructura. Dado lo anterior, la gestión de riesgos financieros se convierte en pilar fundamental para la viabilidad financiera de las concesiones viales, para lo cual, los concesionarios en su condición de fideicomitentes y sociedades de propósito exclusivo, diseñan y ejecutan la respectiva estrategia de gestión de riesgos, estructurando principalmente instrumentos derivados de cobertura. Dichos instrumentos tienen un impacto significativo en el resultado financiero de los patrimonios autónomos y por ende en la toma de decisiones por parte de los diferentes stakeholders del negocio fiduciario, por lo cual, el presente trabajo busca caracterizar el modelo de contabilidad de coberturas, e identificar si este funge como articulador entre la gestión de riesgos y el reconocimiento de sus efectos en los respectivos estados financieros de los patrimonios autónomos y por ende da respuesta a las particularidades del negocio fiduciario de concesiones 4G. Por consiguiente, de manera secuencial se realiza inicialmente la caracterización del negocio fiduciario de concesiones de infraestructura vial en Colombia, posteriormente se explora los supuestos de las teorías que sustentan la gestión de riesgos financieros y su relación con la contabilidad de coberturas, en tercer lugar se analiza la normatividad vigente relacionada con dicho modelo contable y su aplicación en negocios fiduciarios, y por último se efectúa la caracterización y análisis empírico de la contabilidad de coberturas basado en la metodología de estudio de caso planteado por Yin, R. (2002). Los resultados del trabajo muestran que los proyectos de infraestructura vial de concesiones 4G por su modelo de financiación Project Finance se encuentran inmersos en un ambiente de constante incertidumbre, por lo cual, el Concesionario con el fin de garantizar la viabilidad financiera del proyecto y generar confianza al Estado, inversionistas, contratistas y proveedores de capital, estructura y ejecuta una estrategia de gestión de riesgos de tasa de interés y tasa de cambio. De igual manera, se contempla al modelo de contabilidad de coberturas como articulador entre la gestión de riesgos financieros y la generación de información financiera útil, dado que el cumplimiento de los requisitos de dicho modelo contable descritos en la NIIF 9, evidencia la ejecución integral de una estrategia de gestión de riesgos por parte del Concesionario, y adicionalmente por medio de la metodología de la eficacia de la cobertura, los estados financieros capturan los efectos de la referenciada gestión de riesgos sin afectar los resultados por la volatilidad del subyacente cubierto, incidiendo así en la toma de decisiones y control de los diferentes stakeholders del modelo de concesiones 4G. ; Línea de investigación: Finanzas ; Maestría
Is China rising in the Arab Gulf region as it is in other parts of world? Does China rise politically and militarily as well as economically in the region? Does its rise represent a golden opportunity for Arab Gulf states? Does China challenge the United States in the Arab Gulf region? What are the strategic responses of the Arab Gulf states toward China's rise? There is an ongoing debate among scholars of international relations (IR) and Asian studies regarding China's rise, its forms and types, its impacts on hegemonic power, international order, states' internal and external politics, and states' strategic responses toward this rise. Realists argue that any rising power will ultimately challenge the dominant power, seek to change the international order to its favor, attract or coerce by utilizing its increasing economic and military powers the other states to do what it needs and demands. In their view China is not an exception. This dissertation contributes to these discourses by examining if China is rising in the Arab Gulf region, what type is this rise, what it means to the Arab Gulf monarchies, and what are their strategic responses toward it. This dissertation finds the following: first, although China's recent increase in prominence and power is profoundly affecting some parts of the world, China is rising only economically in the Arab Gulf region. This rise is an 'infant energy-oriented economic rise.' Importing and exporting oil represent the bulk of Sino-Arab Gulf economic ties. In spite of ongoing and planned investments between China and the Arab Gulf states, these investments are mostly in the energy sector and relate mainly to building oil refineries and storage facilities in China in order to increase oil trade between the two sides. Also, although the Arab Gulf states and China are members in many economic forums and dialogues, these forums are merely 'talk shows' without any influence in strengthening ties between the two sides. Moreover, Arab Gulf states do not play a significant role in China's One Belt One Road initiative (OBOR). It can be stated that the mutual economic interests in energy sector are the wheels that have driven China's infant economic rise and paved the way for it.Secondly, China's rise today represents a limited opportunity for Arab Gulf states. China's increased economic power is not translated into superior security and military power. Also, although China and the Arab Gulf states are increasing their economic/energy ties, their security and military ties are insignificant compared to Arab Gulf states' ties with their traditional ally, the United States. Therefore, China lacks the ability to provide the Arab Gulf states with the security they need. Four factors set limits on China–Arab Gulf security and military ties: first China's support and strong political, economic, and military ties with rival states, namely, Iran and Syria. Second, China's influence over the Arab Gulf states' traditional allies specifically, Pakistan. Third, the Arab Gulf states' alliances with the United States. Although the US-Arab Gulf ties have witnessed major political tensions after the events of September 11 and the Arab Spring, the United States will continue to be, for the next few decades, the region's protector. Fourth, China's fear of being entangled in the region's security issues and their impacts on China's internal stability, mainly the fear of Sunni radical Islam and its links to and impact on Muslims in China.Thirdly, the Arab Gulf states studied here—Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Oman—are pursuing a "dual hedging" strategy against China and the United States. The strategy has two dimensions. First, they are hedging against the danger that China poses to them by its stance on the region's security issues. The Arab Gulf states find that China's approach in their region is threatening their stability and survival. Therefore, while maintaining and increasing their economic and commercial ties with China, they are also strengthening military ties with the United States as well as taking steps on their own to build their militaries. This first dimension of the strategy enables them to cope with indirect threats that China poses to them because of its position regarding the Arab Gulf region's security matters and support of Iran and Syria. Second, the Arab Gulf states are hedging against the possibility that the United States might someday abandon them. They are utilizing growing economic and commercial ties with China to signal to the U.S. that the Arab Gulf region is no more dominated by the United States. And there is a new power in their region that is willing to strengthen its ties with them without irritating them by interfering in their internal political issues, a new rising power that is perceived by the U.S. as threat to its power and hegemony. Finally, a new rising power that made the U.S. change its foreign and security policies toward the Arab Gulf and 'pivot to Asia.' The Arab Gulf states realize that maneuvering between the two powers, the U.S. as the security power, and China as the economic power, is their only strategic choice to fulfil their security and economic needs simultaneously, therefore, securing themselves externally and internally.Fourth, it is Iran, not Saudi Arabia, which is viewed by China as its primary strategic ally, economic, and security partner in the region. China and Iran cooperate extensively and comprehensively in economic, political, and security aspects. Both are members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) which is a vital organization in Central Asia, that paves the way for them to upgrade and solidify their security, political, and economic cooperation.This dissertation applies qualitative methods of research, including online archival research, physical archival research and interviews. Personal interviews with political officials, retired diplomats, scholars, writers, and journalists were conducted in Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.
Na osnovu analize izvornih arhivskih dokumenata i propisa objavljenih u službenim listovima, opisuje se djelokrug, ustroj i sastav Prezidijuma Sabora NRH. Njegovi temelji postavljeni su u radu Zemaljskog antifašističkog vijeća narodnog oslobođenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH), odnosno njegova Predsjedništva, koje je kao uže tijelo plenuma osnovano 9. svibnja 1944. godine. Na Četvrtom zasjedanju održanom 24. i 25. srpnja 1945. u Zagrebu, ZAVNOH je promijenio naziv u Narodni sabor Hrvatske, a njegovo Predsjedništvo od tada djeluje kao Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske. U razdoblju 1945.–1953. njegovo djelovanje može se podijeliti u četiri mandatna razdoblja: Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske/Prezidijum Sabora NRH (25. srpnja 1945.–30. studenoga 1946.), Prezidijum Ustavotvornog sabora NRH (30. studenoga 1946.–20. siječnja 1947.), Prezidijum Sabora NRH prvoga saziva (20. siječnja 1947.–4. prosinca 1950.) i Prezidijum Sabora NRH drugoga saziva (4. prosinca 1950.–6. veljače 1953.). U prvom dijelu rada opisuje se osnivanje i prestanak rada Prezidijuma Sabora, u drugom njegov djelokrug, a u trećem ustroj i sastav po mandatnim razdobljima. Njegov ustroj i djelokrug uspoređeni su s ustrojem i djelokrugom Prezidijuma Narodne skupštine FNRJ i prezidijuma drugih jugoslavenskih republika. Rezultati istraživanja prezentirani su kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a dijelom su sistematizirani u obliku tabelarnih prikaza. ; This paper describes the scope, structure and the composition of the Presidium of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) which was active as a political governmental body in Croatia from 1945 to 1953. According to the Yugoslav constitutional system of government, the same political body existed on the federal level as the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY), as well as in every republic-member of the Yugoslav federation and the scope, organization and composition of the Presidium of Parliament are compared with the scope, organization and composition of those bodies. The foundations of the activities of the Presidium of Parliament, as well as other central governmental institutions in Croatia (namely, Parliament, Government, and Supreme Court) were laid in the work of the State Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH) i.e. its Presidency, since until the end of the war they together performed the legislative, executive and judiciary government. During the 4th session that took place in Zagreb from 24 to 25 July 1945 ZAVNOH changed is title to the People's Parliament of Croatia and since then its Presidency worked as the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia. In the period from 1945 to 1953 its activity can be divided into four mandate periods: the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia/the Presidium of the Parliament of the PRC (25 July 1945–30 November 1946), the Presidium of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC (30 November 1946–20 January 1947), the Presidium of the 1st Session of the Parliament of the PRC (20 January 1947–4 December 1950) and the Presidium of the 2nd Session of the Parliament of the PRC (4 December 1950–6 February 1953). Its existence in the system of governmental power is the result of taking over the Soviet constitutional solutions about organizing the state and governmental institutions in the 1946 constitution of the FPRY and through it also in the constitutions of each federal unit. It was the main legislative body in the period until the constituting of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC, since the Parliament of the PRC only had a single short five-day session in late August 1946. This is confirmed by the information about 29 laws passed by the Presidium of Parliament in the period from 8 September 1945 to 20 November 1946. Besides legislative, it also performed other functions from the jurisdiction then belonging to the Parliament. The constitution of the PRC from 1946 bestowed upon it performing tasks that are usually given to the president of the state (representing in the country the people's and state sovereignty of the PRC, calling the general elections, granting pardons, awarding medals and recognitions), as well as other executive tasks partly closely linked to the legislative activities. The special function pertained to supervising the people's committees. The important difference in the scope in relation to the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY was that it did not have the authority in the area of foreign affairs. Even though the constitution of the PRC from January 1947 lists it together with the Parliament in the chapter on the highest bodies of the governmental power in Croatia, the sources and constitutional-legal texts of the time, in accordance with the principle of unity of power, define it as a body which "stems from the Parliament" and is subordinated to it. Also, despite being formally constitutionally defined as one of the highest bodies of governmental power in Croatia, in reality it was the Party's transmission, since the actual power and monopoly in decisionmaking was in the hands of the bodies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/the League of Communists of Yugoslavia i.e. the Communist Party of Croatia/the League of Communists of Croatia. It was a collegiate body comprised of members of the Parliament. The decision of its composition was formally passed by the Parliament, but based on the conclusions reached during sessions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia. It was elected for the same term as the Parliament, but it continued to perform its duties after the dissolution of the Parliament, until the election of the new Presidium of Parliament. From 1945 to 1953 the total of 45 MPs were included in its activities. 13 of them were members during all four mandate terms, 11 during two and 14 during only one. The structure and the way of work were determined by the Rulebook dated from 7 August 1947. They were the exact copy of the structure and the way of work of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY, with differences deriving from different jurisdictions (federal, republic) of these two bodies.
Trade in specialty agricultural products remains a significant foreign exchange earner for many developing countries that largely depend on the agricultural sector for their national income. With the changing consumers' tastes and preferences, production and marketing of specialty products could improve incomes of farmers particularly when such changes are accompanied by price increments for quality produce. The existing specialty varieties are bred to suit specific agro-ecological conditions and the preferences of both farmers and consumers. The cultivation of specialty varieties further appropriates the small-farm sector in most developing countries, characterized by small fragmented plots. It is therefore important to develop specialty agricultural products that are suited for small-scale agricultural production and could significantly improve the welfare of small-scale farmers. Rice production has contributed significantly to food security and poverty reduction among rural farming households of Vietnam for the past three decades. For instance, it accounts for 30% of total value of crops, and its cultivated area has consistently increased by 1.2% annually since 1986, resulting in annual increments by 1 million tons (Appendix 5). Over the years, the Government has focused on promoting export-oriented production, resulting in substitution of hybrid varieties by indigenous and traditional varieties including specialty rice (SR). However, adverse effects of climate change, poor yields, high production costs, and rice price volatility have led to declining incomes of rice farmers. The negative effects are exacerbated by the dwindling arable land, dysfunctional marketing farmer association, and limited investment in domestic rice value chains. As a mitigation measure, the Government is promoting SR production which demand is quickly growing in Vietnam by reviving the dysfunctional farmer associations to facilitate collective action in adoption of technologies, access to markets, and marketing information. Farmer associations play a significant role in knowledge transfer to farmers thereby facilitating adoption of SR varieties, which has been effective in minimizing pest resurgence from mixed variety cropping with variations in harvesting periods. The farmer associations also strive to overcome problems of information asymmetry thus ensuring that small-scale farmers fetch better prices for quality rice with brand names. With all these initiatives, several questions remain unanswered. For instance, the drivers of adoption of SR varieties and intensity of their adoption are not yet well understood. The existing literature focused on the role of collective action in facilitating adoption of hybrid and SR varieties although in most cases only qualitatively. None of the studies analyzed the effects quantitatively as we do in our study. Further, the effectiveness of such initiatives depends on farmers' preferences for marketing channels, an aspect that has not been fully studied before, at least in the SR context. From a New Institutional Economics perspective, market imperfections result in information asymmetries that also hinder technology transfer to farmers and access to input and output markets. This is also relevant in our study particularly in the three topics related to adoption of SR, collective action and choice of marketing channels. In spite of the increasing demand for SR varieties along with other value-added products which has been highlighted in recent studies, small-scale rice farmers still lack knowledge and marketing information in order to access such high-value markets. Besides, specialty crops contribute to biodiversity and improvement of local livelihoods. Therefore, more attention should be paid to the relation between specialty variety adoption and increasing production efficiency. This dissertation combines three essays on the adoption of SR, effects of collective action on technical efficiency (TE) and farmers' choice of marketing channels. We address these topics by using cross-section data collected from 336 rice farmers in the Red River Delta (RRD) region who were interviewed between October and December 2014. The RRD is one of the major rice producing regions of Vietnam, supplying specialty and high-value rice varieties to the domestic markets including Hanoi and other cities. The question whether smallholder farmers in developing countries can be integrated successfully into high-value supply chains by adopting specialty varieties remains unanswered. Also, and particularly for SR, the drivers of adoption and intensity of SR varieties and the subsequent choice of marketing channels are not clear yet. In the first essay, we follow the adoption behavior model based on the utility maximization criterion and adopt a two-step approach, starting with a Probit model for determinants of SR adoption then analyzing the intensity of adoption using a Tobit model. In general, the case of SR adoption in the RRD region contributes new insights into our understanding of the adoption decisions, especially with regard to the role of social networks and farmer group membership in rural areas. Social networks have a positive influence on SR adoption through knowledge exchange and collective decision-making in the groups. Based on the findings, we recommend strengthening farmers' networks to enhance SR production. The second essay provides an overview of current literature on collective action and its effects on rice production efficiency in developing countries. We analyze the effects of collective action (via SR farmer associations) on TE by using a Translog stochastic model. In the first part of our results, factors such as expenditure on labor and expenditure on other costs have a statistically significant impact on the SR yield. The results show a small variation in production efficiency among the households sampled. The average TE score of SR farmers in the RRD region is 77.1%. In this regard, farmers need to increase their productivity and efficiency as well as produce more SR varieties to increase their incomes from rice production. In the third essay, we finally examine the existing rice marketing channels and farmers' choice of these channels using a multi-specification model from 280 farmers growing SR varieties. We employed a Multinomial logit model to examine the drivers of farmers' choice of marketing channels. The results reveal that even though local collectors and wholesalers dominate the rice value chain in rural areas, farmers still prefer modern marketing channels (via collective marketing channels) because of higher price and reduction in transaction costs. This has been augmented by the expansion of information sources available to farmers.
У статті з позицій категоріального аналізу категорії ідеалу та на основі узагальнення наукового досвіду його осмислення у контексті таких наук про культуру, як філософія, філософія культури, мистецтвознавство, теоретично обґрунтовано доцільність включення концепту "ідеал" у категоріальний апарат культурології. ; В статье с позиций категориального анализа категории идеала и на основе обобщения научного опыта его осмысления в контексте таких наук о культуре, как философия, философия культуры, искусствоведение, теоретически обоснована целесообразность включения концепта "идеал" в категориальный аппарат культурологии. ; The article from the analysis of categorical position ideal categories, based on a synthesis of scientific expertisein the context of his understanding of the cultural sciences as philosophy, philosophy of culture, art theory, the expediencyof incorporating the concept of "ideal" in the categories of cultural studies.It is proved that the formation of new areas of human knowledge, including cultural studies needs to develop asa specific scientific methodology that would be served as effective tools for understanding cultural phenomena andmeanings, and design appropriate categorical apparatus to reflect the intrinsic properties of the culture on which carriedsystematization of cultural phenomena.In the cultural sciences is the problem of systematization of an integrated system of categorical apparatus. Traditionally,its formation was carried out by loan categories and concepts in philosophy, political science, sociology, psychology, linguistics andother disciplines, and adapt them to meet the needs of cultural studies, some categories do not have direct analogues in othersciences and in need of development and self-justification, others – with regard to research updates tools can be reinterpretedfrom the standpoint of modern ideological context of values and meanings of classic categories and concepts borrowed from otherfields of humanities. Calling into question the need for the solution of similar problems caused by the whole process of culturalknowledge, which made specific methods of analysis of culture and establish relevant cognitive model. In an ideal situation, we need to rebels understanding of this cultural phenomenon in modern cultural dimensions paradigm, which may create the conditionstaking into account the best achievements of domestic and foreign philosophical reflection of the past.Despite the fact that in the modern scientific literature accumulated a large amount of research devoted to understandinghow the ideal of philosophical and aesthetic (G. Gadamer, E. Kasyre, G. Cohen, G. Shpet, J. Boryev,O. Voevodin, L. Levchuk, V. Lychkovah, N. Vernygora, V/ Panchenko, L. Stolovych, V. Khmara, O. Ukhov, E. Yakovlevet al.), ethical (M. Brovko, Y. Afanasyev, V. Bitayev, A. Onishchenko, S. Ulanova, A. Fed, I. Fed et al.), teacher(G. Vashchenko A. Wisniewski, W. Kremen, A. Konovets, N. Kalita, N. Opanasenko, V. Sukhomlinsky, A. Skrynska),sociopolitical (B. Barkov, G. Dashutin, O. Kornienko, V. Lectorskyy, V. Makarenko, N. Mudrahey, A. Novikov, etc.). categoriesas cultural concept of science is not considered ideal.Methodological approaches to the study of the concept of the ideal articles selected categorical way of understandingculture, serving as a mechanism of cultural studies. The proposed approach is, in turn, provides an analysis ofthe concept of the ideal as a category of philosophy and culture category from the standpoint of historicism. In this regard,noted that the problem categories occupied an important place in most philosophical systems of the past. Yes,overarching categorization of individual things classically represented in the teaching of Aristotle on the category. Inmodern times, the doctrine of the categories developed by representatives of German classical philosophy. For Kant'scategories serve as a universal form, in which there is understanding of all things, a priori forms of mind, a way of summarizinglessons learned. The writings of Hegel's theory of categories were developed in three plans – purely logical,historically, in the context of the whole of culture.In keeping with the Marxist tradition of scientific research conducted categorical framework of philosophy ingeneral and the ideal, particularly national scientist's 60-80-ies of XX century.The methodology of Cultural important place belongs to the categories as the most fundamental and substantialnotion of cultural patterns, events, processes and relations, the essential characteristics of the culture, based on whichthe systematization of cultural phenomena studied and developed the methodology of knowledge. Based on the relevanceof contemporary cultural studies methodological search as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge, universal knowledgewhich is the subject of culture, the problem of the theoretical ideal status category within cultural studies involvesan appeal to the scientific understanding of the experience of this category in the space of the cultural sciences as philosophyof culture and art history.It is shown that a fruitful approach to understanding the categories and their role in the study of cultures of differentages invited prominent Soviet scientist A. Gurevich. S. Rubinstein in the "Man and the World" offers his approachto the categories of culture that takes into account the dependence of the definition of input from people in the circle oflife. VP Bran proposed concept classification values that are inextricably linked with the appropriate classification of ideals.In connection ideals, norms and values indicate B. Hubman. Describing the process of designing social systems ofthe human being, as regards the ideal of a certain type of project that embodies the idea of the perfect man and the perfectorganization of human life, the modern scientist M. Kagan.Based on the analysis in the article argues that it is the nature of the ideal values, specifying vectors for furtherdevelopment of culture and its focus on the future and ensure its projective character heuristic categorical potential dimensionsof cultural knowledge with the ability to attract and humanitarian methods of social analysis. As a cultural categorymay be the ideal for the detection and understanding of the value and meaning of the cultural dimension in whichthe accumulated social experience any human communities.Thus, the validity of the concept of separation as an ideal cultural concept due to the fact that it integrates ideological, normative values and projective aspect of the intrinsic properties of the culture, it fixed axiological, epistemologicaland aesthetic features of the development of culture and its modifications reflect the dynamics of culturaltransformations in certain historical stages. This creates conditions for further conceptualization of the notion of culturalideals within the theory and history of culture through bringing modern methodological strategies.
The article analyses existing approaches to the study of main factors of the world's financial crisis origin. Modern ideas about the problem differ.It is revealed that foreign and domestic scientists interpret the world's financial and banking crisis as the results of structural improvement of the world's financial system, which is constantly under the influence with the world's economy evolution. The world's banking crisis is an integral component that is basic infrastructural chain of money-credit relations. Since in the environment of transformation improvements in the world's economy this system accumulates different political, macroeconomic and institutional risks that cause the world's financial crisis. The article emphasizes that the financial component of general economic crisis is caused, as a rule, by the crisis of a certain sector of the financial market: banking, currency or the external debt crisis. The most dangerous is the crisis of the banking system that promotes general economic crisis through 'the domino effect'. It should be mentioned that all the most financial disasters happened in autumn – in the second half of October, when there was the high bank business activity season. The authors give global factors of main world's crisis of the XXth and the beginning of the XXIth century. It has been suggested that the crisis of 2008-2009 demonstrated the inefficiency of existing methods of the financial sector government regulation in Ukraine. This suggestion begs the question of entered macroeconomic stability storing and banking system of Ukraine reinforcing. To use the tools of financial and banking services prudential regulation has been advised. It has been developed the financial mechanism of crisis management that includes five successively connected stages of a gradual seek for certain paces of the money supply growth which problem is an efficient interaction of monetary and fiscal tools. The article is aimed to suggest of a special crisis management bureau creation in the banking system, for instance, within NBU, where experienced and skilled financiers would work. ; В статье проанализованы существующие на сегодня подходы к определению главных причин возникновения международных финансовых кризисов. Современные взгляды на эти проблемы значительно отличаются. Показано, что в работах отечественных и зарубежных ученых международный финансовый кризис характеризуется как появление структурных сдвигов международной финансовой системы, которая постоянно находится под влиянием эволюционных процессов развития международной хозяйственной системы. Интегрирующим элементом этой системы является международная банковская система - базовое инфраструктурное звено денежно-кредитных отношений. Очевидно, что в условиях трансформационных сдвигов в международной хозяйственной системе именно эта система аккумулирует различные политические, макроэкономические и институционные риски, которые генерируют международный финансовый кризис. Отмечается, что финансовая составляющая глубокого экономического кризиса генерируется, как правило, кризисом отдельного сектора финансового рынка - банковского, валютного - или из-за кризиса внешнего долга. Наиболее опасным является кризис банковской системы, которая выступает активатором экономического кризиса из-за «эффекта домино». Косвенным подтверждением кредитного механизма финансовых кризисов является тот факт, что все глубокие финансовые катастрофы ХХ в. происходят осенью, во второй половине октября, когда наблюдается пик деловой активности банковского бизнеса. Определены глобальные причины основных международных кризисов ХХ и начала ХХІ в. Кризис 2008-2009 гг. наглядно показал неэффективность существующих методов государственного регулирования финансового сектора Украины. В таком контексте достаточно сложным является сохранение достигнутого уровня макроэкономической стабильности, усиления кредитной активности банковской системы. Необходимо разработать новые стандарты банковского надзора и разработать новый механизм антикризисной политики для банковской системы. Рекомендовано использовать инструменты пруденциального надзора за предоставлением финансово-банковских услуг. Разработан финансовый механизм антикризисной политики, который предполагает пять последовательных взаимосвязанных этапов постепенного определения соответствующих темпов роста объема денежной массы, главной проблемой которого является эффективная взаимозависимость монетарных и фискальных инструментов. Предлагается создание в банковской системе, возможно при НБУ, специального антикризисного бюро, в котором должны работать опытные и высокопрофессиональные финансисты. Главной задачей бюро является быстрое и качественное реагирование на любые изменения в политической, социальной и, соответственно, экономической сфере, как внутри страны, так и на международной арене. Это даст возможность своевременно спрогнозировать появление кризисных моментов и подготовить свой бизнес-проект для их преодоления. ; У статті проаналізовано існуючі на сьогодні підходи до визначення головних чинників виникнення світових фінансових криз. Сучасні погляди на ці проблеми значно різняться. Виявлено, що в роботах вітчизняних та зарубіжних вчених світова фінансово-економічна криза трактується як породження структурних зрушень світової фінансової системи, яка постійно перебуває під впливом еволюційних процесів розвитку світового господарства. Інтегруючим елементом світового господарства виступає світова анківська система, яка є базовою інфраструктурною ланкою грошово-кредитних відносин. Отже, в умовах трансформаційних зрушень у світовому господарстві саме ця система акумулює різні політичні, макроекономічні та інституційні ризики, що спричиняють світову фінансову кризу. Акцентується увага на тому, що фінансова складова загальної економічної кризи породжується, як правило, кризою окремого сектору фінансового ринку: банківського, валютного або кризою зовнішнього боргу. Найбільш небезпечною є криза банківської системи, яка стає активатором загальної економічної кризи через «ефект доміно». Непрямим підтвердженням кредитного механізму фінансових криз є той факт, що всі найбільші фінансові катастрофи ХХ ст. відбувалися восени - у другій половині жовтня, коли спостерігається пік ділової активності банківського бізнесу. Наведені глобальні чинники основних світових криз ХХ - початку ХХІ століття. Стверджується, що криза 2008-2009 рр. наочно продемонструвала неефективність існуючих методів державного регулювання фінансового сектору України. У цьому контексті постає складне завдання − зберегти досягнуту макроекономічну стабільність та зміцнити банківську систему України; виробити нові стандарти банківського нагляду, визначити новий механізм антикризової політики в банківській системі. Рекомендовано використовувати інструменти пруденційного регулювання фінансово банківських послуг. Розроблений фінансовий механізм антикризової політики, який передбачає п'ять послідовних взаємопов'язаних етапів поступового знаходження відповідних темпів росту обсягу грошової маси, головною проблемою якого є ефективна взаємодія монетарних і фіскальних інструментів. Запропоновано створити в банківській системі, можливо при НБУ, спеціальне антикризове бюро, в якому б працювали досвідчені й професійні фінансисти. Головним завданням бюро повинно стати швидке і якісне реагування на будь-які зміни у політичній, соціальній і, відповідно, економічній сфері держави і зовнішнього світу. Це дасть можливість грамотно спрогнозувати появу кризових моментів і підготувати власний бізнес-проект щодо їх подолання.
Національне питання в Російській імперії тісно пов'язане з релігійною ситуацією, а конфесійний аспект займав важливе місце як у внутріполітичних, так і зовнішньополітичних концепціях, ставленні до національних меншин. Особливо яскраво це проявилось у роки Першої світової війни.Автор поставив перед собою мету окреслити основні напрямки діяльності Руської православної церкви у Галичині, як складової окупаційного апарату під час першого захоплення краю у 19141915 рр.Діяльність РПЦ у Галичині була невід'ємною складовою реалізації державної політики. Геостратегічне значення цього регіону було не надто істотним і не потребувало таких зусиль, спрямованих на його здобуття та утримання. Основні причини спрямувань Російської імперії у Західну Україну лежали якраз у національній площині. Та результати антиукраїнської діяльності представників руської православної церкви в Галичині виявились прямо протилежними очікуваним.Високий рівень релігійності суспільства був однією з характерних особливостей Російської імперії, що вказувало на значимість державноконфесійних відносин і потребувало особливої до них уваги. Державна система управління не допускала можливості атеїстичних переконань, а права особистості були невіддільними від прав конфесії.Православне духовенство було повністю інтегроване в самодержавну систему влади, поряд із релігійними, виконуючи і окремі функції державних чиновників. Це і фіксація актів громадського стану, і участь в адміністративній діяльності губернських правлінь, і відмічена відомим ученимрелігієзнавцем Борисом Кандідовим участь у правоохоронній діяльності. З початком ХХ ст. практичне завдання священиків усіх конфесій розширилось до функцій стабілізації життєдіяльності населення в межах парафії й підтримання довіри до влади. В останнє десятиліття існування царизму політична роль церкви ще більше зросла. Посилились тенденції її змикання з консервативними політичними силами.Антиукраїнська діяльність РПЦ зазнала краху. Нав'язані царською адміністрацією структури Російської православної церкви в Галичині скоро припинили своє існування – духовенство втекло, а тих, хто перейшов на православ'я, кому не вдалося відступити з російського армією, репресувала австрійська влада.Український рух не лише не вдалось знищити, він зміцнів. Серйозно дискредитованим виявився і весь москвофільський рух, котрий невдовзі припинив існування. ; Національне питання в Російській імперії тісно пов'язане з релігійною ситуацією, а конфесійний аспект займав важливе місце як у внутріполітичних, так і зовнішньополітичних концепціях, ставленні до національних меншин. Особливо яскраво це проявилось у роки Першої світової війни.Автор поставив перед собою мету окреслити основні напрямки діяльності Руської православної церкви у Галичині, як складової окупаційного апарату під час першого захоплення краю у 19141915 рр.Діяльність РПЦ у Галичині була невід'ємною складовою реалізації державної політики. Геостратегічне значення цього регіону було не надто істотним і не потребувало таких зусиль, спрямованих на його здобуття та утримання. Основні причини спрямувань Російської імперії у Західну Україну лежали якраз у національній площині. Та результати антиукраїнської діяльності представників руської православної церкви в Галичині виявились прямо протилежними очікуваним.Високий рівень релігійності суспільства був однією з характерних особливостей Російської імперії, що вказувало на значимість державноконфесійних відносин і потребувало особливої до них уваги. Державна система управління не допускала можливості атеїстичних переконань, а права особистості були невіддільними від прав конфесії.Православне духовенство було повністю інтегроване в самодержавну систему влади, поряд із релігійними, виконуючи і окремі функції державних чиновників. Це і фіксація актів громадського стану, і участь в адміністративній діяльності губернських правлінь, і відмічена відомим ученимрелігієзнавцем Борисом Кандідовим участь у правоохоронній діяльності. З початком ХХ ст. практичне завдання священиків усіх конфесій розширилось до функцій стабілізації життєдіяльності населення в межах парафії й підтримання довіри до влади. В останнє десятиліття існування царизму політична роль церкви ще більше зросла. Посилились тенденції її змикання з консервативними політичними силами.Антиукраїнська діяльність РПЦ зазнала краху. Нав'язані царською адміністрацією структури Російської православної церкви в Галичині скоро припинили своє існування – духовенство втекло, а тих, хто перейшов на православ'я, кому не вдалося відступити з російського армією, репресувала австрійська влада.Український рух не лише не вдалось знищити, він зміцнів. Серйозно дискредитованим виявився і весь москвофільський рух, котрий невдовзі припинив існування. ; The article discusses the national component in the missionary activity of the Russian orthodox church during the first occupation of Galicia in the 19141915.The national question in the Russian Empire closely associated with the religious situation, and confessional aspect occupied an important place as the domestic policy and foreign policy concepts, attitudes towards minorities. Especially brightly this is manifested in the First World War.The author should aim to delineate the main activities of the Russian Orthodox Church in Galicia, as part of the occupation apparatus during the first capture edge in the years 19141915The Russian Orthodox Church activity in Galicia has been an integral part of the state. Geostrategic importance of the region was not too substantial and did not require such efforts to obtain and maintenance it. The main reasons aspirations of the Russian Empire in Western Ukraine were lying precisely in the national plane. And the results of antiUkrainian activities members of the Russian orthodox church in Galicia appeared opposite expected.The high level of religious society was one of the characteristic characteristics of the Russian Empire, suggesting the importance of churchstate relations and require special attention to it. Government management system did not allow the possibility of atheistic beliefs, and individual rights are inseparable from human denomination.Orthodox clergy were completely integrated into the autocratic system of government, along with religious and performing certain functions of state officials. This fixation of civil status acts and participation in administrative activities provincial boards, and marked by a well known scientist and religious studies Boris Kandidovym participate in law enforcement activities. Since the beginning of the twentieth century. practical task priests all confessions expanded functions stabilization of the population within the limits the parish and maintaining trust in government. In the last decades of the tsarist political role of the church has increased. Trend have become stronger its closure with conservative political forces.AntiUkrainian activities The Russian orthodox church failed. Imposed by Tsarist administration structure of the Russian Orthodox Church in Galicia soon cease to exist the clergy escaped, and those who switched to Orthodoxy who failed to withdraw from the Russian army repressed the Austrian authorities.Ukrainian movement has not only failed to destroy, he was strong. Seriously was discredited and the entire Russophile movement, which soon ceased to exist.
This interdisciplinary study examines the question of decolonizing the white colonizer in the United States. After establishing the U.S. as a nation-state built on and still manifesting a colonial tradition of white supremacy which necessitates multifaceted decolonization, the dissertation asks and addresses two questions: 1) what particular issues need to be taken into account when attempting to decolonize the white colonizer and 2) how might the white colonizer participate in decolonization processes? Many scholars in the fields this dissertation draws on -- Critical Race Theory, Critical Ethnic Studies, Coloniality and Decolonial Theory, Language Socialization, and Performance Studies -- have offered incisive analyses of colonial white supremacy, and assume a transformation of white subjectivities as part of the envisioned transformation of social, political and economic relationships. However, in regards to processes of decolonization, most of that work is focused on the decolonization of political and economic structures and on decolonizing the colonized. The questions pursued in this dissertation do not assume a simplistic colonizer/colonized binary but recognize the saliency of geo- and bio-political positionalities. As a result of these different positionalities, white U.S. citizens committed to participating in our own decolonization and in the decolonization of our (social, political, educational, and economic) structures and relationships with others must learn from but cannot simply imitate or appropriate decolonial methodologies developed by indigenous people and people of color.The title of this dissertation posits decolonization as an active ongoing process (through the use of the verb-form, i.e. "decolonizing") without guarantees (through the use of the question mark). Each chapter addresses a different yet interrelated aspect of this process:Chapter One intervenes in the reconstructionism versus abolitionism debate in Whiteness Studies, and offers p/reparations as a framework for redistributory practices and (inter)personal transformation and as a methodology through which the white colonizer might contribute to racial justice and decolonization projects. P/reparations processes are open-ended and include apologies, material and cultural redress, and structural change to ensure non-recurrence. By highlighting historical and contemporary processes of accumulation by dispossession, p/reparations processes emphasize interconnectedness and challenge the illusion of autonomous individuals, groups and nation-states. Thus, a p/reparations framework intervenes into discourses of meritocracy and equal opportunity; denaturalizes notions of citizenship, immigration, and the borders of nation-states; and provides counter-narratives to discourses of aid and charity which assume the assets being redistributed were legitimately acquired and that acts of redistribution should thus be met with gratitude. Chapter Two examines the ways in which the geographical control of bodies has been a key technology of white supremacist colonialism. Given the entanglement of geographical (im)mobility with social (im)mobility and an unequal racialized distribution of premature death, decolonization and the dismantling of white supremacy necessitates not only the redistribution of political and economic resources but divesting from U.S.-ness itself. As such, decolonization requires not only white abolitionism but also U.S.-abolitionism. This chapter interrogates the use of the trope of "the criminal" by both the nation-state and the prison industrial complex, and the ways in which these discourses are mobilized as threats to the white colonizer's "home." As such, this chapter argues that, for the white colonizer, one aspect of decolonization may require developing a relationship to home as a foreign concept as well as (in many cases) pursuing downward rather than upward mobility.Chapter Three suggests power-conscious hybridity as a technology the white colonizer can employ in the face of this challenge of needing to claim whiteness and U.S.-ness even as we seek to participate in their abolition. Hybridity emphasizes that no one is reducible to any particular "identity." In order not to disappear into colorblind "humanness," engage in cultural appropriation, and/or revalorize whiteness, however, the white colonizer's employment of hybridity must simultaneously involve (de)facing whiteness. (De)facing implies a double movement: facing whiteness, in all of its horror, without resorting to white flight; and defacing whiteness, both in the sense of destroying it and in the sense of de-facing it, i.e. undoing the notion that whiteness is human.Chapter Four examines issues of pedagogy and curricula inside and outside the classroom as they pertain to processes of recreating and transforming colonial white supremacy. This chapter critiques discourses of "equality of opportunity" as a primary ideological mechanism supporting colonial white supremacy in the current age of colorblind racism. Through participant-observation of two different attempts at "social justice" schooling (one at the high school level, one at the college level), it examines the creation of what Michel Foucault calls "docile bodies," and draws on pedagogies from theater as possibilities for cultivating counter-disciplines of the body. This chapter ends with a list of specific skills the white colonizer needs to learn for the purpose of decolonization. "Chapter" Five attempts to "practice what I preach" (in particular in relation to the colonial white supremacy institutionalized as epistemological hierarchies in the academy) by revisiting the topics of this dissertation in a live performance. This theoretical and methodological intervention enacts a response to critiques of the mind/body split in colonial epistemologies, and positions performance as analysis which must be engaged on its own terms -- rather than only as a methodology or phenomenon that is then analyzed in writing. This is also a pedagogical intervention which insists on the importance and legitimacy of multiple modalities of communication beyond writing within academia, and seeks to make academia feel accessible to a wider range of people with a range of learning and teaching styles.The Inconclusion addresses the question of why the white colonizer would want to decolonize. It argues that the prerequisite for wanting to decolonize is recognizing oneself as colonizer and all beings as interconnected. Then decolonization becomes not so much a choice as a spiritual--which is also to say political--imperative. As such, this dissertation argues not only against the mind/body split, but also against the mind/body/soul split by emphasizing the importance of politicizing and embodying spirituality and infusing political movements with spiritual convictions.
El compositor madrileny Julián Bautista (1901-1961) va escriure el 1934-1935 l'Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armoníaa partir de Jean-Philippe Rameau, possiblement amb motiu de les oposicions a la Càtedra d'Harmonia del Conservatorio Nacio nal de Música y Declamación de Madrid, que guanyà el 8 de juliol de 1936, només deu dies abans de l'alçament militar que encetà la Guerra Civil Espanyola i que provocà el posterior exili argentí del músic, el 1939. En aquest text inèdit, de 78 pàgines mecanografiades, Bautista analitza 24 tractats d'harmonia que abracen dos segles sencers i que procedeixen de teòrics belgues i francesos, com també d'alguns autors italians, alemanys i espanyols. Per aquest motiu, esdevé una font important per jutjar la recepció dels tractats estrangers a Espanya durant la Segona República.Alguns dels comentaris i avaluacions duts a terme per Bautista en l'Estudio comparativo palesen que el seu enteniment teòric de l'harmonia i del sistema tonal es vinculà estretament a la seva faceta de compositor. A fi d'indagar les suposades relacions entre el seu coneixement teòric i la pràctica compositiva, s'examinen els seus plantejaments harmònics en dues obres dels anys trenta: la Suite all'antica per a orquestra (1931-1938) i la segona cançó del cicle vocal Tres ciudades (1937). ; Der aus Madrid stammende Komponist Julián Bautista (1901-1961) verfasste zwischen 1934 und 1935 sein Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armonía a partir de Jean-Philippe Rameauvermutlich anlässlich seiner Bewerbung um den Lehrstuhl für Harmonik am Staatlichen Konservatorium für Musik und darstellende Kunst von Madrid, der ihm am 8. Juli 1936 übertragen wurde, nur zehn Tage vor dem Militärputsch, der zum Bürgerkrieg und, wenig später (1939) als Folge davon, zum argentinischen Exil des Musikers führen sollte. In diesem unveröffentlichten, 78 maschinenschriftliche Seiten umfassenden Text analysierte Bautista vierundzwanzig Traktate über Harmonielehre aus zwei Jahrhunderten von überwiegend belgisch-französischen Musiktheoretikern sowie einigen italienischen, deutschen und spanischen Autoren, weshalb der Essay eine wichtige Quelle für die Beurteilung der Rezeption ausländischer Musiktraktate in Spanien während der Zweiten Republik darstellt.Viele der von Bautista im Estudio comparativo geäußerten Kommentare und Bewertungen belegen, dass sein theoretisches Verständnis der Harmonik und des Tonsystems eng mit seiner Fassette als Komponist verknüpft war. Mit dem Ziel, die vermuteten Beziehungen zwischen seinen Theoriekenntnissen und seiner eigenen Kompositionspraxis aufzudecken, wird die harmonische Planung zweier Werke aus den 1930er Jahren untersucht: die Suite all'antica für Orchester (1931-38) und das zweite Lied des Vokalzyklus Tres ciudades (1937). ; The Madrid-born composer Julián Bautista (1901-1961) wrote his Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armonía a partir de Jean-Philippe Rameau in 1934/35, supposedly on the occasion of his application for a professorship of Harmony at the Conservatorio Nacional de Música y Declamaciónin Madrid, awarded on 8 July 1936, just ten days before the military uprising that led to the Spanish Civil War and the subsequent exile of the musician to Argentina (1939). In this unpublished text, comprising 78 typed pages, Bautista analysed twenty-four treatises on harmony spanning two centuries and mostly written by Belgian-French theorists as well as some Italian, German and Spanish authors, thereby providing an important source for judging the reception of foreign treatises in Spain during the Second RepublicMany of the comments and assessments made by Bautista in his Estudio comparativo show that his theoretical understanding of harmony and the tonal system was closely linked to his nature as a composer. With the aim of detecting the supposed relationships between his theoretical knowledge and his own compositional practice, will be examined two works of the thirties: the Suite all'antica for orchestra (1931-38) and the second song of the vocal cycle Tres ciudades (1937). ; El compositor madrileño Julián Bautista (1901-1961) redactó, en 1934-1935, su Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armonía a partir de Jean-Philippe Rameau, supuestamente, con motivo de las oposiciones a la cátedra de Armonía del Conservatorio Nacional de Música y Declamación de Madrid, ganados el 8 de julio de 1936, solo diez días antes del alzamiento militar que dio lugar a la Guerra Civil española y, en consecuencia, al posterior exilio argentino del músico (1939). En este texto inédito, de 78 páginas mecanografiadas, Bautista analizaba veinticuatro tratados de armonía que abarcan dos siglos y, en su mayor parte, proceden de teóricos belgo-franceses, así como de algún autor italiano, alemán y español, por lo cual constituye una fuente importante para juzgar la recepción de la tratadística extranjera en España durante la Segunda República.Muchos de los comentarios y de las valoraciones realizados por Bautista en el Estudio comparativo demuestran que su entendimiento teórico de la armonía y del sistema tonal estuvo estrechamente vinculado a su faceta de compositor. Con el fin de indagar las supuestas relaciones entre su conocimiento teórico y su propia práctica compositiva, se examinan los planteamientos armónicos en dos obras de los años treinta: la Suite all'antica para orquesta (1931-1938) y la segunda canción del ciclo vocal Tres ciudades (1937). ; Le compositeur madrilène Julián Bautista (1901-1961) rédigea en 1934-1935 son Estudio comparativo de los principales Tratados de Armonía a partir de Jean-Philippe Rameau supposément en raison du concours pour la chaire d'harmonie du Conservatoire National de Musique et Déclamation de Madrid, gagné le 8 juillet 1936, dix jours seulement avant le soulèvement militaire qui déboucha sur la guerre civile espagnole et le postérieur exil du musicien en Argentine (1939). Dans ce texte inédit de 78 pages dactylographiées, Bautista analysait vingt-quatre traités d'harmonie qui couvraient deux siècles et provenaient dans leur majorité de théoriciens belgo-français ainsi que de certains auteurs italiens, allemands et espagnols, ce qui constitue une source importante pour évaluer la réception de la tratadistique étrangère en Espagne sous la Deuxième République. Nombreux commentaires et évaluations réalisées par Bautista dans son Estudio comparativo démontre que son jugement théorique sur l'harmonie et le système tonal était étroitement lié à sa facette de compositeur. Dans le but de rechercher les relations supposées entre sa connaissance théorique et sa propre pratique de la composition, on examine les approches harmoniques dans deux oeuvres des années trente : la Suite all'antica pour orchestre (1931-38) et la deuxième chanson du cycle vocal Tres ciudades (1937).
Die folgende Datensammlung ist im Rahmen des HIWED - Projektes erstellt worden (HIWED = Historische Indikatoren der westeuropäischen Demokratien, finanziert von der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk). Das HIWED - Projekt wurde im Herbst 1973 am Lehrstuhl III für Soziologie der Universität Mannheim unter der Leitung von Wolfgang Zapf und Peter Flora begonnen und wurde ab 1977 am Forschungsinstitut für Soziologie der Universität zu Köln unter der Leitung von Peter Flora fortgeführt. Das Projekt hatte im Wesentlichen zwei Ziele: Das erste Ziel besteht in der Erstellung eines historischen Datenhandbuches mit quantitativen und qualitativen Daten zur "Modernisierung" der westeuropäischen Demokratien im Zeitraum von 1815 bis 1975 (Flora, P. u.a., 1983: State, Economy, and Society in Western Europe 1815-1975. A Data Handbook in Two Volumes. Volume I: The Growth of Mass Democracies and Welfare States. Volume II: The Growth of Industrial Societies and Capitalist Economies. Frankfurt/Main: Campus). Das zweite Ziel bestand in einer vergleichenden historischen Analyse der Entwicklung Wohlfahrtsstaaten und umfasste mehrere Einzelstudien, die sich u.a. mit der Entwicklung der öffentlichen Einnahmen und Ausgaben, der Sozialversicherungssysteme, der Einkommensverteilung und den staatlichen Bürokratien befassen. Die vergleichende Datensammlung zu dem Thema "Staatsausgaben in Westeuropa" in dem ersten Band des Datenhandbuchs ist - in komprimierter Form - ein Teil der Dissertation von Jürgen Kohl (Kohl, J., 1985: Staatsausgaben in Westeuropa: Analysen zur langfristigen Entwicklung der öffentlichen Finanzen. Frankfurt/Main: Campus). Vor dem Hintergrund der "Finanzkrise des Staates" und der Diskussion zu den "Grenzen des Sozialstaats" bzw. des Steuerstaates am Ende der 70er Jahre vermittelt die Studie von Jürgen Kohl eine empirisch fundierte Vorstellung von der historischen Entwicklung der Staatsausgaben und von den Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschieden im Vergleich der westeuropäischen Länder. Seit Adolph Wagners "Gesetz der zunehmenden Staatstätigkeit" (1893) gelten die öffentlichen Finanzen als ein besonders geeigneter Ansatzpunkt zur Analyse des Wandels der Staatstätigkeit. Im Wachstum und Strukturwandel der Staatsausgaben spiegelt sich der Funktionswandel der Staatstätigkeit. Die Studie gibt im ersten Teil eine systematische Literaturübersicht und diskutiert unterschiedliche Erklärungsansätze zur Analyse der langfristigen Entwicklung der öffentlichen Finanzen. Vergleichende empirische Analysen dokumentieren in dem zweiten Teil die nationalen Entwicklungsmuster und untersuchen das Wachstum und die Strukturveränderungen der Staatsausgaben im Kontext der sozio - ökonomischen und politischen Entwicklung anhand ausgewählter Indikatoren. Diese Indikatoren beziehen sich auf den Umfang der Gesamtausgaben des öffentlichen Sektors ("general government") bzw. der Zentralregierung ("central government") sowie auf die funktionale Struktur der Ausgaben. Um das Wachstum der Staatsausgaben in Relation zur gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung zu setzen, werden zwei Varianten von Staatsquoten herangezogen: Das Verhältnis der Gesamtausgaben zum Nettosozialprodukt zu Faktorkosten (NSP = Volkseinkommen) und das Verhältnis der Gesamtausgaben zum Bruttosozialprodukt zu Marktpreisen (BSP). Charakteristische Merkmale der nationalen Entwicklungsverläufe werden herausgearbeitet. Historische Zusatzinformationen und Hinweise zu den nationalen Besonderheiten der statistischen Erfassung werden für ein sachadäquates Verständnis der Daten in der Darstellung berücksichtigt. Ein weiter Aspekt betrifft die Zentralisierungstendenzen in der Verteilung der Ausgaben auf die staatlichen Ebenen ("central", "regional", "local"; in Deutschland: Zentralregierung, Bundesstaaten bzw. Länder sowie die Gemeinden und Gemeindeverbände). Im abschließenden Kapitel werden speziell die Entwicklungstendenzen der Staatsausgaben nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg untersucht. Hier stehen der Zusammenhang der Ausgabenentwicklung mit der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung, die Rolle der Sozialausgaben, die Bedeutung unterschiedlicher Regierungskonstellationen für die Ausgabenentwicklung im Vordergrund.
Das Kapitel 'Public Expenditure' des Datenhandbuchs "… presents data on total public expenditure and its functional breakdown in principle for each country, in a sequence of five tables. The first table contains the longer series of general and central government expenditure, in absolute figures and as a percentage of gross and net domestic product. The next two tables give an initial breakdown by major function, as percentages of gross domestic product and total public expenditure. The last two tables offer a more detailed breakdown of central and general government expenditure. In principle, a very broad concept of public expenditure has been used. It includes not only all levels of government (central, local, and where relevant, regional) but also social insurance, and is here called ´general government expenditure´. Public enterprises are not included or only with their net results (profits/deficits transferred to/covered by public expenditure) which are of minor importance. An attempt has been made to present only consolidated figures, i. e. to avoid a double counting of transfers among different levels of government or between them and social insurance institutions. This was possible in cases for which the financial data have been harmonized with the national accounts statistics. In earlier periods, for which a ´consolidation´ of public expenditure was not possible, these transfers were usually small. In practice, not all data are really based on this embracive concept of public expenditure. For some countries/ periods an inclusion of social insurance proved to be too difficult and in a few cases only data on central government expenditure have been available. The aggregate data on public expenditure, both for general and central government, are given in the first table (Public Expenditures) as absolute figures and as percentages of gross and net domestic product. In addition, this table also contains ´centralisation ratios´, i.e. the shares of central, ´regional´, and local government, and/or social insurance in total expenditure. The first two of the four tables (General and Central Government Expenditures by Major Function) offer a relatively crude breakdown of total expenditure. The single items are given as percentages of total expenditure and as per¬centages of gross domestic product. They are based on the more detailed breakdowns in the last two tables (General and Central Government Expenditures), i.e. certain adjacent functions have been aggregated as follows: - ´administration and justice´: general interior and financial administration, foreign affairs, judiciary and police; - ´economic and environmental services´: agriculture, industry and commerce, transport and communication; - ´social services´: social insurance and assistance, other social transfers, health, housing, education and science; - ´residual expenditure´: generally including interests on public debt; other items included are annotated" (Flora, P. u.a. (1983): State, Economy, and Society in Western Europe 1815-1975. A Data Handbook in Two Volumes. Volume I. The Growth of Mass Democracies and Welfare States. Frankfurt/Main: Campus, S. 345f). Die Datensammlung wurde ergänzt durch ausgewählte Zeitreihen aus zwei weiteren Publikationen (s.u.)
Datentabellen in HISTAT: Für 13 westeuropäische Länder liegen - jeweils in max. fünf Einzeltabellen untergliedert - folgende Variablengruppen vor (A – Tabellen): (a) Gesamte öffentliche Ausgaben sowie Ausgaben der Zentralregierung (in der jeweiligen Landeswährung), Staatsquoten (in % des Bruttosozialprodukts, in % des Nettosozialprodukts - Volkseinkommen), Zentralisierung (in %; Aufteilung der öffentlichen Ausgaben auf "central expenditures", "regional expenditures" und "local expenditures"). (b) Gesamte öffentliche Ausgaben nach Hauptfunktionen (in % des BSP; in % der Gesamtausgaben). (c) Ausgaben der Zentralregierung Hauptfunktionen (in % des BSP; in % der Gesamtausgaben). (d) Gesamte öffentliche Ausgaben nach Funktionen (in % der Gesamtausgaben). (e) Ausgaben der Zentralregierung nach Funktionen (in % der Gesamtausgaben).
Ergänzende Tabellen (B- und C-Tabellen): Daten aus Kohl, Jürgen (1985): Staatsausgaben in Westeuropa. Analysen zur langfristigen Entwicklung der öffentlichen Finanzen. Frankfurt/Main: Campus, S. 315 – 328. B.01 Gesamte öffentliche Ausgaben (1950-1980) B.02 Laufende öffentliche Einnahmen (1950-1980) B.03 Soziale Transferausgaben (1950-1980) B.04. Anteil der Gesamausgaben an den laufenden Einnahmen (Budgetsaldo I) (1950-1980) B.05 Anteil der laufende Ausgaben an den laufenden Einnahmen (Budgetsaldo II) (1950-1980) B.06 Anteil der Sozialausgaben am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1962-1980) B.07 Funktionale Struktur der Sozialausgaben (1962-1980)
C. Ausgewählte Daten aus Kohl, Jürgen (1992): Die öffentlichen Ausgaben, ihre Finanzierung und die Entwicklung des Staatssektors, in: Gabriel, O. W./Brettschneider, F. (Hrsg.), 1992: Die EU-Staaten im Vergleich. Strukturen, Prozesse, Politikinhalte. 2., überarb. A., Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, S. 359-383. C.01 Staatseinnahmen, Staatsausgaben und Saldo in europäischen Ländern, in Prozent des Bruttoinlandsprodukts zu Marktpreisen (1960-1990) C.02 Staatseinnahmen, Staatsausgaben und Saldo in europäischen Ländern, je Einwohner in DM, errechnet über Kaufkraftparitäten (1970-1990)
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Bertrand Badie on the Trump Moment, the Science of Suffering, and IR between Power and Weakness
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IR retains a traditional focus on the game of power between states as its defining characteristic. But what, so asks Bertrand Badie, if this means that our discipline is based on a negation of our humanity? A giant in Francophone IR, Badie has labored to instead place human suffering at the center of analysis of the international, by letting loose sociological insights on a truly global empirical reality. In this Talk, Badie—amongst others—challenges the centrality of the idea of state power, which makes little sense in a world where most of the IR agenda is defined by issues emanating from state weakness; argues for the centrality of suffering to a more apt IR; and uses this to contextualize the Trump Moment.
Print version (pdf) of this Talk
What is (or should be), according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current International Relations? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
Unquestionably, it would be the matter of change. It is time to conceptualize, and further than that, to theorize the change that is happening in the field of International Relations (IR). Humans have always had the feeling that they are living in a period of upheaval, but contemporary IR is really characterized by several landmarks that illustrate the drastic extent of change. I see at least three of them.
The first one concerns the inclusive nature of the international system. For the first time in the history of mankind, the international system covers nearly the whole humanity, while the Westphalian system was an exclusively European dynamic in which the United States of America entered to turn it into a system, that I would call, Euro-North-American.
The second element, around which publications abound (see notably Mary Kaldor's work, Theory Talk #30), is the deep mutation of the nature of conflict. War used to be, in the Westphalian model, a matter of competition between powers. Today we have the feeling that weakness is replacing power, in that power cannot any longer function as central explanatory term of conflictual situations, which are rather manifestations of state weakness. Think of 'failing' or 'collapsing' states, which refers to the coming apart of nations that have been built badly as well as the deliquescence of social ties. This new form of conflictuality completely turns the international environment upside down and constitutes a second indicator of transformation.
The third aspect concerns mobility. Our international system used to be fully based on the idea of territory and boundaries, on the idea that fixity establishes the competences of States in a very precise way. In this perspective, the state refers to territory—as the definition given by Max Weber states very clearly—but today this territorial notion of politics is challenged by a full range of mobilities, composed of international flows that can be either material, informational, or human.
These are three indicators illustrating a deep transformation of the inner nature of IR that encourage me to speak about 'intersocial relations' rather than 'interstate relations'. The notion of interstate relations no longer captures the entirety of the global game. Our whole theory of IR was based on the Westphalian model as it came out of the peace of Westphalia, as it was confirmed by the accomplishment of the nation-state construction process and as it dominated the historical flow of international events until the fall of the Berlin wall.
Until the fall of the wall, all that was not related to Europe or to the United States of America, or more precisely North-America, was simply called 'periphery', which says enough. Today, by contrast, the periphery is central at least regarding conflictuality. We should therefore drop our Westphalian prism and build up new analytical tools for IR that would take these mutations as their point of departure. Doing away with our Westphalian approach to IR would mean questioning both our classical IR theories and questioning the practical models of action in international politics, which means the uses of diplomacy and warfare.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about International Relations?
You know when we write, when we work, we are first of all influenced by our dissatisfaction. The classical Westphalian approach to IR, as I said earlier, did not satisfy me as I had the feeling that it was focusing on events that no longer had the importance that we kept giving them—for instance the arms race, great power politics, or the traditional diplomatic negotiations—while I was seeing, maybe this was the trigger, that the greatest part of suffering in the world was coming from places that IR theory was not really covering.
I have always told my students that IR is the science of human suffering. This suffering exists of course where we are—in Europe, in North America, they exist everywhere in the world—but the greatest part is outside of the Westphalian area, so the classical approach to IR gives a marginal and distorted image. Africa and the Middle East seen through the Westphalian prism are a dull image, strongly different from the extraordinary wealth, both for good and bad, that these areas of the world have. I've also always held that in a world where 6 to 9 million people starve to death each year, the main foci of traditional IR were derisory. Even terrorism, to which we collectively attribute so much importance, hardly comes near how important a challenge food security is.
My three latest books take a stand against traditional IR theories. In Diplomacy of Connivance (2012) I tried to show that the great power game is really a game way that is much more integrated than we usually say and that this game plays out in all multilateral fora. There is indeed a club, and that is precisely what I wanted to describe, a club of powers—one which results to the detriment of less powerful members in the international system.
In Le Temps des humiliés ('the era of the humiliated', 2014), I tried to crystallize what the classical theory could not express, which is domination seen through the lens of the dominated, humiliation as felt by the humiliated, violence as experienced by the desperate. For instance, even if we look at powers as accomplished as China today—sharing the first place with the USA in terms of GDP—we have to admit that their historical experience of humiliation constitutes a huge source of inspiration when it comes to the elaboration of its foreign policy.
And then, in my last book Nous ne sommes plus seuls au monde ('we are no longer alone in the world', 2016), this critique was even more explicit. We are writing an IR that encompasses only about one billion of human beings, while forgetting all the others. Today it is simply no longer true that these old powers are setting the international agenda. Global politics today is written by the little, the weak, the dominated; often with recourse to extreme forms of violence, but this needs to be analyzed and understood, which would mean to totally change the IR theory.
We should not forget that in large part, IR theory was a given as the USA triumphed in 1945. The well-known 'great power politics' that dominates traditional IR theory, inaugurated by Morgenthau and supported by so many others, described what was true at that time: the ability of American power to set us free from the Nazi monster. Today the challenge is strongly different, and it is by the way meaningful that two of the greatest American internationalist political scientists, Robert Keohane (TheoryTalk #9) and Ned Lebow (Theory Talk #53), have both written books that elude to the end of this global order (respectively After Hegemony and Goodbye Hegemony). Well what interests me is exactly to dig into what comes after hegemony.
What would a student need to become a specialist in International Relations or understand the world in a global way?
First of all, I would advise them to rename their science, as I said earlier, and to call it intersocial relations. The future of what we call IR comes down to the ability to understand the extremely rich, multiple and diversified interactions that are happening among and across the world's societies. It does not mean that we have to completely abandon the state-centric perspective, but rather dethrone states from the middle of this multiplicity of actors in order to realize how very often these states are powerless when faced with these different actors. That would be my first advice.
My second advice would be to look ahead and not back. Do not let yourself be dominated by the Westphalian model, and to try to build up what we need—since almost nothing has been done yet today to construct this post-Westphalian, meta-Westphalian model. Beyond power, there are things that we still misidentify or overlook while they are the driving forces of today's and tomorrow's IR. From this point of view, sociology could prove particularly useful. I consider, for instance, that Émile Durkheim is a very important inspiration to understand the world today. Here is an author to study and to apply to IR.
The third advice that I would give them would be to not forget that IR or intersocial relations are indeed the sciences of human suffering. We should be able to place suffering at the core of the thinking. We've lost far too much time staring at power, now it is time to move on to place human suffering at the center. Why? First of all because it is ethically better; maybe will we be able to learn from it? But also because in today's actual international politics suffering is more proactive than power, which is not necessarily optimistic but if recognized, would allow us a better questioning of new forms of conflictuality. Perhaps unfortunately, the international agenda is no longer fixed with canons, but with tears. Maybe this is the key point on which we should concentrate our reflection.
Your insistence on placing suffering at the center of IR scholarship seems to place you firmly alongside those who recognize "grievance" ratherthan "greed" as a central logic of international politics. What do you make of this parallel?
You are right: the idea of grievance, of recrimination, is a structuring logic of the international game today. We did not see it coming for two reasons. First of all because our traditional analysis of international politics presupposed a unity of time, as if the African time, the Chinese time, the Indian time and the European time where all identical. Yet this is completely wrong because we, in our European culture, have not understood that before Westphalia there were political models, political histories, that profoundly marked the people that would then shape contemporary politics. Remember that China is 4000 years of empire, remember that precolonial Africa was composed of kingdoms, empires, civilizations, philosophies, arts... Remember that India also is multi-millenary. The Westphalian time came to totally deny and crush this temporality, this historicity, almost in a negationist way, which means that, in the spirit of those who were defending the Westphalian model, only this model was associated to the Renaissance; and that the age of enlightenment and reason with a big R had a calling to reformat the world as if it were a hard drive. This was a senseless bet, a bet for which our European ancestors who led it had excuses because at that time we did not know all these histories, at that time we did not have all the knowledge we today have of the other and thus we simply resolved it, through the negation of alterity. Yet, IR ought on the contrary aspire to the accomplishment of alterity. Inevitably, all those who saw themselves denied their historicity, over several centuries and even several millenaries, accumulated a feeling of recrimination, of particularly deep grievances.
The second element is that all of this happened in a context of disequilibrium of power resources, linked to different factors that reflected indeed the fact that at a given moment of time western powers were both literally and figuratively better armed than other societies. Abovementioned negation of alterity was mapped onto, and amplified, by the forceful imposition of a multilateral system that turned into the worst situation, into a proclaimed hierarchy of cultures; as a result and there were, as Jules Ferry put it in the France of the 19th century, 'races'; as in, 'We have the obligation to educate inferior races'. It is not the beginning of history, but it is the beginning of a history of humiliation. And through subsequent waves of globalization, this humiliation has turned into a central nerve running through international life. A nerve that has been used by both the powerful, who made a tool out of humiliating the others to better dominate them (think here of the opium wars, colonization) and simultaneously a nerve that fed the reaction of mobilization in the extra-Westphalian world by those that had to stand up against those who were humiliating them. So you see how it truly lies at the basis of IR. In my mind, it became a forceful paradigm, it explains everything, even though others factors continue to weigh in on actual dynamics.
In order to appreciate all this, we need a sociological approach, which has for me two aspects. Both these aspects must be considered together for the approach to be well understood. The first one is a timeless aspect, which is to consider that everywhere and in all eras politics is a social product. Politics cannot be understood as somehow outside society. This I would say contradicts the majority of IR scholars, who believe excessively in the autonomy of politics and of the state—even if only for analytical purposes. The second element of this sociological approach is the historical or temporal component. That is what I was talking about earlier: with globalization the social fabric strongly progressed compared to the political fabric, and considering that intersocial relations grew, we need a sociological approach to understand them.
Do you think that the Trump period constitutes a fundamental break with the conduct of IR?
Trump himself maybe not, but what he represents certainly. If we look at the USA today we see, since the new millennium, three models succeeding each other. After 11-09 there was a time of neo-conservatism where globalization was considered by American leaders as a means or maybe a chance to universalize the American model, willingly or not. By force, as was the case in Iraq in 2003. This model failed.
This lead to a second model which I would describe as a liberal model, neo-liberal, incarnated by Obama who learnt from the lessons of the failure of neo-conservatism, and had the courage to question the hypothesis hitherto considered as indisputable of American leadership in the world, and who considered that the USA could win only through soft power or smart power or free-trade. That is the reason why Obama was just a little bit interventionist and was counting a lot on the TTIP and on all these transregional agreements.
With Trump we arrive at a third model, one that I would call neo-nationalist, that looks at globalization in a different way. In his perspective, globalization constitutes a chance to satisfy the national American interests. The idea of the national comes back after a long interlude of a globalizing vision. It does not mean that we are not interventionist anymore. What happened in Syria proves it. It means that we will intervene not according to the needs of globalization but rather to American interests. It is about sharing a strong and powerful image of the USA on the one hand and on the other serving the concrete interests of the American people and nation.
This neo-nationalist model is not defended only by Trump, that is the reason why I was saying that we should not consider Trump individually. We find it exactly the same way with Putin. We find it by many other world leaders, such as Erdogan or Duterte or Victor Orbán—really different figures—or Marshal Sissi in Egypt.
We find it as well in attitudes, for instance Brexit in Great Britain, in right-wing neo-populism in Europe: Ms. Le Pen, Mr. Wilders... or in a certain left-wing neo-populism as Mélenchon in France. It is in the air, seeming almost a passing fad. But it constitutes perhaps a double rupture within IR. First of all because since the emergence of globalization, let's say around the 70's, the national interest as a thought category was bit by bit replaced with approaches in terms of collective goods. Today by contrast we witness the abandonment of this image of collective goods for a return to the national interest. This is very clear in Trump's renouncing of the COP21 of Paris. At the same time, second, this constitutes some form of the rehabilitation of the idea of power, which again seeps into the language of IR.
You know the IR scholar is not a neutral person, we have to use our science towards positive action and for the definition of sound public policies. Going against the idea of collective goods, casting doubt on the ideas of human security, environmental security, food security, and sanitary security is extremely dangerous because the composition of national interests and egoism will never converge to a globally coherent policy. It is the weak that will suffer first.
And the same time that power is reinstated as a driving principle of IR praxis, the paradox is that great powers are becoming more and more powerless. If we look only since 1989, and ask, when did state power ever triumph in IR? Where did the strongest ever find a battleship enabling him to resolve a problem to his benefit and according to his goals? Never. Not in Somalia, not in Afghanistan, not in Iraq, not in Syria, not in Palestine. Nowhere. Not in Sahel, not in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Nowhere. So I am a little worried, indeed, about this naive and old-fashioned rehabilitation of state power.
Can we say that globalization, or rather the ambition of integration at either the European or global scale, has failed? Can today be considered a good moment to bury of the idea of integration?
I do not like burials, it is not an expression that I would use, but your question is very pertinent. For around twenty years I have been saying and teaching that regional integration constituted an intermediary and realistic level of adaptation between the era of the nation state and that of globalization, which means that I believed for a long time that regional integration was the final step towards a global governance of the world.
I thought for a long time that what was not possible at the global scale, a global government, was possible at the regional level and this would already strongly simplify the world map and thus go in the way of this adhesion to the collective dimension required by globalization. Nevertheless, not only Europe suffers a setback, but all the regional constructions in the world are in a similar situation. Mr. Trump openly shoves the NAFTA agreement, MERCOSUR is down as every State that is composing it has recriminations against it, and we could extend the list… All the forms of integration that have been set by Chavez around his Bolivian ideal have ceased to exist; Africa progresses very slowly in terms of regional integration; the Arab Maghreb Union, which is an essential device, totally failed. Thus indeed the situation does not look good.
In the case of Europe there is a double phenomenon: on the one hand, there is this really grave failure due to the secession of Great Britain from Europe, and then there is a general malaise of the European model. Brexit is really rare, if you look at the contemporary history of IR it is simply unprecedented that a state shuts the door on a regional or global organization. As far as I remember, it only happened a few times before, with Indonesia in the UN in 1964, which lasted only 19 months. It happened with Morocco with the African Union and Morocco is currently reintegrating in it. This British situation came as a thunderbolt, worsened by the fact that paradoxically it is not so much because of regional integration that the British voted against the European Union. It was more from an anti-migration, xenophobic and nationalist (in reference to that nationalism trend that I was earlier talking about) perspective and what is dramatic is that we can clearly see that the nationalist sentiment is really attacking the inner principles of regional integration.
I was saying that in the European case there are internal problems which run even deeper than the British defection, and I will underline at least two of them. First of all there is a democratic deficit of Europe, meaning that Europe was not able to match electoral spaces with the ones where decisions get made; people still vote at the national level while the decisions are taken in Brussels. In consequence, democratic control over these decisions is extremely weak. How to resolve this equation? And here the breakdown is total since very few people are coming up with suggestions. The other factor of this crisis is, according to me, the fact that Europe has been built with success after World War II in a progressive way around association and indeed, Durkheim proved it, the integrative logic makes sense. Unity makes strength and it did make strength once in Europe to prevent war, a third World War, and secondly to encourage the reconstruction of European countries where economy was totally collapsed. This time is now over and it is the fault of Europe to not have known how to recontextualize itself, to react to the new contexts.
Paying one more time tribute to Durkheim who guessed it right, Durkheim said that there are two ways of constructing social ties: around association and around solidarity. I think that the time of association is now over, we should enter in the time of solidarity, which does not consist in saying 'We Germans are associated with Greece', but rather 'We Germans are joined together with Greece because we know that if Greece collapses, in a long term perspective, we will suffer the consequences'. Thus this idea of fundamental unity is an idea that has been a little bit overlooked, abandoned by the Europeans and now they find themselves in a complete paralysis.
Is the decolonization period still having an impact on contemporary IR?
Oh totally, totally. I would first say because it is a major event in the field of IR, which made the World switch from 51 sovereign States of the UN in 1945 to 193 today but above all, a very aggravating circumstance, is that this decolonization has been a complete failure and this failure weighs enormously on international politics.
It has been a failure because decolonization assumed the format of copying the western state model in countries that were accessing independence, while this model was not necessarily adapted, which provoked a proliferation of failed states, and these collapsed states had a terrible effect on IR.
Secondly because decolonization should have led to the enrichment and to the substantial modification of multilateralism, by creating new institutions able to take charge of new challenges resulting from decolonization. Yet, except the creation of UNCTAD in 1964 and of UNDP in 1965, there have been very little innovations in terms of global governance. Thus global governance remains dominated by what I earlier called 'the club', which means the great powers from the north, and this is very dysfunctional for the management of contemporary crises. Then also because the ancient colonial powers happen to find new forms of domination that did somehow complicate the international game. Thus in fact decolonization is a daily aspect of the crisis that the international system faces today.
In conclusion, which question should we have asked? In other terms, which question have we forgot?
I found your questions very pertinent as it allowed the discussion of themes that I consider essentials. Now, the big problem that makes me worry is the great gap between the analysts and the actors in IR. I am not saying that the analysts understood everything, far from it, but I think that IR theorists are very conscious of some of these transformations I have mentioned. If you look at some great authors such as James Rosenau, Ned Lebow or Robert Keohane, to name just a few—there are way more—they all contributed to the reconstruction of IR.
What truly strikes me is the autism of political actors, they think that they are still at the time of the Congress of Vienna and that is an extraordinary source of tension. Thus as long as this spirit of change does not reach political actors, maybe Barack Obama was the first one to enter this game and then the parenthesis was closed, as long as there will not be this move towards the discovery of a new world, maybe as well through the inclusion in our reflection about the international fabric such partners as China, it is not normal that this very powerful China does not have any choice but to share the paradigm and the model of action proper to occidental diplomacy, as long as we would not have done this precise effort, well, we will remain in the negation of the human, and that is the essential problem today, we are unable to understand that at the end there is just one unity, which is the human being.
I had the chance to visit 105 countries and everywhere I met the same men and the same women, with their pain, with their happiness, their hardship, their joy, their sorrow, their needs that were everywhere identical. As long as we will not understand that, well, we will be living in a world that is in total contradiction with what it is truly and essentially. We will live in a world of artifice and thus a world of violence.
Related links
Read Badie's The Arab Spring: A starting point (SER Études 2011) here (pdf)
