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Tangier, a seaport in the northwestern corner of Africa totalling 225 square miles with a population of 60,000 inhabitants, was internationalized by a Convention signed on December 18, 1923, by Great Britain, France, and Spain, who agreed on its permanent neutrality. Spain occupied the area in 1940, removed British employees, and in 1941 deposed the Moroccan native ruler.

How are images, emotions, and international politics connected? This article develops a theoretical framework contributing to visuality and emotions research in International Relations. Correcting the understanding that images cause particular emotional responses, this article claims that emotionally laden responses to images should be seen as performed in foreign policy discourses. We theorise images as objects of interpretation and contestation, and emotions as socially constituted rather than as individual 'inner states'. Emotional bundling – the coupling of different emotions in discourse – helps constitute political subjectivities that both politicise and depoliticise. Through emotional bundling political leaders express their experiences of feelings shared by all humans, and simultaneously articulate themselves in authoritative and gendered subject positions such as 'the father'. We illustrate the value of our framework by analysing the photographs of Alan Kurdi, a three-year-old Syrian-Kurdish boy who drowned in September 2015. 'Kurdi' became an instant global icon of the Syrian refugee crisis. World leaders expressed their personal grief and determination to act, but within a year, policies adopted with direct reference to Kurdi's tragic death changed from an open-door approach to attempts to stop refugees from arriving. A discursive-performative approach opens up new avenues for research on visuality, emotionality, and world politics.

This title provides an international legal analysis of the most important legal questions that have been raised since 2002 regarding Iran's nuclear program, and it sets those legal questions in their historical and diplomatic context. Its purpose is to clarify how the relevant sources of international law - including primarily the 1968 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and International Atomic Energy Agency treaty law - should be properly applied in the context of the Iran case. It provides an instructional case study of the application of these sources of international law, the lessons which can be applied to inform both the ongoing legal and diplomatic dynamics surrounding the Iran nuclear dispute itself, as well as similar future cases

Introduction The lines between conventional and unconventional conflicts become blurred. Alongside non-international and international conflicts, a third category of armed conflict is emerging: hybrid, asymmetric, and transnational conflicts which involve state and non-state actors whose legal status and classification is disputed.[1] While it's a blend of traditional and irregular tactics, hybrid warfare makes use of a wide range of tools: military and civilian; conventional and unconventional. Hybrid warfare was linked almost exclusively with non-state actors. Afterwards the concept of hybrid warfare developed in a way that is now commonly accepted to describe the interplay between conventional and unconventional means used also by governments and regular armies. For such emerging conflicts/warfare there is no legal definition, therefore leaving room for interpretation and applicable law. International law (IL) and international humanitarian law (IHL) – in particular the law of war (Geneva and Hague law) – apply in case of armed conflict. The law of war, a branch of public international law, sets the acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). The law of war regulates inter alia: declaration of war; acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war; military necessity, along with distinction and proportionality; and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering. Research problem and question investigated The research aims to investigate whether and how current international customary[2] and treaty law applies to unconventional conflicts that characterize the 21st century. The study investigates whether new rules are required, or if current rules are still valid and can be used/adapted. The research aims to check whether and to what extent states abide IL/IHL in dealing with unconventional conflicts, or if, through their course of conduct, states are attempting to create new customary law, or to ...

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the measure of extended confiscation as an instrument of criminal policy. National and international regimes on confiscation are viewed from a multi-faceted perspective, and the main focus is the framework of the European Union. The book begins by examining extended confiscation from the national perspective, presenting the substantive criteria for this power of confiscation. It focuses on three main jurisdictions : England and Wales, Germany and Sweden ; and explores how domestic legislation is drafted and applied in their differing models. A key point of the analysis focuses on Directive 2014/42/EU on the Freezing and Confiscation of Instrumentalities and Proceeds of Crime in the European Union, which aims at harmonising the national powers of confiscation. This book explores whether such measures really lead to more efficiency, or if other reforms may be more effective. An overriding issue is whether increased powers of extended confiscation strike the right balance between the interest of law enforcement and the protection of human rights. The second part of the book deals with the international perspective. The notion of extended confiscation is set in the broader context of transnational cooperation regarding the confiscation of assets --Source other than The Library of Congress

An der Schwelle zum 21. Jahrhundert eröffnet die Verbindung von Fertilisationsmedizin und Humangenetik neue Möglichkeiten der Manipulation menschlichen Lebens. Die Diskussion um Wert und Grenzen der sich ergebenden Optionen führt in zahlreichen Staaten zu einer Auseinandersetzung mit grundlegenden gesellschaftlichen Prinzipien. Der Konflikt ethischer und wirtschaftlicher Werte kann dabei in einer zunehmend globalisierten Welt nicht ausschließlich auf nationaler Ebene gelöst werden. Der Handlungsspielraum des nationalen Gesetzgebers im Spannungsfeld von Menschenwürde, Gesundheitsschutz, Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft ist durch internationale und europäische Normen begrenzt. Akteure, Instrumente und Prinzipien dieses rechtlichen Rahmens werden in diesem Beitrag nachgezeichnet. Im Überblick werden die Positionen der internationalen Rechtsgemeinschaft zur Stammzellenforschung, Klonierungstechnik, Präimplantationsdiagnostik und Zelltherapie dargestellt. Zusammenfassungen maßgeblicher Normtexte sollen den Einstieg erleichtern.

The international investment regime has come under increasing scrutiny, with several developing countries withdrawing from bilateral investment treaties in recent years. A central worry raised by critics is that investment treaties undermine national self-determination. Proposed reforms to the regime have focused on rebalancing the distribution of power between states and investors to restore 'enlarged regulatory space' for the former. Contra this critique from national self-determination, in this paper I argue that infringements on national self- determination cannot alone explain why the investment regime is morally problematic. Instead, on this egalitarian view, the regime is objectionable because it empowers a class of agents, whose interests are reliably opposed to egalitarian economic policy, to constrain national self-determination. In effect, the investment regime undermines states' capacity to address inequality within and between states and is unjust for that reason. The moral and practical upshot is that reforms to the regime ought to empower disadvantaged groups to exert disproportionate leverage over the terms and practice of international investment, and to appeal to global institutions to do so. In other words, our moral assessment of a given global institution or practice should not depend on whether it constrains national self-determination, but on who it empowers to do so.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 259-273) and index. ; Introduction -- Blueprints and builders -- Internationality -- Arrival stories -- Hyper-Bosnia : international privilege, state-building, and differentiation -- Doing nothing : the practices of passivity -- Democratic governance -- Electoral thick description -- Election day -- Electoral actants : translating voter will into political authority -- Embodied transparency : the eyes and ears of the international community -- Transparent forms and bureaucratic mechanisms of watching -- Circuits of power : jet-setters, foreign policy, and democratic works. ; Mode of access: Internet.