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"Economic growth continues to transform the economic and political landscape of Asia. Equally the policies now being adopted to promote private sector participation, re-structure state entities, and reduce the presence of the state in the provision of public goods and services, are tied to fundamental transformations in Asia's state-society relations. The global cast of contributors present a timely analysis of the impact of neo-liberalism on Asia's developmental policies and the organisation of Asian states and markets. Ironically, the "developmental state" that has historically driven Asia's rapid economic transformation is now threatened by an increasingly dominant neoliberal agenda that aims to roll back the state in the name of market fundamentalism"--

The environment is increasingly seen at the forefront of many political agendas. Covering important topics, such as the Kyoto protocol and deforestation, thisbook provides extensive coverage of all aspects of environmental politics. Essays of around 6,000 words in length make up the bulk of the book. Written by notable experts in the field of environmental politics, these essays each examine a different aspect of the subject.

This book is an introduction to the logic and analytics of group choice. To understand how political institutions work, it is important to isolate what citizens - as individuals and as members of society - actually want. This book develops a means of 'representing' the preferences of citizens so that institutions can be studied more carefully. This is the first book to integrate the classical problem of constitutions with modern spatial theory, connecting Aristotle and Montesquieu with Arrow and Buchanan

Closed access ; This article explores the merits, possibilities and difficulties of making intra and trans-disciplinary 'border crossings' essentially of an ideational kind. Drawing ideas from complexity literature, the article lauds the potential of 'concept studies' as means of making such crossings and addressing enduring issues (e.g., of equity and health) within education, Physical Education (PE) and Health. The article suggests, however, that the culture of neoliberalism and extant power relations may prohibit rather than nurture and encourage any willing exchange of ideas or sharing of resource, presaging border closure rather than 'border crossing'. Talk of the latter in periods of austerity may become shorthand for 'rationalisation', offering new language for a newly invigorated politics of erasure, rather than announcing desire to nurture and actualise new voices and new ways of sharing ideas towards investigating and dismantling enduring social hierarchies and trends.

Discusses the curricular conflict in social studies education, citing a continuum poled by the purposes of "indoctrination" vs "critical thought." While the debate, fueled by a relative emphasis on the cultural heritage of the dominant society & conflicting conceptions of citizenship, is seen as vigorous, it is contended that the core pattern of teaching practices & curriculum has endured since the inception of social studies as a school subject. However, a degree of tolerance of diverse purposes & approaches is also seen within the field. Noting normative criticisms of the pluralist character of social studies education, attention turns to addressing how the politics of citizenship education can be understood in ways that shed light on social studies education & democracy, stressing the benefits of deliberation. 19 References. J. Zendejas

International audience ; Lecture critique de l'ouvrage édité par Claudio Radaelli et Kevin Featherstone: The Politics of Europeanization (Oxford:Oxford University Press)

International audience ; Lecture critique de l'ouvrage édité par Claudio Radaelli et Kevin Featherstone: The Politics of Europeanization (Oxford:Oxford University Press)

The Republic of Türkiye was founded on Ottoman parliamentary tradition introduced in 1878. However, debates on system change have always been on the agenda. The Turkish political elite has occasionally presented proposals on the need to shift from a parliamentary to a presidential system. The times of political crises set a suitable ground for such favourable arguments. This article focuses primarily on the realisation of the system change witnessed under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's leadership. In the first part, it argues that the three-phase strategy of the AK Party has made its political dreams come true. An issue is first popularised, then narrativised, and finally securitised. Consequently, the new presidential government system was adopted with the April 16th, 2017 referendum. The article analyses how the system change has modifi ed the formation of such alliances among the political parties beyond customary ways. It questions to what extent this novel dimension of party politics would be sustainable.
The second part thus elaborates on the formation of alliances and the efforts to make them functional on the way to consensual politics. Lijphart's classification of emocracies as majoritarian governments versus consensus governments has provided a theoretical base for a discussion on the return to a strengthened parliamentary system. The article sheds light on the new dynamics of government/opposition relations and their infl uence
on Turkish democracy.

This collection examines the escalation of the Kosovo conflict to a full-scale war. It looks at its origins, background and the implications of the conflict: the myths, history and perceptions of the post-1989 crisis and the situation after the start of NATOs 1999 bombing campaign.

Chinese people tend to disaggregate the state and see the authoritarian leviathan as divided in terms of their high trust in the central state but much lower trust in the local state. This pattern stands interestingly in contrast to that in many mature democracies, where citizens tend to trust the local state more than the central state. While the authoritarian variant of hierarchical popular legitimacy has been identified in some Chinese as well as cross-national surveys, little has been known about its formation and its influence on mass political participation and authoritarian politics. Relatedly, little attention has been paid to the roles of the multilevel architecture of government and public perceptions of it in entrenching or subverting authoritarian rule. Leveraging quasi-experiment designs, process tracing, and statistical modeling, the three studies reported here focus on China as a case in point and aim to fill the gap in the burgeoning literature on resilient and comparative authoritarianism. Theoretically, I argue that the hierarchical popular legitimacy in China has two main contemporary sources—the unfunded populist redistribution programs launched by the central government but devolved to local governments to implement (redistributive politics), and the centralized information management permitting investigative reporting on local levels but muting criticisms toward the central government and high-level officials (information politics)—which induce the mass public to credit the central state in good times while blaming local governments in hard times. As a consequence, individuals with such a mind-set tend to seek justice from above using confrontational tactics rather than invest in demanding local democratic processes to address their grievances (contentious politics). Empirically, to test my proposition on the politics of redistribution, I exploited the agricultural tax policy change in China as a quasi-experiment and the difference-in-difference approach. The results indicate that populist redistribution policies in China elevate public trust in the central government while decreasing that in local governments. To test my proposition on information politics, I used the media exposure of an official corruption scandal in China as a natural experiment and the regression-discontinuity approach complemented with process tracing. The results show that the effectiveness of the Chinese regime's efforts to shape public opinion is largely contingent on the type of framing initiators and the timing of the state's entrance into the framing process. To test my proposition about mass political participation, I employed latent class analysis for classifications of four participatory types and multinomial logistical regressions. The results reveal that a divided leviathan in mind promotes the dramatically increasing yet routinized mass agitating political activism in recent decades. The interactions between multilevel political authorities and the mass public culminating in the making of a divided leviathan help to sustain the top-down authoritarian rule in China. By decomposing popular legitimacy vertically and connecting macro-institutional/structural processes to micro-attitudinal/behavioral dynamics, this dissertation, with its design-based empirical strategies, hopes to shed light on the sources of authoritarian survival and to provide a new avenue where the studies of authoritarian regimes, mass politics, and intergovernmental relations intersect.

AbstractAffect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play little role in how we theorize actorhood in international relations. We offer six amendments for integrating affective dynamics into existing conceptions of individual-level actorhood in IR. From these amendments emerge the theoretical micro-foundations upon which we build propositions concerning potential collective-level affective dynamics and political strategies. We illustrate the analytical payoff of our proposals by examining the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. By amending existing understandings of actorhood to include human affective experience, we can integrate and make sense of a variety of psychological, social, and political consequences stemming from the attacks, both within the United States and internationally.

Newspaper campaigns embody newspapers' most emphatic claims to speak for 'the people', and as such are generally regarded as populist. However, they can be oppositional, engaging in dissent of one sort or another, and often assume a certain amount of political engagement with that dissent on the part of the audience. This article examines the potential of newspaper campaigns to facilitate the political engagement of citizens through the politics of protest. It draws on qualitative content analysis of seven campaigns that ran in the Scottish press between 2000 and 2005, and semi-structured interviews with relevant journalists. The distinction between legitimate protest and manipulative populism is made in terms of: (a) the rhetoric and strategies of political representation, participation and influence and (b) the construction of political legitimacy in terms of the public interest and the moral authority of the 'victim'. It is argued that populist impulses dominate, driving a tendency to use discourses of emotional authenticity and offence to legitimise demands for a plebiscitary response to popular or 'victim' preference and to close down controversy and debate, with the principle objective of marketing the newspaper as an influential community champion.

Whilst China's increasing foreign aid in education to Africa, its soft power remains insufficient. 'Telling China's story well' attributes the lack of soft power to inadequate communication. This article argues that the 'story' rather than 'telling' matters. It reveals that the education-for-economic development paradigm adopted by the Ministry of Commerce and the Ministry of Education's reluctance toward Africa jointly shape China's ineffective practice in the international discourse. Institutional changes since 2018 can hardly alter this bureaucratic divide as the imbalanced capacity of China's economy and education remains. This article contributes to bureaucratic politics in foreign policymaking by identifying ministerial influences subject to their relevance to foreign policy rather than their occupancy of resources in the issue area. (J Contemp China/GIGA)