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Focusses on the commemoration and symbolic functions of the slavery past in the Americas, with a particular focus on Guyana. Author explains that while symbolic representations of the legacies of slavery increased in the Americas since the 1960s, the nationalist government under Forbes Burnham since 1970 went further in using the slavery past as its ideological foundation. He discusses how this relates to Guyana's history and ethnic development of 2 main, often opposed groups of African- and Indian-descended groups, calling on their respective slavery or indenture past in emphasizing their national significance. He further describes slavery-related symbolic representations promoted under Burnham, specifically the 1763 slave revolt led by Cuffy, presented as first anticolonial rebellion aimed at liberation, and as a precursor to the PNC government, and other slave rebellions and rebels, such as led by Damon in 1834. He points out how some Indian-Guyanese found that Indian heroes were sidelined in relation to these. Author then describes how the annual commemoration of Emancipation Day continues to refer to the martyrdom of these slave rebels, along with other discursive connections, such as regarding reparations. He also pays attention to the activities of nongovernmental organizations in Guyana up to the present in commemorating the slavery past, often with broader African diaspora connections.

The author follows interpersonal viewpoint and focus on promises as an influence strategy used in buying centers. Responses in Taiwan are collected and used from a survey of 208 purchase decisions in a LISREL model linking source/target characteristics, the manifest influence, and the choice of promises. Support is found for hypothetically positive effects of the reward power and the source's personal reason to influence on the utilization of promises. By contrast, the source's organizational level and the target's dependence on the source showed no impact on this influence tactic. The use of promises appears ineffective in changing a target's behaviors and opinions in buying centers. The target's dependence on the source, however, is found to be the leading role in winning compliances in buying centers. As predicted, our results demonstrated the positive relationship between the target's status and personal motives to exercise influence strategies. Counter to our expectations, the target's status appeared to increase slightly the likelihood of promises in the process of purchasing decision-making, and this factor, together with reward power, were believed to be the leading roles of forming promises by statistics. On the basis of these findings, the author identifies implications for the impact that structural changes within dyadic relationship can have on the choice of promises.

As far as cults dealing with the extreme (including mass suicides) are concerned, an important literature has shown the insufficient or even the non scientific character of theories which are only making reference to psychopathology or "brainwashing". Moreover, several researches on ultra-fundamentalist "martyrdom" showed how the question of the economic discomfort of the candidate to suicide was not sufficient either. It is thus important to also focus on theology. On the one hand, this paper explores the theological genealogy of this phenomenon in Islam, based on the theories of F. Khosrokhavar (who sees in the post-Khomeinist Shi'ism, the matrix of a theology capable of justifying suicide attacks). There is no doubt about the origin of this matrix, even if the arguments developed by F. Khosrokhavar have sometimes been criticised. On the other hand, unlike the numerous condemnations from recognised Islamic authorities towards al-Qaida, the author shows that the local djihad campaigns are facing little religious or juridical opposition in the Islamic world. Based on the analysis of a fatwa - "Hawa Barayev: suicide or martyrdom?" (2000) - and the document from al-Qaida - "The last night" - a text probably written by Mohammed Atta, the author shows how suicide terrorism is perceived and justified in the ultra-fundamentalist circles. (Maghreb-Machrek/GIGA)

In this account, professor Michelangelo Bovero remembers Norberto Bobbio in his role as a teacher. Taking his last lecture as a starting point, the author tells us, for example, about Bobbio's teaching career, the content and development of his courses, his teaching methodology, his transition from professor of Legal philosophy to professor of Political philosophy, and about his particular admiration and respect for the classics. In this way, as an act of farewell to his teacher, the author presents his vision of both the human and the teaching facets of Norberto Bobbio through anecdotes, words, gestures and aspects of the philosopher's personality. ; En este testimonio, el profesor Michelangelo Boyero recuerda la faceta de Norberto Bobbio como profesor. Partiendo por lo que fue su última clase, el autor da cuenta, por ejemplo, de la trayectoria de Bobbio en la docencia, el contenido y desarrollo de sus cursos, su metodología de enseñanza, su transición de la cátedra de Filosofía jurídica a la de Filosofía política, o su particular admiración y respeto por los clásicos. Así, mediante anécdotas, palabras, gestos y detalles de la personalidad del filósofo, el autor nos presenta tanto su visión de la faceta docente y humana de Norberto Bobbio como una despedida de su maestro.

One of the main features of political socialization in contemporary Russia is its devotion to the soviet traditions in forming political consciousness and behaviour of Russian citizens. The article claims that Russian democrats made two mistakes: on the one hand, they neglected positive achievements of soviet period, on the other hand they adopted the version of democracy that had already been criticized by its own authors, i.e. developed western democratic countries. The author stresses the necessity to examine new models of democracy such as "communicative democracy" by J. Habermas which seems to be the most appropriate for the contemporary situation both in Russia and worldwide. ; One of the main features of political socialization in contemporary Russia is its devotion to the soviet traditions in forming political consciousness and behaviour of Russian citizens. The article claims that Russian democrats made two mistakes: on the one hand, they neglected positive achievements of soviet period, on the other hand they adopted the version of democracy that had already been criticized by its own authors, i.e. developed western democratic countries. The author stresses the necessity to examine new models of democracy such as "communicative democracy" by J. Habermas which seems to be the most appropriate for the contemporary situation both in Russia and worldwide.

The post 9/11 meaning of the term globalization is argued to need to be cast far more broadly to consider the relevance of the reconfiguration of conflict on the global level, & to suggest how the quest for a new framework of regulatory authority has changed from the 1990s. The author asserts the central contention that, although globalization retains its relevance as a descriptive level, it is the economist at interpretation since the events of 2001 that needs to be altered. A brief review of the evolution of world politics after the Cold War sets the stage for the extended view of globalization as an incorporation of the new geopolitics of post-statist political conflict. The contested & fluid contours & ideological orientation of globalization & governance are placed in five overlapping approaches to governance globalizations of corporate, civic, imperial, apocalyptic, & regional are identified as the structural alternatives for the future of world order. Although maintaining the descriptive terminology of globalization remains useful, the author concludes that its provenance should be enlarged to take account of globalizing tendencies other than those associated with the world economy & the old anti-globalization movement in the environment of the eclipsing of the whole project of global governance in recent years. References. J. Harwell

En este testimonio, el profesor Michelangelo Boyero recuerda la faceta de Norberto Bobbio como profesor. Partiendo por lo que fue su última clase, el autor da cuenta, por ejemplo, de la trayectoria de Bobbio en la docencia, el contenido y desarrollo de sus cursos, su metodología de enseñanza, su transición de la cátedra de Filosofía jurídica a la de Filosofía política, o su particular admiración y respeto por los clásicos. Así, mediante anécdotas, palabras, gestos y detalles de la personalidad del filósofo, el autor nos presenta tanto su visión de la faceta docente y humana de Norberto Bobbio como una despedida de su maestro. ; In this account, professor Michelangelo Bovero remembers Norberto Bobbio in his role as a teacher. Taking his last lecture as a starting point, the author tells us, for example, about Bobbio's teaching career, the content and development of his courses, his teaching methodology, his transition from professor of Legal philosophy to professor of Political philosophy, and about his particular admiration and respect for the classics. In this way, as an act of farewell to his teacher, the author presents his vision of both the human and the teaching facets of Norberto Bobbio through anecdotes, words, gestures and aspects of the philosopher's personality.

The social sciences are afflicted by a notable lack of cumulative development. A recent illustration of this phenomenon is a paper first published in September 2003 simultaneously by Harvard's Weatherhead Center for International Affairs (WCFIA) and the United States Institute of Peace, under the signature of Jorge I. Domínguez, David Mares, Manuel Orozco, David Scott Palmer, Francisco Rojas Aravena, and Andrés Serbin, titled Boundary Disputes in Latin America. In the section titled Why did territorial disputes linger? there is not one mention of the contents of the educational curriculum as a major cause for the permanence of territorial disputes in Latin America. This is so despite the fact that relevant research was undertaken in the field in the 1980s, and that partly as a consequence of this work, the leading author of the WCFIA piece invited the present author to Harvard as Visiting Professor of Government in 1994. The old research, published in Spanish, English and Italian, was simply forgotten, despite its having received positive comment by the U.S. Library of Congress' Handbook of Latin American Studies and other prestigious sources. This is interesting inasmuch as it reveals a hard datum relevant to the sociology of socialscientific knowledge. Under the circumstances, it has seemed wise to recast a part of the results of the old research into a new paper. Other parts will be republished shortly.

There is currently a split among U.S. Circuit Courts regarding 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(1), a provision of the Gun Control Act of 1968 that makes it a crime for any individual "who has been convicted in any court of a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year to possess or receive a firearm in interstate or foreign commerce or affecting interstate commerce." The U.S. Supreme Court will examine the split later this year when it hears the case of United States v. Small. The Author argues that the Supreme Court should determine that Section 922(g)(1) of the Gun Control Act of 1968 is ambiguous in its application to foreign felony convictions because of the legislative history of the Gun Control Act and the potential constitutional problems that may arise from recognition by U.S. courts of foreign convictions. More specifically, the Author proposes that the U.S. Supreme Court either affirm the Restatement test adopted by the Third Circuit Court of Appeals and allow for discretionary inclusion of foreign felony convictions or hold Section 922(g)(1)'s scope to cover only domestic felony convictions, which would help pave the way for Congress to speak more clearly to the issue and conclusively prohibit dangerous felons, both domestic and foreign, from owning handguns.

The article offers a brief account of the history of Hungarian sociology during four decades of communist rule in Hungary. Beginning with the brief existence of the first department of sociology in Hungary (the 'Szalai Institute', 1946-1948) the author describes the field in the 1950s, when for political reasons sociology was marginalized to the point of extinction. The revival of sociology in Hungary during the 1960s is devoted considerable attention from an institutional, a personal & a doctrinal point of view. The author analyses the main branches of study in Hungarian sociology at the time, including critical sociology & the study of social stratification, which overcame the rigidity of official Marxist-Leninist doctrine. She characterizes the last two decades of state socialism in Hungary as a period when sociology both suffered from increased political repression (stronger in the early 1970s than later) & at the same time became more & more professional. She argues that a determining feature of the history of Hungarian sociology between 1948 & 1989 was its strong connection to politics. However, sociology & politics had a mutual influence on one another during this period, as sociology also had an impact on the way Communist Party officials approached the structure of Hungarian society. In the process, sociology evolved & was professionalized, enabling its existence as an autonomous discipline today.

This article traces the relationship between the planned space of the New York City (NYC) subway and the individuated resistance of its riders. Using Michel de Certeau's theories about urban tactics and strategies as expounded in The Practice of Everyday Life, the author shows how the riders of the NYC subway have resisted its organizing and totalizing discourse, inserting "rhetorics" of individuation into the industrio-corporate machinery, thus challenging the production of anonymous subjectivity striven after by urban planners and city officials. The author shows how the popular reaction to the subway developed over three stages: the early years (1910-1945), marked by the conceptualization of the subway as a manifestation exodus of the technological sublime; the middle period (1945-1970), notable for the emergence of urban fear at the sight of the city's inhabitants draining off in to the freshly built suburbs; and the later years (1970s-1980s), where the aftermath of the urban becomes fully recognizable and the structuralizing power of the subway is most overtly challenged. In short, this article shows how de Certeau's ideas of everyday resistance to dominant systems of power, which he takes to be articulated through a rhetoric of pedestrian activity, are updated to encompass individuals caught up in the depersonalizing rationalist mechanics of mass transit.

Xinjiang: China's Muslim Far Northwest is, as the preface notes, primarily a work of synthesis. The author gathers together an impressive amount of documentary data from a range of sources, including domestic Chinese and world news media, Han Chinese scholarship, and, to a lesser extent, reports by Uighur émigré organizations. These data are employed to illustrate patterns of separatist opposition and state reaction in Xinjiang, particularly since the 1990 Baren riots, identified as the 'turning point' in regional state-minority relations. In this, the book might be characterized as the extension of Dillon's earlier paper "Xinjiang: ethnicity, separatism and control in Chinese Central Asia' (1995).Part one, an introduction to Xinjiang, is the section that most closely approaches the stated goal of providing an updated 'survey of breadth and depth' in the style of Owen Lattimore's celebrated Pivot of Asia (1950). In it, the author sketches a broad outline of Xinjiang's geography, history, ethnic make-up, and economy. As he forewarns, the result of his attempt to cover such a wealth of topics may disappoint the specialist. It nonetheless provides a timely snapshot of a rapidly developing society and political economy in a region of growing strategic importance; this is likely to be of interest to non-specialists from a wide range of disciplines.

The notion of social capital in contemporary societies is viewed as being necessary for the rejuvenation of civil society. However, such assumptions are based on inclusionary democratic practices; the heterogeneity of societal needs and the underlying power structures are often not taken into account. The author explores the possibility of examining neighbourhood-based social capital along the lines of 'intrinsic' (within neighbourhood) and 'extrinsic' (neighbourhood–city) relations. A spatial comparison of such preexisting, dense, dynamic networks of everyday mundane activities often leads to a better understanding of how power is created, maintained, and eventually used in times of neighbourhood crises. More specifically, by using a Flyvbjergian perspective of rationality and power, the author combines the notion of social capital as proposed by Putnam with Epstein's framework of participation within schools, to identify variations in civic activities within Public Elementary School Districts in Toronto (TDSB). Drawing from a unique descriptive dataset on parental and community participation available from the TDSB, and by combining it with enumeration-area data aggregated at the school-district level, this framework is empirically tested to gain an understanding of how such links relate to school-closure decisions. Within the context of education reform in Ontario, the results reveal the paradoxical nature of social capital in promoting and subjugating notions of democracy and civil society.

En las regiones metropolitanas actuales las situaciones de pluripresencia y pluripertenencia territorialson, cada vez más habituales. Esta realidad compleja no se adecua a las áreas metropolitanas administrativas,exigiendo nuevas formas de gobierno y de gobernanza. Dado que las prácticas sociales de pluripresenciay pluripertenencia raramente se traducen en grados significativos de consciencia metropolitana,se defiende que la producción del sentido metropolitano a través de imágenes y discursos es fundamentalpara que las realidades metropolitanas se trasformen en espacios-proyecto, esto es, en espacios de intervencióncoordinada basados en estrategias institucionales de cooperación e integración. ; The author sees present-day metropolitan areas as being ever more marked by the phenomena of a no longerunitary sense of either where one is nor where one belongs. These feelings in no way can be reconciled tothe fact of metropolitan area administrative zoning and are here felt to call for fresh modes of governmentand ways of governing. However, as this new consciousness and its social practices hardly ever embrace theidea of a metropolis, the author holds that an urging of this for itself by means of images and discourse iscalled for if the metropolitan fact is ever to become rooted as a project in real space, that is in the sphere ofco-ordinated interventions born of policy strategies inspired in co-operation and integration.