Suchergebnisse

Bosnia and Herzegovina has been lacking the collective political power to address the reforms that were necessary for progress towards EU over the years. The B&H politicians could not agree upon any effective coordination mechanism on EU issues. The lack of coordination mechanism has negatively affected the country's interaction with the EU. Beside the coordination mechanism the other political issues could not be resolved. The EU Commission intensively facilitated resolution of the Sejdić-Finci ruling of the European Court of Human Rights that B&H has to implement, but without any success. The political actors have also been unable to agree upon countrywide strategy required for Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, in sectors, such as: agriculture, energy, transport and environment. These negative developments led to a substantial reduction of funding in these areas. Political disagreements have caused economic stagnation on moving towards European standards. In February 2014, widespread, citizen-led protests have occurred. These protests have underlined the fragility of the socio-economic situation. The EU Commission has launched a New Approach for B&H towards EU aiming to shift the focus towards economic reforms and issues of direct concern to citizens. This included development of a 'Compact for Growth and Jobs'. The Compact is supposed to be the yardstick for the necessary economic reforms. In this paper we will explain the importance of the New Approach for B&H, as well as what 'Compact for Growth and Job' brings to B&H.

The paper presents a conceptual model of factors affecting knowledge management effectiveness and determines whether knowledge management exerts a positive impact on business performance in trade enterprises of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Research data have been collected through a survey. The research sample was composed of 317 Bosnian companies that employ from 10 to 600 employees. Collected data were analysed by use of factor analysis and structural equation modelling. This is the first research carried out to prove influence of some organisational factors on knowledge management effectiveness in developing country such as Bosnia and Herzegovina by use of structural equation modelling. The research results suggest that organisational culture mediates the impact of human capital, information technology, organisational structure, and leadership on knowledge management effectiveness and confirm the hypothesis that the latter influences financial and nonfinancial indicators of business performance. The findings carry theoretical implications for knowledge management literature as they extend the scope of research on knowledge management from examining a set of independent organizational factors to examining a system‐wide mechanism that connects organisational elements and knowledge management effectiveness. The results of this study also provide a practical reference for the business when the latter considers investment into knowledge management system development, thus increasing their chance for success especially within developing countries.

It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political and legal structure of the ethnic status and relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favorable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed to act as a mediator its role could have been very important. However, with its 'pre-war' position to BH it did not take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to settle or simplify the internal Bosnian and Herzegovinian political disputes, but, on the contrary, it contributed to the outbreak of war, its destructiveness and long duration, getting itself into a rather awkward position. .

Health-related personal data belong to a category of sensitive data which, therefore, must be specially protected. The protection of personal health data is one of the patients´ fundamental rights. Doctors protect their patients´ interests only when the information gained about patients, while providing them medical treatment, are kept secret. In this paper, the authors provide an overview of the legal framework for the protection of health-related personal data in the legal system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to the analysis of the relevant legal provisions and considering the situation in practice, it can be concluded that formal harmonisation of legislation with the acquis communautaire in this field is not followed by effective implementation of regulation in practice.

The paper deals with the problem which the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina face with regard to foreign combatants who participated in the BH civil war between 1992 and 1995. Many of them stayed in the country after the war, and authorities intend to deport some of them, who represent a threat to national security. One of them is Imad Al Husin, whose case best reflects the abovementioned problem. Since he has a citizenship of Syria, which cannot be considered a safe country regarding the non-refoulement rule, process of deportation is facing difficulties. On the other hand, given the fact that he represents a threat to national security, he has been detained in an immigration centre for years. Since the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot find a third safe country, the question arises on the lawfulness of the duration of his detention in the immigration centre. In that context, we analyzed the decision of the European Court of Human Rights and decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina regarding Imad Al Husin.

Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a smal economic underdeveloped state and conglomerate of nations, cultures and different external influences, exists within South-East Europe, as one of the least stable world regions. As other tranzitional countries, Bosnia and Herzegovina is also trying to find an optimal solution for its social and economic development, having in mind its political, economic and cultural disharmony. The process of economic reintegration, of during the war organized adinistrative-political entities within Bosnia and Herzegovina, is still ongoing. Besides that, entering of Balcan and wider integrations is far from the declaired goals. Integration od economic and trough civilization linked Balcan region should result in the Balcan Unioin, democratization and pacificism, which is a part of trans-atlantic strategy. But, the question remains, how much will this strategy slow down BH economy, economic reconstruction and its entering of EU. We have to take into account the fact that each region focuses on its characteristic way of production and economic mutual-dependacy. This dependacy is a result of complex interaction of external factors: economy, politics, institutions, etc) and its internal life, which is influenced by cultural criterias (language, customs, social communication,etc.). This paper in accordance with contemporary theoretical and empirical literature we try to strucuture future political and social life in Bosnia and Herzegovina within the context of Balcan integration. But, we did not underline classic approach to regionalism, because of influences of "new regionalism" on this Balcan region. Key Words: Bosnia nd Herzegovina, integratio, Balcan regional security

Abstract
The collapse of institutional and state structures in Bosnia and Herzegovina has rendered the populace unprotected in financial, social, and legal terms and pushed it, under the aegis of local ethnocracies, into personal or local ethnic networks. The text examines identity issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina with the particular emphasis on ethnic divisions and the lack of civic values.

The treatment of history in Austrian-Hungarian state primary school textbooks for Bosnia and HerzegovinaFollowing the Austrian-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the new authorities introduced an interconfessional school system aimed at educating children in the spirit of Bosnian-Herzegovinian provincial and Habsburg civic patriotism. Existing South Slavic textbooks, containing numerous texts that were offensive to Muslims, proved unsuitable for such an undertaking. The goal of this article is to address the treatment of history in the new textbooks written for Bosnia-Herzegovina's state primary schools, considering both the selection of historical topics and the manner in which historical education was utilized in order to impart desirable loyalties among the students and further the government's political goals. Besides encouraging the students to identify with the glorious deeds of their medieval forefathers and thus fostering a historically based Bosnian patriotism, the textbooks were written with a clear intent to appeal to the province's Muslims and, in particular, to their gentry. They implied a clear continuity between Bosnia's medieval, supposedly Bogomil aristocracy and the contemporary Muslim elites, while also being careful not to address historical topics in a manner that may offend Muslim sensibilities. Lastly, considerable effort was invested into historically justifying contemporary Habsburg rule over Bosnia in Herzegovina and, in a wider sense, teaching the children that a benevolent foreign government may benefit a society suffering from disunity or rebelliousness. Podejście do historii w podręcznikach szkolnych Austro-Węgier dla państwowych szkół podstawowych w Bośni i HercegowinieW następstwie austro-węgierskiej okupacji Bośni i Hercegowiny nowe władze wprowadziły międzywyznaniowy system oświatowy nastawiony na kształcenie dzieci w duchu patriotyzmu prowincjonalnego bośniacko-hercegowińskiego oraz obywatelskiego habsburskiego. Istniejące podręczniki południowosłowiańskie, zawierające liczne teksty, które były obraźliwe dla Muzułmanów, okazały się dla tego przedsięwzięcia nieprzydatne. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu omówienie podejścia do historii w nowych podręcznikach napisanych dla państwowych szkół podstawowych w Bośni i Hercegowinie, biorąc pod uwagę zarówno dobór tematów historycznych jak i to, w jaki sposób edukacja historyczna została wykorzystana dla narzucenia uczniom pożądanych postaw lojalności, a następnie politycznych celów rządu. Oprócz zachęty do tego, by uczniowie identyfikowali się z chwalebnymi czynami ich średniowiecznych przodków, a tym samym zamysłu propagowania historycznie wspartego patriotyzmu bośniackiego, podręczniki te zostały napisane z wyraźną intencją, aby trafiły do zamieszkujących tę prowincję Muzułmanów, zwłaszcza ich szlachty. Implikowały widoczną ciągłość pomiędzy bośniacką średniowieczną arystokracją, zapewne bogomilską, a współczesnymi elitami muzułmańskimi, przy czym starannie unikały odniesienia do tematów historycznych, w sposób który może obrażać wrażliwość Muzułmanów. Wreszcie, z dużym nakładem pracy dążyły do tego, by historycznie uzasadnić ówczesne rządy Habsburgów w Bośni i Hercegowinie oraz, w szerszym sensie, wpoić dzieciom wiedzę o tym, że łagodne obce rządy mogą dobrze przysłużyć się społeczeństwu cierpiącemu na brak jedności i buntowniczemu. [Transl. by Jacek Serwański]

In 2005, the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina passed a series of amendments to its citizenship law. The amendments affected the mandate of the Citizenship Review Commission (CRC), which was a body originally established to review naturalizations. Since the amendments took effect, and in response to international pressure to combat terrorism, the CRC has concentrated on reviewing the citizenship status of former who entered Bosnia and Herzegovina to fight alongside the Muslim Bosniaks in the 1992-1995 war that followed the country's declaration of independence from Yugoslavia. The CRC has revoked the citizenship of hundreds of former and has commenced deportation proceedings. In an effort to comply with the international community's post-9/11 counterterrorism objectives, the CRC has violated the human rights of Islamic naturalized citizens within Bosnia and Herzegovina by denying them certain procedural rights and protections that are guaranteed under international human rights law. These include the right of due process, the right to appeal, the right to be free from discrimination based on race and religion, and the right to not be deported to a country where they would be subjected to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Bosnia and Herzegovina should pursue counterterrorism measures and comply with international security standards, but it must do so in a way that does not violate its obligations under international human rights law.

It is well-known that Russia seeks to undermine the Western order in the Balkans, such as supporting Serbs in their rejection of NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, some assertions of Russia's influence discussed here show no merit and seem to have been brought to delegitimize the Western installed peace order vital to the stability of the region: the 1-2-3 Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) with one state, two entities, and three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats). The meaningless assertions include disinformation against High Representative Schmidt as a Russia man; the misrepresentation of the U.S. -E.U. led electoral reform as the one benefitting Russia; the frequently repeated falsehoods that NATO and EU member state Croatia is aligned with Putin or that some U.S. officials embrace Russia's values. Such disinformation narratives do not show the ties between the supposed Russian assets and Kremlin, nor do they demonstrate that the alleged pro-Russian actors pursue pro-Kremlin policies. Instead, they tend to be based on the ludicrous claims that the very support for the Dayton categories of ethnic power-sharing reflects the embrace of Russia's values under President Putin. Striking at the core of the Dayton peace bargain, the anti-Dayton unitarists want the DPA to guarantee BiH's external borders, while urging the international community to dismiss the DPA designed two-entity state structure (important to Serbs) or ethnic power-sharing (important to Croats) to impose a centralized, unitary state with a majority rule, or the so-called "civic state." However, besides thwarting (Serb) secessionism and (Croat) separatism, the purpose of Dayton has been to prevent (Bosniak) majoritarianism. The intensity of the debate surrounding the disinformation activities discussed here shows that--though the DPA still remains relevant to the BiH postwar peace and the Western Balkans stability--the consensus on what Dayton is or should be is now collapsing.