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chapter Introduction: underlying causes of political transformations in Japan TRANSLATOR, MARk E. CAPRIO -- chapter 1 The path of contemporary Japanese politics: four stages of development TRANSLATOR, MARk LINCICOME -- chapter 2 The dominance of the bureaucracy TRANSLATOR, AMANdA SEAMAN -- chapter 3 The effectiveness of parliamentary politics TRANSLATOR, ELIzABETH COBBS -- chapter 4 Changing attitudes: public opinion and politics TRANSLATOR, PATTI kAMEyA -- chapter 5 5 Selecting people of influence TRANSLATOR, yOSHIkUNI IgARASHI -- chapter 6 Local politics: the frontier of Japanese politics TRANSLATOR, MICHAEL MOLASky -- chapter 7 Gender and Japanese politics: transformation by women TRANSLATOR, ROBIN LeBLANC -- chapter 8 The gap between politics and economics TRANSLATOR, JOHN SAgERS -- chapter 9 Globalization and national security TRANSLATOR, JOEL CHALLENdER -- chapter 10 Japan's nuclear power politics TRANSLATOR, JOEL CHALLENdER.

Since 1980 the neoliberal agenda has become the strongest advocate against social and labour rights. However, the 2008 crisis emerged a new economic, political and juridical model based on the idea of austerity ― a muscled form of neoliberalism which deepens the neoliberal ideology by other means. Bearing this in mind, I have chosen to organise this paper around three topics. In the first section, my purpose is to suggest that, in addition to the obvious economic and financial aspects of the austerity model, there is also a social model of reality that must be characterised sociologically. In the second, assuming that to a certain concept of law there is a certain concept of society, I state that to the austerity society correspond a certain type of law and politics. Finally, I identify four possible paths of developing research and action programmes for sociology of the law of austerity. ; Desde 1980, el programa neoliberal se ha convertido en el mayor partidario contra los derechos sociales y laborales. Sin embargo, la crisis de 2008 dio lugar a un nuevo modelo económico, político y jurídico basado en la idea de austeridad - una forma fortalecida del neoliberalismo que acentúa la ideología neoliberal por otros medios.Teniendo esto en mente, este trabajo se ha organizado en torno a tres temas. En la primera sección, se pretende sugerir que, además de los aspectos económicos y financieros evidentes del modelo de austeridad, hay también un modelo social de realidad que hay que caracterizar sociológicamente. En la segunda, partiendo de que un determinado concepto de derecho está relacionado con una determinada concepción de sociedad, se defiende que la sociedad de la austeridad se corresponde con un determinado tipo de derecho y política. Por último, se identifican cuatro posibles vías de desarrollo de programas de investigación y acción para la sociología jurídica de la austeridad.

European Political Science is at the forefront of promoting innovation in the teaching of politics and related subjects, so these two volumes, if each does what it claims, will be of great interest to the readers of this journal. Each claims, in short, to offer new perspectives and new approaches to engage contemporary, new media-savvy students in these disciplines. The Glover and Tagliarina book, which is predominantly American in origin, does this explicitly, using case studies to illustrate innovative approaches using not only new media, but also dead tree and celluloid. While many of these make entertaining reading, their nature as case studies often yields limited wider applicability, at least to the UK context, which is significantly different not only in terms of university teaching structures and approaches, but also in terms of students' backgrounds and prior knowledge. In Chapter 1, for example, Robert M. Bosco makes a fluent case for using the Bible (and you can hardly get less new media than that) as a resource for both analysing international politics, and for introducing issues in political philosophy. Adapted from the source document.

The topic that this paper seeks to touch on is: "A look at today's language of politics (Lexical-grammatical functions in particular)". We have focused on some of its most essential features, some of its key functions, and a broader look at the real, tangible values, new and latest semantic developments of the political lexicon. Initially, the paper aims to present some theoretical definitions on the concept of political lexicon in foreign and Albanian linguistics, mainly based on German, American and Albanian literature, such as: Orwell, Lucas or Samara, Duro, Kostallari, Lloshi, Thomai, etc. A broad overview is given to the main linguistic figure operating in politics, to the metaphor and also "contradicto in adiecto", as a linguistic tool with the value of a micro text, i.e. a first formal contradiction in terminis, when expressed simultaneously and for the same two concepts and two judgments that exclude each other, which is extremely used by politicians. The aim of the paper is to discover the real function and that of appearance that permeates speeches and slogans of politics, otherwise known as the element of their indeterminacy. In this paper we have tried to raise as a problem the need for a scientific and fair conception of the political lexicon. The role of the masters of the Albanian word (including politicians, writers, linguists, orators, statesmen, journalists, analysts, etc.) who with their works and writings, have delivered and enriched the political lexicon should be properly appreciated. They have special merits in the semantic elaboration of the content and nuances of the political lexicon of literary Albanian. They have used the words of this lexicon in certain syntagmatic and paradigmatic connections (polysemous, synonymous and antonymous), constructing beautiful figures with expressive-emotional character. Some of the problems of semasiological character are treated in this paper, such as the origin (derivation) of new meanings and nuances in the present time, as well as its types, can be ...

This essay offers a conceptualization of a comparative politics of gender (CPG) and some explanations for why CPG work is marginalized in the comparative politics subfield. I delineate CPG as a field of study in which gendered dependent or independent variables are the defining feature and present illustrative examples of four different types of CPG research. I contend that institutional and historical factors account for much of the marginalization of CPG research, and I propose some courses of actions through which CPG scholars can lessen this marginalization. The failure of comparative politics scholars to engage with gendered work is also a serious problem. The essay concludes by offering some suggestions for better integrating CPG scholarship into the subfield.

DURING AN EXPERIMENT WITH THE FAMILIAR BOARD GAME MONOPOLY, BREAKS WERE IMPOSED IN THE GAME, AT WHICH TIMES THE PLAYERS WERE ALLOWED TO ELECT ONE OF THEIR NUMBER WHO WOULD BE GIVEN THE POWER TO CHANGE THE RULES. THE EXPERIMENT WORKED LIKE A CHARM AND PROMPTED BEHAVIOR SIMILAR TO POLITICS IN THE REAL WORLD. THE PARTICIPANTS THEMSELVES DISCOVERED THE RESEMBLANCE AND WROTE PAPERS ON WHAT HAD OCCURRED.

The propagation of hoaxes on social media has contributed to political tension in many countries. The 2016 US presidential election provides evidence of how fake news can generate more social media engagement than real news. In multicultural Indonesia, the history of anti-communist, anti-Christian, and anti-Chinese pogroms increases the level of sensitivity and sentiment, especially when dealing with racial issues. This paper explores the role of hoaxes in Indonesia's contemporary politics. It investigates the characteristics of hoax information circulated on social media during the 2017 Jakarta election using a memetic practice approach. This study perceives hoaxes as having acted like memes in terms of the ways in which they dismantle existing source material to tap into ideas or sentiments people connect with. Hoaxes as memes alter original items into new forms of artifacts, with new messages that resonate with existing beliefs in society. Consequently, hoaxes can create a culture based on a shared belief among the community and, in the era of increasing polarization, a hoax has the potential to be a means of political partisanship. However, with the tendency to overpower the truth and lead people away from believing facts, hoaxes can be a threat to participatory democracy. ; The propagation of hoaxes on social media contributed to political tension in many countries. The 2016 USA presidential election provides evidence for how fake news has generated more social media engagement than real news. In multicultural Indonesia, the history of anti-communist, anti-Christian, and anti-Chinese pogroms increases the level of sensitivity and sentiment, especially when dealing with racial issues. This paper explores the role of hoaxes in Indonesia's contemporary politics. It investigates the characteristics of hoax information circulated on social media during the 2017 Jakarta election using memetic practice approach. This study perceives hoaxes as having acted like memes in the ways in which they dismantle existing source material to tap into ideas or sentiments people connect with. Hoaxes as memes alter original items into new forms of artifact with new messages that resonate with existing beliefs in society. Consequently, hoaxes can create a culture that is based on a shared belief among the community and in the era of increasing polarization, a hoax is potential to be a means of political partisanship. However, with the tendency to overpower truth and lead people to avoid believing facts, hoax can be a threat to participatory democracy.

IFPRI4; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance; CRP2 ; DSGD; PIM ; PR ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM);

Existing research on alternative forms of political participation
does not adequately account for why those forms of participation at
an "everyday" level should be defined as political. In this article we aim to
contribute new conceptual and theoretical depth to this research agenda
by drawing on sociological theory to posit a framework for determining
whether nontraditional forms of political engagement can be defined as genuinely
distinctive from traditional participation. Existing "everyday politics"
frameworks are analytically underdeveloped, and the article argues instead
for drawing upon Michel Maffesoli's theory of "neo-tribal" politics. Applying
Maffesoli's insights, we provide two questions for operationally defining
"everyday" political participation, as expressing autonomy from formal political
institutions, and building new political organizations from the bottom
up. This creates a substantive research agenda of not only operationally defining
political participation, but examining how traditional governmental
institutions and social movements respond to a growth in everyday political
participation: nexus politics.

"Queer Intersectionalities in Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.