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The study of the impact of the 2017 Women's March and women's feelings towards President Donald Trump on female candidacy in the 2018 midterm elections was conducted to observe the emergence of new pathways to candidacy and further understanding political ambition in women. This closely follows social movement literature on political opportunities and changes in mobilizing structures as well as literature on nascent political ambition. Understanding the things that encourage more women to run for office can help increase descriptive representation in the United States and create a more representative democracy. The methods of observing the phenomenon of the 2018 midterm elections and the events preceding it included both interviews and OLS regression analysis. Interviewees were chosen from the pool of Democratic women who ran for the Utah State Legislature in 2018. This process was conducted following IRB guidelines. Data for OLS regression at both the state and district level was conducted using public data sources that were merged and aggregated to match the level of study. The number of female candidates in 2018 was compared to Women's March Turnout, an average of women's feelings towards President Trump, and control variables of party, ideology, and education in a given area. Findings include a confirmation that Women's March turnout does impact the number of female candidates, specifically when feelings towards President Trump are most positive in that given state or district. This suggests that higher Women's March turnout impacted women's decisions to run for office in areas where they might not have otherwise due to their environment. Further research should look closer into social movements and female candidacy through the lenses of political party and/or race.

Intro -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Social Change, Political Discontent, and Urban Movements in Southern European Cities -- 1.1 The Evolution of the Mediterranean Metropolis: Inequality, Segregation, Expansion, and Diversity -- 1.2 The Withdrawal of the State and the Crisis of Urban Policies -- 1.3 Political Discontent and Urban Social Movements -- 1.4 The Contents of This Volume -- References -- Part I: Urban Challenges and Collective Action -- Chapter 2: Urban Movements and the Challenges of the European City -- 2.1 Social Crisis, Urban Crisis -- 2.2 The End of the City? -- 2.3 The Tribulations of the City in a (Partially) Open World -- 2.4 Something That Fine People Should Not Hear Mentioned -- 2.5 The Need for Urban Government, and Its Limitations -- 2.6 "Geographies of Discontent" and the Urban Movements -- 2.7 Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 3: From Protest to Program Berlin's Anti-gentrification-Movement Since Reunification -- 3.1 Housing in Berlin: From State-Led Gentrification to Comprehensive Housing Crisis -- 3.1.1 The Transformation of Housing Policies After Reunification -- 3.1.2 Neoliberal Dismantling of Berlin's Housing Policies Since the Year 2000 -- 3.1.3 Re-emergence of Progressive Housing Policies Since 2016 -- 3.2 Governing by Protest: Grassroots Influence on Housing Policy -- 3.2.1 Social Occasion of Protest -- 3.2.2 Social Base of Protest -- 3.2.3 Presence of Political Organization -- 3.2.4 Transformative Housing Mobilization -- References -- Chapter 4: Making Sense of (New) Social Mobilisations, Conflicts and Contention in the Tourist City: A Typology -- 4.1 Introduction: An "Anti-tourism" Backlash in (European) Cities? -- 4.2 Tourism as a Bone of Contention: Factors and Trends.

The present compiled dissertation explores culture jamming as a social movement in late capitalist information society. Culture jamming embraces groups and individuals practicing symbolic protest against the expansion and domination of large corporations and the logic of the market into public and private life. The central aim is to understand the meaning of culture jamming; its "model" of collective identification, and its protest and mobilizing strategies. International social movement research mostly focuses upon well established movements that are traditionally organized and directed against conventional political institutions. Studying culture jamming as a social movement therefore entails implications for social movement theory and research. For instance, concepts must be adjusted to cover emerging "individualized" forms of collective action and the effects of cyberspace on collective identification. Furthermore, attention is directed to emotions in culture jamming. It is thereby also argued that social movement research generally may have a lot to gain from incorporating emotion theory. Data consists of texts and visuals from the organization Adbusters Media Foundation, and seven interviews with culture jammers. The groups represented in the interviews are Institute for Applied Autonomy, Reverend Billy's Church of Stop Shopping, New York Surveillance Camera Players, Bureau of Inverse Technology, Rtmark, and the French Casseurs de Pub. The method of analysis is "abductive" qualitative text analysis inspired by hermeneutic qualitative analysis and the epistemological and ontological foundations of discourse theory and post-structuralism. Analysis is carried out in five separate studies presented in text I-IV (previously published) and in chapter eight. Text I maps the Adbusters Media Foundation (AMF) along the lines of narrative, organization, ends, means, and strategy. Text II offers an analysis of the various nodal points in the AMF discourse and discusses the tensions inherent to the AMF effort to "hegemonize" the meaning of culture jamming. Text III offers an analysis of culture jamming as political activism from the thematic perspective of culture, place and identity, based on four of the interviews. In text IV the AMF visuals are analyzed from the perspective of emotions and social movement mobilization. Chapter eight brings together the seven interviews and the AMF material into an analysis of emotions in culture jamming.

This Advanced Introduction is an accessible and critical review of the most important theories and concepts in the field of social movements and political protests. Karl-Dieter Opp precisely outlines the strengths and weaknesses of the different approaches and investigates how they can be unified into a structural-cognitive model.

Abstract: Eric Garner, Stephon Clark, and George Floyd were all victims of either police brutality or racist attacks by civilians in the last decade. Each of these attacks led to the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, an uprising comprising protests and petitions. However, the BLM movement received wider success only after the involvement of social media. This study focuses on the strategies of the movement and attempts to delineate how these strategies were altered to accommodate the use of social media. The study utilized secondary data in the form of graphs depicting the use of hashtags in relation to the movement and other online patterns, including those of US Congress members. Analyses revealed that the expansion of the BLM movement was accelerated through the use of social media. Specifically, the use of hashtags played a significant role in the organization of online protests. Specifically, by taking protests online, physical restrictions could be avoided, ensuring a wider, global outreach. Ultimately, the BLM movement reached various politicians, affording it a higher level of success. These findings reveal the potential power of the hashtag in facilitating social movements. To create a more comprehensive understanding of the use of social media in this context, future studies should utilize large-scale primary quantitative data. Additionally, such studies could use qualitative data to examine individual experiences related to the use of social media to achieve social change.

Recent research has focused on the role of social networks in facilitating participation in protest and social movement organisations. This paper elaborates three currents of microstructural explanation, based on information, identity, and exchange. In assessing these perspectives, it compares their treatment of multivalence, the tendency for social ties to inhibit as well as promote participation. Considering two dimensions of multivalence - the value of the social tie and the direction of social pressure - this paper discusses problems of measurement and interpretation in network analysis of movement participation. A critical review suggests some directions for future research. (Mobilization / FUB)

Scholars are divided over whether the emancipatory politics promised by new social movements can be attained within civil society or whether seizure of the state apparatus is necessary. The Bolivarian Revolution led by President Hugo Chavez presents a crucial case for examining this question. Chavez's use of the state apparatus has been fundamental in broadening the concept of citizenship, but this extension of citizenship has occurred alongside the deliberate exclusion of others. This has not only limited its appeal as a citizenship project but created counterpublics that challenge the functioning of the government and its very legitimacy. Analysis of Bolivarianism in terms of micropublics shows both how otherwise disparate micropublics fuse together and why their union remains contingent and dependent on the figure of Chavez, its most significant producer. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

"In the current historical moment borders have taken on heightened material and symbolic significance, shaping identities and the social and political landscape. "Borders"--defined broadly to include territorial dividing lines as well as sociocultural boundaries--have become increasingly salient sites of struggle over social belonging and cultural and material resources. How do contemporary activists navigate and challenge these borders? What meanings do they ascribe to different social, cultural and political boundaries, and how do these meanings shape the strategies in which they engage? Moreover, how do these social movements confront internal borders based on the differences that emerge within social change initiatives? Border Politics, edited by Nancy A. Naples and Jennifer Bickham Mendez, explores these important questions through eleven carefully selected case studies situated in geographic contexts around the globe. By conceptualizing struggles over identity, social belonging and exclusion as extensions of border politics, the authors capture the complex ways in which geographic, cultural, and symbolic dividing lines are blurred and transcended, but also fortified and redrawn. This volume notably places right-wing and social justice initiatives in the same analytical frame to identify patterns that span the political spectrum. Border Politics offers a lens through which to understand borders as sites of diverse struggles, as well as the strategies and practices used by diverse social movements in today's globally interconnected world. Contributors: Phillip Ayoub, Renata Blumberg, Yvonne Braun, Moon Charania, Michael Dreiling, Jennifer Johnson, Jesse Klein, Andrej Kurnik, Sarah Maddison, Duncan McDuie-Ra, Jennifer Bickham Mendez, Nancy A. Naples, David Paternotte, Maple Razsa, Raphi Rechitsky, Kyle Rogers, Deana Rohlinger, Cristina Sanidad, Meera Sehgal, Tara Stamm, Michelle Te;llez"--

This book provides the reader with a ground-breaking understanding of disability and social movements. By describing how disability is philosophically, historically, and theoretically positioned, Carling-Jenkins is able to then examine disability relationally through an evaluation of the contributions of groups engaged in similar human rights struggles. The book locates disability rights as a new social movement and provides an explanation for why disability has been divided rather than united in Australia. Finally, it investigates whether the recent campaign to implement a national disability.

Contemporary technologies facilitate democratic participation in a digital form. And Pirate Parties claim to represent such an empowered electronic democracy. Thereby this study examines whether Pirate Parties are actually social movements practicing and promoting electronic democracy. For this aim, the research applies the 'real utopias' framework exploring desirable, viable, and achievable alternative social designs. In terms of methods, the inquiry is based on the analysis of expert interviews and political manifestos. The study revealed that Pirate Parties are genuine democratic initiatives, widely implementing principles and mechanisms of electronic democracy. Overall, the studied Pirate Parties foster member participation at all stages of policy making. Even though Pirate Parties have achieved low electoral results for public offices, their models of internal democratic organization and political ideas are proliferated by other parties. ; Peer reviewed