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The European Union (EU) is the most achievement of Europian states that after World War II,was approached forms of international cooperation to ending military conflicts between them. The union now represents an advanced form of cooperation between the countries with a high level organization attended and rules which are subject to most of the countries of the European continent. The paper deals some of the unique features of the EU as organizational and institutional solutions that it has adopted to coordinate and rewarding economic interests of its member states and to sort out the political tensions between them. An important part of this paper will take a hold Albania in relation to the European Union (EU), showing the importance of integration in the European Union, Albania and strategic aim of Albania as a country that seeks respect for the rule of law, guarantee independence of independent institutions, the consolidation of democracy, strengthening of a functioning market economy, guaranteeing respect for fundamental human rights and minorities that constitute the main values on which the European Union is founded DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n3p358

Institutional structures and decision-making processes, which have been established in the European Union, fall beyond the scope of national rules for the functioning of parliamentary government. National parliaments of the EU member states have not succeeded in acquiring solid positions in the multilevel constellation within the Union. Yet nowadays they are assigned an important mission in their efforts to overcome, alongside the European Parliament (EP), the growing democratic deficit at both the European and national levels. The article is meant to assess the potential of national parliaments in capitalizing on the Lisbon Treaty provisions and on new forms of their engagement with supranational institutions (the European Council, the European Commission and the EP in particular), aimed at enhancing their legitimizing influence. General paradigm for the analysis is determined by the multilevel governance concept (MLG). It allows for a picture of European decision-making, which is shared by actors placed at different levels of the governance structure. National parliaments are supposed to be provided with multiple access points to the political process in the European Union as well. But the MLG vision doesn't contradict the fact that the key role within the EU belongs to those who occupy the highest executive power positions at the national level. Three directions for the national parliaments to intensify their involvement are put into spotlight: parliamentary control over national executives; control of compliance with the subsidiarity principle in European legislative proposals and supranational decisions; political dialogue with the European Commission and interparliamentary cooperation. The analysis proves that conditions are ripe for more active stance of national parliaments in the EU affairs. The "system of early warning" of the subsidiarity principle violations, provided for in the Lisbon Treaty, seems most promising. But national parliaments themselves will still have to demonstrate more persistence when using new instruments. Acknowledgment. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Foundation for Humanities (RFH). Project № 14-07-00050.

As soon as the Soviet Union fell apart, Central Asia, together with the rest of the post-Soviet expanse, became part of so-called political Europe, that is, it was drawn into the EU's sphere of interests on the strength of the OSCE membership of all the post-Soviet states. The European Union's strategy and policy in Central Asia are not directly related to the region's military-strategic security, although they can indirectly affect it through (1) European institutions such as the OSCE, the European Commission, the European Parliament, etc.; (2) the policy of the European powers (the U.K., Germany, and France in particular); and (3) NATO, the military-political institution that unites most of the EU countries. The EU is guided in its Central Asian policy by two very important considerations. First, as distinct from the U.S., China, and even Russia (which have no conceptual documents related to the region), the European Union is the only geopolitical actor that has a strategy outlined in detail in a document entitled The EU's Central Asia Strategy adopted in 2007, even though it has not yet shown its efficiency or produced any impressive results. Second, the European Union demonstrates its preference for "soft power" at the conceptual and practical levels as opposed to the use of force as a traditional geopolitical instrument. This is true of Brussels' foreign policy in Central Asia and elsewhere. The European political community is convinced that sustainable democratic and secular regimes in Central Asia and the Southern Caucasus will create a security belt of sorts to protect Europe from the unstable regions of the Muslim world. On the whole, however, European political analysts have not yet decided whether the EU needs Central Asia and to what extent. The EU members, however, never hesitate to support their companies functioning in Central Asia (particularly in the energy sector) to ensure a steady flow of oil and gas from this fuel-rich region.

Also discusses the Caribbean and Pacific states.

The European Commission's effort to define the scope and components of the maritime economy was initially motivated by the "Integrated Maritime Policy" (2007). This policy package, principally based on coastal environment protection, maritime safety and security, and the European marine observation and data network, also included the development of an EU-wide economic and social database on maritime activities. The IMP database (2009) used experience from EU member states in terms of maritime database development, and conversely was an opportunity to update national contributions. Later, two other packages contributed to broadening EC's approach. 1) The "Marine Strategy Framework Directive" (2008) was a legislation on marine environment protection. Among other things, it required from member states an economic assessment of marine water uses. 2) The "Blue Growth Strategy" (2012) was launched to analyse and stimulate the potential for growth and job creation in maritime sectors, in line with EU's strategy for 2020. The preparation phase included studies assessing the economic significance of blue sectors. These studies were an opportunity to consider the growth potential of maritime sectors and raise the question of how to describe this in the framework of a database. On the basis of national experiences and of the main steps of EC's policy, the present article will address in turn: - The development of maritime databases in member states and at the EC, and their definition of the maritime economy; - Methodological issues concerning the sectoral and geographical approach to an EU maritime database, including the problem of partially maritime sectors, data quality issues, and options for coping with limited information; - The analysis of blue sectors with high growth potential, the methodology used for such analysis based on present and expected growth rates and job creation, and the issues limiting the applicability of this methodology.

Citizenship legislations of the Member States of the European Union are the result of common principles, shared influences and various constitutional identities. Altogether, they revolve around a set of international rules and converge on a general status: European citizenship. Building on this tension between unity and diversity, this report aims to describe the rules regarding loss of citizenship within the Member States (adding the United Kingdom), compare legislations and analyse both recent trends and ancient origins from a legal perspective. The six main categories that this report follows in order to examine citizenship loss in the European Union are divided between voluntary (renunciation) and involuntary loss of citizenship (possession of another nationality; residence abroad; disloyalty or lack of merit; fraud and similar acts; loss linked to family relationship).

Studies of European monetary cooperation have concentrated largely on the process of domestic preference formation. Ideational, interest-based, & institutional approaches can help explain why European Union member states pursued monetary cooperation. Ideational theories are elite oriented & emphasize cognitive factors in the decision-making process. Interest-based approaches highlight the material costs & benefits of different social groups. Institutional theories focus on the role of independent central banks in the decision-making process. These approaches are complementary rather than incompatible. Future research should investigate the interrelationship & mutual interdependence of ideas, interests, & institutions & their embeddedness in larger international structures. Adapted from the source document.

Bringing together political, diplomatic, economic, cultural, and contemporary history, this book explores why and how European integration came to pass. It tells a fascinating story of ideals and realpolitik, political dreams and geographical realities, and planning and chaos. Mathieu Segers reveals that the roots of today's European Union lie deep in Europe's past and encompass more than war and peace, or diplomacy and economics. Based on original archival and primary source research, Segers provides an integrated history of the beginnings of European integration and the emergence of post-war Western Europe and today's European Union. The Origins of European Integration offers a broad perspective on the genealogy of post-war Western Europe, providing readers with a deeper understanding of contemporary European history and the history of transatlantic relations.

En el presente artículo se realiza un breve estudio de la Inspección de Educación en el marco de la Unión Europea. No cabe duda alguna sobre el hecho de que, en este espacio, conviven una pluralidad de sistemas y de políticas educativas, que explican, asimismo, la diversidad de modelos de Inspección. Así pues, nos encontramos con países en los que la Inspección es desarrollada por cuerpos funcionariales integrados en la propia Administración; y otros en los que la supervisión o inspección es compartida o realizada por agentes externos. A su vez, incluso en aquellos modelos o países en los que existe una Inspección de Educación, la diversidad de estructuras organizativas también se hace patente: modelos centralizados, aunque con estructuras territoriales diseminadas, como Francia e Italia; y modelos descentralizados, como el alemán o el británico, en los que se concede autonomía a entes territoriales con potestad en el ámbito educativo. Diversidad pues, con un elemento común, ya que la supervisión tiene un gran valor para la mejora de la calidad educativa. ; This article briefly studies the Education Inspection in the framework of the European Union. There is no doubt about the fact that, in this space, there is a plurality of systems and educational policies, which also explain the diversity of Inspectorate models. Thus, we may find countries where the Inspectorate is carried out by the civil servant corps integrated in the Administration itself; and others, in which supervision or inspection is shared or performed by external agents. In turn, even in those models or countries where there is an Education Inspectorate, the diversity of organizational structures is also evident: centralized models, although with scattered territorial structures, such as France and Italy; and decentralized models, such as the German or the British, in which autonomy is granted to local entities with authority in the field of education. Diversity, then, with a common element, since supervision is of great value for the improvement of the quality of education.