Suchergebnisse

Geçmişte olduğu gibi günümüzde de uluslararası sistem açısından çok önemli bir jeopolitiğe sahip olan Afganistan, bu jeopolitik konumun dezavantajını başat güç olamayan tüm devletler gibi yaşamıştır. Afganistan, birçok defa yabancı güçlerin işgaline uğramış ve küresel güçlerin mücadelesinde savunma hattı olmuştur. Afganistan Büyük Oyun çerçevesinde İngiltere-Rusya rekabeti nedeniyle İngiltere tarafından işgale uğramıştır. Daha sonra ise Yeni Büyük Oyun kapsamında bölgede etkin olmak isteyen ABD Kalıcı Özgürlük Operasyonu olarak adlandırılan müdahaleyi gerçekleştirmiştir. ABD, 11 Eylül'den sonra gerçekleşen müdahaleyi meşru müdafaa hakkına dayandırmıştır. Ancak bu müdahale meşru müdafaa hakkı açısından sorunlar içermektedir. ; Afghanistan which has a big geopolitics importance in terms of international system nowadays as it was in the past has experienced the disadvantage of this geopolitics position like other countries which could not be a dominant power. Afghanistan was occupied many times by external powers and became a line of defense during the clash of global powers. Afghanistan was occupied by England because of the rivalry between Russia and England in the framework of the Great Game. Later, within in the scope of the New Great Game, USA wanted to be effective in the region and realized intervention which is called as Operation Enduring Freedom. USA based the intervention occurred after September 11 on its self-defense right

This paper, which was selected for presentation at the 2010 Yale/Stanford Junior Faculty Forum, articulates the theoretical steps by which self-government in a free community of equals leads constitutional analysis outside the boundaries of that political community. Openness to the experiences in self-government of other peoples is commonly assumed to undermine political legitimacy by loosing citizens' control over their political fate. But is it possible that such openness might in fact render that control more effective? Could it actually enhance political and constitutional legitimacy? This paper articulates and defends the following claims: 1) The legitimacy of a political order is partly a function of that order's responsiveness to the claims of citizens for institutional recognition and/or action (or inaction); judgments of legitimacy are, in part, judgments about normative responsiveness; 2) Distortion effects inevitably occur when citizens formulate their claims and when institutions translate and process them; in a constitutional democracy, such effects widen when impermissible social asymmetries of freedom and equality become ossified in constitutional doctrine and discourse; 3) Political legitimacy and the promise of self-government depend on the capacity of the constitutional system to build self-corrective mechanisms as means for preserving its responsiveness capacity. Legitimacy judgments are not binary judgments, but judgments of degree that can fine-tune to the existence and efficiency of such mechanisms; 4) Openness to the experiences in self-government of other political communities (for instance, by using foreign law in constitutional interpretation) is a self-correcting mechanism – it can open access to a community's own processes of self-government, and it should open access to its institutions. The paper presents these claims as elements of a cosmopolitan political philosophy of constitutional law.

The Thirty-third Conference of the International Law Association will open on Monday, September 8, 1924, at Stockholm. The subjects for discussion will include the proposed statute of a Permanent International Criminal Court and reports of the Committees on General Average, Foreign Judgments, Systems of Evidence, Codification, Nationality, Commercial Arbitration, Neutrality, and Aviation.

Sinicizing International Relations brings civilizational politics back to the studies of international relations and questions the notion of a rising Chinese nation by deconstructing the possibility of looking at China in its entirety. The works of scholars writing on China are influenced by their own historical and philosophical backgrounds and the daily political and economic conditions in which they live and work. Their writings on China rising intrinsically reflect their encounters and choice. Studying the rise of China involves interactions between the identity of the observers who are doing the studying and the identities of China. Each set of interacting identities comprises choices on at least three levels: civilizational, national, and (sub)ethnic. As a result, intellectual choices of identity become intrinsic to international relations scholarship, and international relations acquire complicated cultural meanings in East Asian communities, which contemporary international relations theories fail to comprehend.